Yan Zhitui’s Concepts of Virtue and Happiness and Thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven

Abstract

Academic attention has long been accorded to Yan Zhitui and his Family Instructions for the Yan Clan; however, the Confucian philosophical dimensions of his thought remain underexplored. This article will analyze his concepts of Virtue and Happiness alongside his thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven to explore how he found his place in the chaotic landscape of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Reacting to the contemporary trend of pursuing high-ranking posts and generous emoluments while disregarding morality, Yan Zhitui first defined the connotations of Virtue and Happiness. He then established a causal relationship between them through the correspondence between Name and Reality, an act which reestablished the central position of Virtue. To address the conflict between Virtue and Happiness, his response was to trace its root cause and divide the Mandate of Heaven into two dimensions: Virtue and Time. Transcendental assurance for the core status of Virtue and the unity of Virtue and Happiness is provided by the former dimension, while the latter’s uncontrollability, in comparison, offers an explanation for contradictory realities. Based on this understanding, Yan Zhitui’s guidance urged individuals to adhere to the Way and uphold virtue while observing the macro situation and micro signs, and to wait for the right moment for the unity of Virtue and Happiness to be realized. The flourishing of Buddhism during the Northern and Southern Dynasties was also a significant influence; therefore, Yan Zhitui’s thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven absorbed Buddhist karma theory. This process formed a model that employed Confucianism as its foundation and Buddhism as its supplement.

1. Introduction

Yan Zhitui1 顔之推 was a Confucian scholar of the Northern and Southern Dynasties who is renowned for his work, Family Instructions for the Yan Clan (yanshi jiaxun 顔氏家訓).2 Academic discussions frequently focus on the book’s educational methods, political ideas, and literary achievements. However, the foundational Confucian philosophy that informed his thinking remains underexplored. To begin with, certain scholars examine Yan Zhitui’s Confucianism within the framework of the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism. Albert E. Dien argued that Yan Zhitui’s Confucianism was diluted by Buddhism, pointing out that his belief in the Confucian classics was rather limited. To support this view, Dien cited Yan’s intolerance for the scholarship of chapters and sentences along with his dedication to pursuing a Buddhist ultimate truth existing beyond the Confucian system (Dien 1962, p. 53). A contrary view was offered by Teng Ssu-yü 鄧嗣禹, who believed that Yan Zhitui was “a man whose outside expression was Buddhism, but whose inner mind clung to Confucianism” (Yen 1968, p. XXXII). Nevertheless, their discussions tend to amount to a compilation of fragmented viewpoints, lacking systematic coherence, while their elaboration on Confucian thought remains superficial. Second, when exploring Yan Zhitui’s Confucianism, scholars have a greater focus on political philosophy. The argument from Ikeda Yukiya in recent years is that Yan Zhitui valued the practicality of learning primarily as a means for survival of scholar-officials (Ikeda 2018, p. 29). An analysis of Yan Zhitui’s Confucianism was attempted by Ikeda; however, his discourse focused on the family–nation relationship, giving limited attention to the individual’s pursuit of existential anchorage and life purpose.

This paper posits that within Yan Zhitui’s Confucianism, the individual-oriented mode of self-regulation amid the turbulent Northern and Southern Dynasties constitutes the foundational underpinning of both his political philosophy and his perspectives on the Confucian–Buddhist relationship. A reflection of this specific mode can be identified in his concepts of Virtue (de 德) and Happiness (fu 福), which are themselves based upon the notion of the Heavenly Mandate (tianming 天命). Therefore, this study seeks to explore Yan Zhitui’s perspectives on the connotations of and interconnections between Virtue and Happiness against the social backdrop of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, while further analyzing how he invoked the concept of Heavenly Mandate to provide a theoretical foundation for such interconnections. Clarifying these points will enable a more comprehensive and profound understanding of Yan Zhitui’s theoretical system concerning individual conduct within the family, society, and the state. Moreover, it will not only help reposition Yan Zhitui’s standing in the history of Confucianism but also offer a new perspective through which to examine the spiritual adjustments of scholars during the turbulent Northern and Southern Dynasties.

2. Yan’s Restoration of the Tendency to Separate Virtue and Happiness

A tendency for Virtue and Happiness to separate was fostered by changes in the social environment during the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Emperor Wu of Wei established the system of Nine Ranks and Impartial Judges for selecting officials during the Wei and Jin dynasties. With the dual goals of consolidating his rule and weakening the moral authority of opposing late Han dynasty scholars, the emperor publicly stated that talent (cai 才) would become the standard for selecting officials over moral requirements (Chen 1982, p. 32). Virtue became a less reliable path to wealth and social status as the correlation between morality and position had declined, a change in the official selection system that marked the beginning of an ideological tendency to separate Virtue and Happiness. A shift in rulers’ preferences occurred during the following implementation of the Nine-Rank System, which moved their focus away from the political and toward the literary domain. For instance, the selection of talent under Emperor Wen of Wei involved a focus on “the relationship between one’s writing style and personal disposition” (Qian 2001, pp. 34–35). A unique advantage was accorded by this new focus to aristocratic offspring, who had received literary training from childhood. Official positions thus became concentrated in the great families, a development that accelerated their power. The expanding power of these great families was then utilized to control official selections and to monopolize both wealth and status. By restoring hereditary titles of nobility, the rulers of the Jin Dynasty went even further, hence a son’s initial rank was determined by his father’s official position.3 Scholars who entered the court through recommendation or examination considered it challenging to integrate into an officialdom controlled by aristocratic families, facing limited prospects for promotion. At this point, it was not easy for ordinary scholars to reap positive rewards from either their talent or their virtue. This situation failed to improve, actually worsening by the late Northern and Southern Dynasties when Yan Zhitui lived, a period when the pursuit of high social standing and abundant wealth, rather than the cultivation of talent and virtue, became the goal for ordinary scholars. A criticism of this trend was thus put forward by Yan Zhitui:

• Suppose he appeals and petitions, scuttles and contends, completely discards embarrassment and shame; suppose he compares his abilities with others, measures his achievements, and with a grim countenance and a raised voice, feels resentful about one and becomes irate with another; some blackmail the prime minister over some minor faults and thus receive a reward; some noisily call attention to themselves and request an assignment: should a man obtain a position by such methods and think this is due to his talent and abilities, how is that any different from stealing food to fill one’s belly or pilfering clothes to keep warm? (Yan 2021, p. 251)

It was considered shocking that scholars, in lieu of pursuing both virtues and talent according to his belief, were directly pursuing high office and great wealth. To rebuild scholar-officials’ faith in the value of their own virtue and talent, while preventing their descendants from repeating past errors, Yan Zhitui’s core strategy in YSJX was to restore the connection between Virtue and Happiness. Toward this end, he incrementally developed a theoretical system—advancing from clarifying conceptual connotations to explicating internal logic—in a bid to reestablish their inevitable connection. His approach to this consisted of a four-step process. Clarifying the meaning of Virtue comprised the first step, while the second involved clarifying the meaning of Happiness, and the third step explained the logic for their inevitable consistency. An explanation for why theoretical unity does not always result in practical unity was addressed in the fourth and final step. The first three points are discussed in this section, and the fourth point is reserved for the section that follows.

Offering guidance for settling life, YSJX presented de 德 as an integration of inner moral consciousness and outer moral practice. The former aspect stressed Benevolence and Righteousness; the latter identified closely with Rites and Music.

• Even when a distressed bird flies into one’s bosom, a kind man will feel pity for it; how can you reject a gentleman in desperation who turns to you for help? (Yan 2021, p. 255).
• Blood should not be cold, nor should a heart get too warm. You should take kindness and a sense of right and wrong as your measure (Yan 2021, p. 257).

Benevolence represents the moral consciousness held by “a kind man” from an emotional intuition with respect to preferences and aversions. Its origin is reflected by the Sense of Compassion (惻隱之心) demonstrated towards both “a distressed bird” and “a gentleman in desperation”. Alongside Benevolence, Righteousness develops from rational assessments of right and wrong. Zhongyong 中庸 highlights this, remarking, “Benevolence that is out of man’s nature and Righteousness means appropriate.” (Zheng 2021, p. 685) Righteousness offers rational constraints accurately when a kind man’s compassion prompts him to care for others. An individual, therefore, must avoid the extremes of being too cold-blooded (excessively righteous) or overly warm-hearted (excessively benevolent). offering a foundation from both emotional and rational viewpoints, the moral consciousness of Benevolence and Righteousness underpins individuals’ moral practice. This enables the acting subject to utilize Ritual as a rational norm for order, while Music functions as an emotional implement promoting harmony. Therefore, Benevolence and Righteousness are transformed into Ritual and Music, shifting their regulatory focus from the individual’s “temperature” to that of the group.

Yan Zhitui’s discussion concerning Ritual is primarily located in Chapter 6 of YSJX. His thoughts on Music, however, are dispersed among his views on various literary genres. Yan transcribed his personal recollections of the Lijing 禮經 when addressing the demeanor and moral integrity of scholar-officials, aiming to supply behavioral models for his descendants. He notes, for instance, the effect of rites he experienced during his time in the regions south of the Yangtze River.

• “Pigweed grows in the midst of hemp”– one did not need to bother using brush and ink [to write down the rules]. You boys, however, were born and raised among war horses, and have not had a chance to see or hear about those proprieties. Thus, I have to record them so as to pass them on to my sons and grandsons (Yan 2021, p. 53).

The phrase “Pigweed grows in the midst of hemp” first appeared in Xunzi 荀子. And the original text is:

• Raspberry vines growing among hemp plants are not staked, yet they grow up straight. [White sand put into a black slime will mix with it and become entirely black.] (Xunzi 1988, p. 137)

Different versions offer various translations for the character Peng 蓬, resulting in its identification as different plants. The sentence in question, however, is factually the same whether it appears in YSJX or Xunzi. This consistent phrase is peng sheng ma zhong 蓬生麻中 (“peng grows among/in ma”). Xunzi’s statement illustrates the different effects of various environments on personality formation with a comparison that likens people to raspberry vines and white sand, while equating the environment with hemp plants and black slime. Yan Zhitui used this metaphor to explain the significance of external order to individuals, but compared to Xunzi, he placed greater emphasis on moral agency. His following discussion indicates that this behavioral influence from external order is not intended to cause rigid imitation by the subject. Instead, the hope is that the subject’s moral consciousness be reflected under the guidance of the rites. This reflection occurs through emotional intuition regarding preferences/aversions and through rational judgment of right/wrong, finally amounting to moral behavior. Yan Zhitui, prior to recording the Lijing text, thus emphasized the following point:

• The book [Lijing] has many lacunae and is no longer complete. For those things that are not mentioned in the ritual classic, and for those things that have changed with the times, learned and wise gentlemen took it upon themselves to lay down rules, which have subsequently spread to others. The world refers to such rules as the manners and etiquette of the gentry (Yan 2021, p. 53).

Here, to “lay down rules” signifies that “Righteousness means appropriate”. Rites exhibit their regulatory function through a natural process involving both internalization and externalization. A gentleman’s ability to make judgments utilizing the Benevolence and Righteousness of his moral consciousness when facing novel or changing circumstances constitutes “the manners and etiquette of the gentry”. Maintaining virtue in these situations results from integrating the subject’s moral consciousness with their moral practice.

After understanding Yan Zhitui’s concept of de 德, we can further explore his concept of fu 福. In Shuowen Jiezi 說文解字, fu 福 is interpreted as something obtained from external sources mostly, such as lu 祿 (emolument, fortune), xiang 祥 (omen of good fortune), zhi 祉 (blessing) (Xu 1981, p. 26) Analyzing fu 福 through a perspective unifying emotion and rationality indicates two dimensions in Yan Zhitui’s book: natural instinct and virtuous freedom. Satisfaction of physical and spiritual desires belongs to the former category. Realizing the value in becoming a sage is implied by the latter. Yan’s discussion on contentment included the statement:

• Heaven and Earth, Spirits and Gods all detest full measure (Yan 2021, p. 263).

The Zhouyi’s exposition of the Qian 謙 Hexagram represents the origin of this view.

• The Way of Heaven is to decrease the plenty and increase the modest, the Way of Earth is to change the plenty and help the modest, the Way of Ghosts and Spirits is to do harm to the plenty and bless the modest, and the Way of Man is to hate the plenty and like the modest (Fu 2008, p. 97).

This exposition indicated that the Way of Heaven (tiandao 天道), the Way of Earth (didao 地道), the Way of Ghosts and Spirits (guishen 鬼神), and the Way of Man (rendao 人道) all hold negative attitudes towards plenitude and positive attitudes towards modesty. Positioned after the Da You 大有 Hexagram, the Qian 謙 Hexagram signifies the initial transition from a state of abundance towards one of deficiency. An analogy can be drawn between the relationship of misery and happiness and the lunar changes in the Way of Heaven’s celestial order. Misery, here, finds its origin from the censures of Ghosts and Gods. Happiness, conversely, represents blessings or help from these same entities, equating to satisfaction in the worldly dimension. Ancestors might also be a source of blessing and help, for instance:

• The fine reputation of one’s ancestors is also the cap and clothes or walls and roof for their descendants. From past to present, there have been many people who obtained such protection from their forebears (Yan 2021, p. 235).

These examples illustrate the primary worldly meanings associated with fu 福. Then, the chapter “Encouraging Study” (mianxue 勉學) indicates the second, virtuous meanings of fu 福.

• Studying should be like planting a tree: one appreciates its flowers in spring and gathers its fruit in autumn. Discoursing and writing are the spring flowers; self-cultivation and self-improvement are the autumn fruit (Yan 2021, p. 135).

Leveraging the analogy of tree planting, Yan Zhitui suggested that interpreting the writings of others resembles appreciating spring blossoms. For scholars aiming to harvest autumn fruits, however, the cultivation of virtue is necessary to promote beneficial virtuous behavior. “Others’ writings” function similarly here to the aforementioned rites, representing an external order. The concept “Cultivate virtue to be beneficial to virtuous behavior” points to the promotion of external moral practices through internal moral consciousness. This suggests that moral consciousness operates continuously, allows one to give his heart-and-mind free rein without overstepping the boundaries, and finally signifies virtuous freedom.

Based on the preceding discussion, a causal relationship exists between Virtue and Happiness in Yan Zhitui’s thought, arising from their logical dependence. Virtue itself represents the value ideal of achieving sagehood; it integrates inner moral consciousness with outer moral practice. Happiness, meanwhile, comprises two dimensions: that related to natural instinct and that of virtuous freedom. Individuals adopt the goal of becoming sages for their lives. They commit themselves to ensuring their moral consciousness consciously guides their moral practice. Therefore, freedom of virtue is represented by the inevitably attained realm in their ideal state. In addition, obtaining fu 福 is presented as benefiting from the operation of de 德. A causal relationship is therefore established between them. Addressing the question of how the Happiness of natural instinct (or worldly Happiness) connects with Virtue, Yan Zhitui utilized the relationship between ming 名 and shi 實. To elaborate, this unity of Virtue and Happiness is no abstract concept; rather, it finds concrete manifestation through the correspondence between ming 名 and shi 實.

Ming 名 and shi 實 stand as major categories in ancient Chinese philosophy. The connection between them reflects the connection linking concepts to facts, and names to actuality. Cheng Chungying described ming 名 as “labels denoting social positions and ethical relationships” (Cheng 1991, p. 222). This implies that ming 名 carries dual connotations: one political and one moral. In its political connotation, ming 名 can be understood as status and entitlement. Regarding the moral connotation, ming 名 can be interpreted as reputation and fame. Given these interpretations, it can be posited that ming 名 contributes, in a sense, to the fu 福 associated with the satisfaction of desires, for it encompasses an individual’s pursuit of high social status, ample wealth, and a virtuous reputation.

Shfiting focus to the connotation of shi 實, Confucius’s Zhengming 正名 (rectification of names) represented the starting point of John Makeham’s analysis. According to Makeham, the standard interpretation of shi 實 referred to “certain immutable standards inherited from tradition.” A different view was presented by Xu Gan 徐幹, a Confucian scholar of the late Han dynasty. In his perspective, shi 實 signified “a state of development peculiar to an entity or state of affairs by virtue of which that entity or state of affairs is what it is.” Makeham identifies this interpretation as Xu Gan’s “response to the peculiar social and intellectual problems that he saw as having contributed to the collapse of the Han order” (Makeham 1994, p. 7). Xu Gan’s attempt to establish the fundamental status of shi 實 was driven by his goal of shifting the focus of scholars away from fame and wealth and toward their own development. Such an effort was meant to correct the widespread phenomenon of Han Dynasty scholars pursuing fame and wealth, an action that created a Name and Reality mismatch. A consistent line of thought can therefore be traced between Xu Gan and Yan Zhitui, as both men lived in similar eras and confronted related social phenomena.

Xu Gan employed the relationship between plants and seasons as a metaphor for the relationship between ming 名 and shi 實:

• Names are bonded to actualities just as plants are bonded to the seasons. In spring, plants blossom into flower, in summer, they are covered in leaves, in autumn their foliage withers and falls, and in winter they produce seeds (Zhonglun, B.5b).4

Similarly, Yan Zhitui utilized the analogy of form and its reflection to describe the relationship between ming 名 and shi 實:

• Name and Reality are like form and its reflection. With fine virtue and rich skills, one will certainly enjoy a good reputation, just as a lovely form will certainly have a beautiful reflection (Yan 2021, p. 225).

Virtue constitutes the inner Reality of an individual, while Happiness represents the externally acknowledged Name; their relationship resembles that between a form and its reflection, where Reality exists, the Name will inevitably manifest. In contrast to Xu Gan, Yan Zhitui did not elaborate on this relationship for political ends, but rather strove to attain the unity of Virtue and Happiness. He defined shi 實 as including an individual’s virtue and talent. Ming 名 is the external world’s evaluation (good or evil) rendered upon the individual based on their shi 實. YSJX 10.1 indicates that Reality determines the Name. A person with both noble virtue and diverse proficiencies (deyi zhouhou 德藝周厚) is bound to gain a good reputation. This demonstrates the inseparable nature of the relationship between reality and name. The good reputation mentioned here constitutes one part of the Happiness originating from desire fulfillment. When individuals represent true moral integrity, earning an outstanding reputation becomes a likely outcome. Expressed differently, holding Virtue creates the possibility for individuals to obtain the Happiness associated with the good reputation they desire. De 德 and the fu 福 related to fulfilled desires find unity through the accordance between ming 名 and shi 實.

While the accompanying relationship between Name and Reality clearly established the unity of Virtue and Happiness, a utilitarian tendency nevertheless persisted among scholars who expected personal benefits to result from virtue. While Yan Zhitui inherited the tendency to unify Virtue and Happiness from former Confucian scholars, he issued warnings to his descendants. They were cautioned against expecting worldly benefits and advised not to consider the acquisition of such benefits as the primary purpose behind cultivating virtue. He proceeded to classify scholars’ attitudes toward fame into three types, organizing these into three tiers that corresponded to their respective moral levels.

• A superior gentleman forgets about reputation; an average gentleman works to establish a reputation; an inferior gentleman steals reputation. The one who forgets about reputation embodies the Way, acts in accordance with virtue, and enjoys the blessings of spirits and gods; yet he does not seek reputation through this. The one who works to establish a reputation cultivates himself and is guarded in conduct, worrying that his fame and glory are not manifest for all to see; he will never yield a good name to anyone else. The one who steals reputation maintains a sincere appearance on the outside but harbors devious designs within, pursuing flowery but empty names: this is not the proper way to acquire reputation (Yan 2021, p. 225).

Superior gentlemen exemplify the Forgetfulness of Reputation (wangming 忘名). Their profound Virtue leads to blessings bestowed upon them by Spirits and Gods. Obtaining such blessings, however, is not the exclusive purpose behind their engagement in moral cultivation. The second category involves average gentlemen, who pursue the Establishment of Reputation (liming 立名). They harbor a fear of remaining unknown and therefore never forgo opportunities to acquire a positive reputation. Third, inferior gentlemen practice Stealing Reputation (qieming 竊名). A difference is present between their outward appearance and their true inner nature. Reputation forms the absolute center of their ambitions, motivating them to employ any necessary effort or action for its acquisition. Literally speaking, Yan Zhitui’s wangming 忘名 consists of the two Chinese characters wang 忘 (forget) and ming 名 (names). The preceding section has already explicated the meaning of ming 名. As for the action of wang 忘, its basic meaning refers to disremembering, a usage also prevalent in Confucianism.5 Its philosophical connotation bears resemblance to intuitionism, in that it does not denote the act of disremembering something, but rather the dissolution of the distinction between the cognitive subject and object. Daoist scholars, with Zhuangzi as their representative, are more inclined to emphasize this connotation. For instance, the concept of zuowang 坐忘 in Zhuangzi:

My limbs are nerveless and my intelligence is dimmed. I have abandoned my body and discarded my knowledge. Thus I become one with the infinite. This is what I mean by sitting in forgetfulness.

(Chuang and Fung 2016, p. 49)

It can be seen that wang 忘 dissolves the body (cognitive subject) and knowledge (cognitive object) here. zuowang 坐忘, meanwhile, denotes a state that transcends the constraints of language and concepts, attained through mental cultivation and spiritual elevation. Yan Zhitui’s terminology resonates with the Taoist concept of zuowang 坐忘. His wangming 忘名appropriates the philosophical connotation of wang 忘, which is not commonly embraced in Confucianism, to articulate a state of mind analogous to that expounded by Zhuangzi. Specifically, Yan Zhitui’s wangming 忘名dissolves both the cognitive object of ming 名, which is externally imposed, and the cognitive subject that obstinately pursues ming 名. He advocates that people turn inward and revert to their innate virtues. This is also where he differs from Zhuangzi, or rather, where he preserves the core spirit of Confucianism. zuowang 坐忘 transcends one’s physical existence and worldly attachments, ultimately culminating in a state of spiritual detachment and equanimity. In this process, the concept of Virtue also disappears. By contrast, while wangming 忘名 eliminates ming 名, it retains Virtue, a true embodiment of the Confucian spirit of engagement with the world.

Pure reputation (the Happiness of desires’ fulfillment without the accordance of the Way and moral conditions) is categorized among worldly concerns considered illusory and temporary. Individuals are encouraged to forget such reputation. The fundamental pursuit should instead be fu 福, representing the happiness of virtuous freedom. Subjective motivation for rewards ideally does not drive the moral individual. Instead, rewards are collected passively as an individual pursues Virtue. Yan Zhitui’s ideas on Virtue and Happiness, when linked with the aforementioned process of Virtue’s operation, suggest that individuals hold Benevolence and Righteousness, which spontaneously prompts them to practice Rituals and Music. Upon the actualization of their moral subjectivity, their moral actions receive objective evaluation from the external world. This evaluation then produces spiritual and material rewards, satisfying pursuits such as achieving social status and wealth. The separation of Virtue and Happiness can be interpreted as instances where the Happiness of desires’ fulfillment is not according to the Happiness of virtuous freedom; for instance, a person with impeccable moral character might still fail to attain status, wealth, fame, or long life. Addressing this discrepancy, Yan Zhitui consistently prioritized virtuous freedom. He hypothesized that the Mandate of Heaven grants Virtue to humans to guarantee Virtue’s transcendence. Then, he used the concept of Time as an explanation for the contingent nature of conflicts arising between Virtue and Happiness. In addition, Yan Zhitui melded the Mandate of Heaven with Buddhist karma theory, seeking to change the immediacy of desires’ fulfillment.

3. The Dimensions of Virtue and Time in Yan’s Thoughts on Heavenly Mandate

As the growing separation of Virtue and Happiness during the Northern and Southern Dynasties prompted Yan Zhitui to rethink their relationship, so too did the political environment of frequent dynastic changes and the rapid development the religious atmosphere of rapidly developing Buddhism influence his discussion of the Heavenly Mandate. The conflict between individual existence and social operation was reflected in Yan Zhitui’s violation of the Han dynasty’s emphasis on loyalty to one ruler, which occurred through his service to several monarchs. It is not possible, however, to conclude that he completely abandoned his responsibilities as a scholar-official for the sake of individual survival. Albert Dien states:

• The conflict between the individual and society is a universal one, and one which must be resolved by everyone. Yen … decided in favor of duty to the state, rather than to one’s personal beliefs (Dien 1962, p. 58).

The scholar-officials’ consciousness of active engagement in the world and responsibility for the state can be defined as the so-called duty to the state. In comparison, personal beliefs represent their identification with a particular dynasty or monarch, an identification that frequent dynastic changes made into a luxury. Yan Zhitui’s attempt was therefore to provide his descendants with a foundation for survival and stability from the perspective of national responsibility, while utilizing the practicality of his scholarship to maintain the normal functioning of society. The research of David Jonathan Felt also reflects the view that Yan Zhitui’s experience was not limited to the practices of a single dynasty. Felt proposed that the operative spatial units of YSJX, as a book of advice based on social commentary, are not the short-lived dynastic states but are instead regions of consistent cultural practice. Assuming the continuation of an uncertain, multipolar political landscape formed the basis for Yan Zhitui’s search for a cultural unity derived from mutually competing regional practices (Felt 2017). Behavior reflects this cultural unity, which represents the universal moral principle individuals exhibit when facing uncertainty. This principle is reflected in the unity of Virtue and Happiness described previously. His exploration of this principle’s universality is further developed through the dimensions of Virtue (de 德) and Time (shi 時) in his thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven, which is discussed below.

Yan Zhitui’s use of Buddhist karma theory constitutes another characteristic of his thoughts on the Mandate of Heaven, a feature that should be related to his background in the Liang dynasty and his family’s religious beliefs. Born in 531 AD, Yan Zhitui lived under the rule of Emperor Wu of Liang until his capture by the Western Wei in 554. Emperor Wu of Liang, the founding emperor of the Liang Dynasty, was renowned for his deep devotion to Buddhism. Teng Ssu-yü’s suggestion is that Yan Zhitui studied under Emperor Wu in his youth and may have been influenced by the emperor’s Buddhist devotion during that period (Yen 1968, p. XXX). Yan Zhitui, however, wrote the following:

• By the Liang times, this trend [pure conversation] once again flourished. Zhuangzi, Laozi, and the Classic of Changes were together known as the Three Metaphysical Texts. Emperor Wu and Emperor Jianwen discussed and lectured on them in person.
• Emperor Yuan was likewise fond of the practice while he was governor in Jiangzhou and Jingzhou. He would gather students and teach them himself.
• I, too, had participated in the lectures seated in the far back, and personally received the prince’s instructions (Yan 2021, p. 149).

Records indicate that Yan Zhitui followed Emperor Yuan of Liang, where he studied the works of Laozi, Zhuangzi, and Zhouyi. It is possible that Yan Zhitui was influenced by Emperor Wu’s diligent observation of Buddhist precepts and support for Buddhist institutions while living under his rule, while no direct evidence currently exists to prove that Emperor Wu taught him.6 His family tradition, in comparison, was the more direct source for Yan Zhitui’s Buddhist ideas. An example can be found in the first sentence of Chapter 16, where he states:

• Our family has been devoted to Buddhism for generations; you should not treat it lightly and casually (Yan 2021, p. 285).

Investigating the details of his father’s and brothers’ lives in relation to Buddhism is difficult; however, his elder relative Yan Yanzhi 顔延之 wrote several Buddhist works and corresponded with monks. While the relevant content was included in Fa Lun 法論 by Lu Cheng 陸澄 of the Liu Song Dynasty, the book itself is now lost, and only its table of contents remains as recorded in Chu Sanzang Ji Ji 出三藏記集 by Sengyou 僧祐 of the Liang Dynasty. A certain Buddhist tradition, at the very least, seems to have existed within the Yan clan. Yan Zhitui singled out the karma theory from the complex landscape of Buddhist thought and closely associated it with his concept of the Mandate of Heaven. It reflects that Yan Zhitui maintained his Confucian stance despite being influenced by Buddhism to a certain extent. The subordination of his Buddhist ideas to Confucianism meant that the karma theory functioned, in other words, as a supplement to his reflections on the Mandate of Heaven.

Accordingly, several questions are raised: How does the concept of the Heavenly Mandate offer a transcendent guarantee for the unity of Virtue and Happiness? How should it also account for the “unexpected” separation between Virtue and Happiness that occurs in real-life situations? Additionally, how can individuals maintain their capacity for action when confronted with such “unexpectedness.” Yan Zhitui proposed a solution by dividing the Mandate of Heaven into two dimensions: Virtue (de 德) and Time (shi 時). Through the moral dimension of the Heavenly Mandate, he preserved the fundamental unity of Virtue and Happiness; meanwhile, he utilized the temporal dimension to explain their temporary separation. Understanding the occasion and duration of Time therefore enabled the possibility of continued action. A clarification of why the unity of Virtue and Happiness requires the assurance of the Heavenly Mandate is, however, a necessary preliminary step. The process of Virtue, as previously noted, can be understood as an individual’s inner moral consciousness guiding their outer moral practice. Two aspects comprise this inner moral consciousness (emotional intuition and ethical principles), and they function in concert with the external ritual system to correct individual behavior. This leads to a problem that, for Virtue to function normally, an individual must not only theoretically hold an inner moral consciousness but must also recognize and believe in its real existence. Western philosophy addressed this requirement by turning to God, while the solution for Confucian scholars was the Mandate of Heaven. Here we may draw on Jana Rošker’s perspectives to illuminate this process. In her exegesis of Xu Fuguan’s insights into Confucius’ philosophical reforms, she once stated:

• In the internalizing of traditional religious concepts, such as Heaven/Nature (tian), the Heavenly Mandate (tian ming) and the Way of Heaven/Nature (tian dao); these concepts were also transformed from abstract external ideas into symbols denoting various forms or states of an inner moral substance (Rošker 2021, p. 51).

She proceeded with the following explanation:

• In order to spread his [Confucius] teachings, these moral-philosophical concepts assumed the function of appropriate symbols that people could apply in their lives through moral conduct and rituality. The Heavenly Mandate could thus become a part of everyday life, while thanks to their familiarity with this traditional idea the common people could become aware of their unity with its moral dimension, and its relevance for them in terms of moral responsibility (Rošker 2021, p. 51).

An awareness of inherent moral responsibilities arises from the unity of the individual and the moral dimension of Heavenly Mandate. This awareness in turn provides the opportunity for Virtue to function normally. Heavenly Mandate guarantees this opportunity; consequently, it also naturally confirms Happiness, which is closely related to Virtue. To maintain the original unity between Virtue and Happiness, Yan Zhitui therefore reiterated in his work the point that Virtue is bestowed upon people by heaven.

• Heaven gives birth to the myriad people [tian sheng zhengmin 天生烝民], and a daughter, too, receives her body from her forebears. What can one do about it? Many people refuse to raise daughters and would harm their own flesh and blood—how can one do this and yet expect to receive blessings from heaven? (Yan 2021, p. 47)

Yan Zhitui, in his writings, utilized a direct quotation from The Book of Ancient Poetry 詩經, “Heaven made the race of men” when discussing his family’s female descendants. The traditional marriage concept in ancient China viewed daughters as belonging to their future husbands’ families; therefore, raising daughters was not perceived as beneficial to their natal families. Daughters were therefore often labeled burdens and could face harsh treatment. Yan Zhitui contested this viewpoint. He asserted that daughters, too, were creations of Heaven. In addition, their bodies originated from the same family forebears. The analysis of the original text of “Heaven made the race of men” in The Book of Ancient Poetry offers deeper insight into Yan’s intention.

• Heaven made the race of men [tian sheng zhengmin 天生烝民], designed with nature good and large;—functions of body, powers of mind, their duties to discharge. All men this normal nature own, its normal virtue all men crown with love sincere and true. (Legge 1876, pp. 336–37)

The poem suggests Heaven bestowed “normal virtue” upon humanity. Mencius once utilized this poem to conclude his interpretation of the Four Beginnings. He employed it to support his concept that Benevolence, Dutifulness, Observance of the Rites, and Wisdom are inherent human qualities. Yan’s use of this poem, therefore, was not intended to literally claim Heaven gives birth to people; rather, its purpose was to confirm that daughters hold a Heaven-endowed intrinsic nature enabling them to pursue morality and adhere to moral norms. Herein, “Heaven made the race of men” here corresponds to the later phrase “receives her body from her forebears.” The first phrase signifies that all individuals, including daughters, are equally and innately equipped spiritually for moral cultivation. The second phrase, conversely, highlights the unbreakable blood ties connecting daughters to other family members materially. A connection to the Mandate of Heaven at the level of moral responsibility therefore exists for all individuals, regardless of their gender. As the core of life, Virtue is endowed with a transcendent quality by the Heavenly Mandate. Fulfilling the moral duty of the Heavenly Mandate is the prerequisite for an individual to then “expect to receive blessings from heaven.” The unity of Virtue and Happiness is thus confirmed by the Mandate of Heaven.

However, the dissociation of Virtue and Happiness in reality is inevitable, and Yan Zhitui accounted for this transient contradiction through the temporal dimension of the Heavenly Mandate. As noted in the previous discussion, during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period, ordinary scholars no longer pursued normal talent and noble virtue, but instead sought high social standing and abundant wealth. Yan Zhitui pointed out that these people lacked an understanding of Time.

• When people see those who are keen about getting ahead obtain an office, they say, “How could you gain anything if you don’t seek it?” Yet they do not understand that when fortune [shiyun 時運] smiles on you, opportunities will come without seeking. When they see those who are quiet and retiring have not yet been recognized, they say, “How could you achieve anything if you don’t take action?” They do not understand that if wind and clouds do not oblige, you will be acting in vain. Look at those who find without seeking and those who seek but find nothing: how numerous are they! (Yan 2021, p. 251).

Yan Zhitui held that the Fortune of Time (shiyun 時運) influences the attainments of the general populace. Corresponding attainments follow when the Fortune of Time presents itself; conversely, discussion of attainments is groundless without such fortune. An objective force, not controllable by human will, is implied by the term shiyun 時運. This uncontrollable force also caused the “unexpected” occurrence of the separation between Virtue and Happiness. A similar view is expressed in the Guodian Chu bamboo slips’ article Qiong Da Yi Shi 窮達以時 (Failure and Success Appear at Their Respective Times):

• There is Heaven [tian 天] and there is Man [ren 人], and there are distinctions between Heaven and Man. When investigating the distinction between Heaven and Man, [one] will know what they act upon. There might be the right man, but no right times [shi 世] for him. Even if he was a worthy one, he would not enact it (his worthiness). However, if only there were the right times, what difficulties could there then be? (Meyer 2012, p. 269).

From the text Qiong Da Yi Shi, it is possible to infer a premise that Yan Zhitui did not explain: the origin of the Heavenly Mandate’s temporal dimension and the relationship between shiyun 時運 and tianming 天命. According to Qiong Da Yi Shi, the distinction between Heaven and Man is fundamentally a distinction between Man and Time. This reasoning leads to an equivalence where Heaven is Time, and the Heavenly Mandate, therefore, becomes the Fortune of Time. Dirk Meyer held the belief that this standard was already established during the Warring States period. He observed that scholars would define newly introduced terms through the use of reiterated parallel patterns that related them to well-defined ones, a practice which meant they interchanged Heaven with Time. Heaven and Time were thus given equal structural significance as a result of this practice, which allowed for the substitution of one for the other (Meyer 2012, p. 58). Wang Zhongjiang 王中江 shared Dirk Meyer’s view. He argued that the distinction between Heaven and Man in Qiong Da Yi Shi referred to the distinction between fate/fortune and human affairs, noting that the concept of Heaven’s fate/fortune shared similar usages with terms such as timing, the state of society, and occasion (Z. Wang 2014). Therefore, the “unexpected” separation of Virtue and Happiness in Yan Zhitui’s view can be understood as an outcome of the Fortune of Time, which constitutes the temporal dimension of the Heavenly Mandate.

Yan’s perspective might initially appear as negative fatalism, since the conditions for achieving status, wealth, and fame lie partially outside individual control. Its actual focus, however, emphasizes the need for people to discover moral solutions in the constraints of their Fortune of Time. Interpreted through Kant’s perspectives, being keen about getting ahead and obtaining an office is to treat the existence in the world of sense as the only kind of existence of a rational being, which violates the requirement of the highest good for the unity of virtue and happiness (Kant 2002, p. 146). In Yan Zhitui’s perspective, the individual’s focus on material gains disregards intrinsic self-worth. It also contravenes the Heavenly Mandate’s stipulated causal relationship between Virtue and Happiness. Considering the rapid dynastic changes of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, individuals pursuing official positions solely, instead of seeking moral solutions under time’s fortune, could only gain transient wealth and status in short-lived dynastic states. True happiness including position, wealth, fame, and longevity is obtainable only by those who cultivate personal virtues, practice morality freely that has the true idea of what is heaven’s appointment. What was uncontrollable and ungraspable as a determinant of personal experience in the Heavenly Mandate became a problem of moral cultivation in the Way of Man. Through this transformation, Yan Zhitui aimed to alleviate the tension between Heaven and Human. This approach explained the forces that separate Virtue and Happiness. At the same time, by accommodating the uncontrollability of the Heavenly Mandate, it reinforced the ideal of a unified Virtue and Happiness.

The question of how individuals can continue to act when facing “unexpectedness” is answered, to a certain extent, by seeking moral solutions within the constraints of the Fortune of Time. This approach appears to suspend the concept of Heavenly Mandate (the Fortune of Time); in its stead, it constructs the meaning of existence through moral cultivation. An understanding of the temporal dimension of Heavenly Mandate was, however, also included in Yan Zhitui’s moral cultivation. According to Marcel Granet’s observation, Chinese people think of Space and Time in terms of Sites and Occasions (Granet 1968, p. 76). A further point from François Jullien is that the Chinese concept of Time considered Occasion and Duration simultaneously. Because ancient Chinese culture was based on agriculture, its concept of the four seasons (sishi 四時) was one of the most fundamental and dominant ideas, requiring people to take action at the right time of year for a bountiful harvest. The thinking of ancient societies was also dominated by this concept of seasonal moments, which was later conceived as occasions that became the ideal moment for human action (Jullien 2016, pp. 34–39). The concept of seasonal moments in YSJX found its expression as “assessing the situation,” while the concept of occasions was articulated as “judging the moment.” For instance:

• Heaven and earth, spirits and gods all detest full measure. Only by remaining humble and moderate can one stay away from harm (Yan 2021, p. 263).

The origin of this saying is the Qian 謙 and Yi 益 hexagrams in the Zhouyi, and the commentary on the Yi 益 hexagram by Wang Bi 王弼 notes:

• The function of the Yi hexagram is to ameliorate the deficiencies. However, incessant augmentation of an already complete state is detrimental. Therefore, the way of Yi lies in the appropriate increase in benefits timely (B. Wang 2011, p. 228).

Modesty is symbolized by the Qian 謙 hexagram, which follows the Da You 大有 hexagram (representing great possessions). Increase is symbolized by the Yi 益 hexagram, appearing after the Sun 損 hexagram (representing decrease). Both hexagrams conveyed the natural order governing the cyclical changes of all things. Decline inevitably follows when things reach peak prosperity. Submitting to the natural order at that juncture involves maintaining modesty, thereby enabling people to avoid harm; whereas, violating the natural order occurs through continued accumulation upon reaching great prosperity; this violation inevitably invites disaster. To reduce the likelihood of conflict between Virtue and Happiness, Yan Zhitui advised descendants to recognize the natural order of life and to follow the seasonal moments. Then, Yan Zhitui also remarked:

• A gentleman should follow the Way and enhance his virtue, cultivate his reputation and wait for the right moment [shi 時]. If he cannot rise to a high position with emolument, it is truly the will of heaven [tianming 天命] (Yan 2021, p. 251).

This segment of the content can be interpreted as a summary of individual behavior patterns within Yan Zhitui’s thoughts on the Heavenly Mandate. It includes not only the requirement to seek moral solutions under the constraints of shiyun 時運 but also the requirement that individuals must recognize the temporal dimension of tianming 天命 at the level of occasion. In the original text, the writing of the phrase “the right moment” as shi 時 expresses with precision what Granet and Jullien refer to as occasion. A repetition of the concept of seasonal moments can, in addition, be seen in the latter half of the sentence. The Chinese text reads:

• Juelu Bu Deng 爵祿不登, Xin You Tianming 信由天命 [If he cannot rise to a high position with emolument, it is truly the will of heaven] (Yan 2021, p. 251).

A translation of the character xin 信 in “ Xin You Tianming 信由天命” as “truly” was offered by both Teng Ssu-yü and Tian Xiaofei. The meaning of xin 信 in ancient Chinese, however, was not limited to “truly.” While an excessive literary discussion is not the intention here, it should be noted that xin 信 and you 由 function collectively as predicates to express the meaning “to accord with” or “to cater to.” Their object in this construction is Tianming 天命. The context of the entire sentence, which discusses the temporal dimension of the Mandate of Heaven, reveals that Yan Zhitui’s intention is not persuasive submission to a dominating Heavenly Mandate. He instead advises descendants to follow and understand the Heavenly Mandate in its temporal dimension, where it is understood as the natural order. Following this approach helps individuals to avoid not only the separation of Virtue and Happiness but also the abandonment of Virtue in pursuit of Happiness should that separation occur.

The two aforementioned practical strategies correspond explicitly to the two dimensions of the Heavenly Mandate. Specifically, the cultivation of virtue points to the moral dimension of the Heavenly Mandate: it consolidates the fundamental unity of Virtue and Happiness by intensifying internal moral practice (such as practicing benevolence and ritual propriety). Waiting for the opportune moment, by contrast, resonates with the temporal dimension—this entails accepting the transience of the dissociation between Virtue and Happiness through an understanding of the objective laws governing fortune and timing, thereby preventing the abandonment of moral pursuit due to short-term imbalance.

Furthermore, Jullien identifies Duration as another concept that coexists with Occasion. This, he believed, constituted a neutral mode of thought. Its disconnection from the four seasons prevented people from associating it with specific situations and occasions (Jullien 2016, p. 40). Henri Bergson, who first proposed the concept of Duration, stated that real Duration is what has traditionally been called Time, but a Time that is perceived as indivisible (Bergson 1969, p. 92). In specific terms, the interpenetration of past, present, and future without clear boundaries occurs in Duration, which is real time. It also acts as the basis for the constant creation and generation of all things in the world. A general lack of similar, highly abstract thinking about Time exists in traditional Confucianism. This is evidenced by Jullien’s use of Mohist, rather than Confucian, ideas for his interpretation of Duration. We can, however, observe some signs of abstract thinking within Yan Zhitui’s temporal dimension of the Heavenly Mandate. The Buddhist theory of karma served as the vehicle for the expression of these signs. This thinking, moreover, did not completely detach itself from natural and social phenomena. It still retained the original habits of Confucianism.

Buddhist karma theory expands the temporal dimension of the Heavenly Mandate through the three periods of time (past, present, and future), while reinforcing the moral dimension of the Heavenly Mandate through retribution for good and evil. Yan Zhitui’s birth in the Liang Dynasty, as previously mentioned, placed him in a period with a strong Buddhist atmosphere. The Liang Dynasty’s attitude toward Buddhism was likely quite similar to that of its predecessor, the Eastern Jin Dynasty, as both were Southern Dynasties. A point once made by Kenneth K. S. Ch’en is that Buddhism in the Eastern Jin Dynasty emphasized Buddhist and Chinese learning, philosophical discussions, and literary activities, a contrast to Buddhism in the Northern Dynasties. Hui Yuan 慧远 stands out as one of the most famous monks, having written the Discourse on Three Periods of Reward and Retribution (Sanbao Lun 三報論) during that period (Ch’en 1964, pp. 57–58). From this, it may be inferred that the text served as a reference for Yan Zhitui’s interpretation of the Buddhist karma theory. The Sanbao Lun opens with the following line:

• It is stated in a Buddhist scripture that there are three different periods in which [good or evil] actions mature and bring about [their effects], reward or retribution: the first is reward or retribution of the present existence [xianbao 現報], the second is that of the next existence [shengbao 生報], and the last is that of an existence after the next [houbao 後報] (Sengyou 2015, p. 202).

The human body acts as the cause for good and evil actions; it must also bear the consequences, whether reward or retribution, of these actions. Xianbao 現報 describes the immediate reception of reward or retribution following an individual’s good or evil deeds. The subject experiencing this reward or retribution is the physical body in the current life. Shengbao 生報 signifies that the reward or retribution can occur in the next life. Houbao 後報 implies individuals might receive their reward or retribution potentially after the second, third, hundredth, or even thousandth life following the present one. While Yan Zhitui did not provide a direct quotation from San Bao Lun, his statement at the beginning of Chapter 16 of YSJX confirmed his belief in the theory of three periods (sanshi 三世).

• The fact of the transmigration of life in three existences [sanshi 三世] [past, present and future] is true and self-evident (Yan 2021, p. 285).

A refutation by Yan Zhitui of five common misunderstandings about Buddhism held by his contemporaries is put forth in this chapter, and this included the misunderstanding of the Buddhist karma theory:

• People regard the sometimes-slow occurrence of karmic retribution in the course of auspicious and inauspicious events or fortune and misfortune as lies (Yan 2021, p. 289).

Two main points composed his rebuttal: the first was a clarification of the causal relationship between karma and retribution, while the second emphasized the correspondence between Buddhist karma theory and the Confucian ideal of the unity of Virtue and Happiness.

• The repayment for belief and disbelief follows a person like the shadow of a form or the echo of a sound… Sometimes, one’s devotion is not yet deep and pure, and the causality of karma has not yet been fully manifested; but, even if the time maybe slightly delayed, there will indeed be pay back. Good and bad deeds respectively attract fortune and misfortune.
• Xiang Tuo and Yan Hui died young; Bo Yi and Yuan Xian suffered cold and hunger; Robber Zhi and Zhuang Qiao enjoyed longevity and good fortune; Duke Jing of Qi and Huan Tui were rich and powerful. If we fact or in their previous life and consider their next life, we will be able to explain it. But if one becomes resentful or feels deceived because gooddeeds accidentally lead to disaster or baddeeds in advertently produce good fortune, then he may find that even [our beliefs about] Yao and Shun are false, and [our convictions about] the Duke of Zhou and Confucius are unreliable what can such a man believe, and on what can he establish himself? (Yan 2021, p. 297).

According to Yan Zhitui’s perspective, the reward and retribution from a cause resemble a form’s shadow or a sound’s echo. This metaphor establishes a clear parallel to the exploration of the relationship between Name and Reality and the relationship between Virtue and Happiness found in Chapter 10. Instances where individuals do not receive rewards or retributions can be explained by the insufficient depth and purity of their devotions, which act as the causal factor. This situation is similar to individuals failing to achieve a good reputation due to a lack of genuine virtue. In the theory of karma, Actuality corresponds to devotion. In the doctrine of Virtue and Happiness, Actuality is the individual’s noble virtue and diverse proficiencies. The results obtained by the subject continue to appear as the Time of existence progresses forward. Fang Litian 方立天 has noted that the Buddhist theory of karma emphasizes the role of virtue in the long stream of life transformation which means that virtue is the determinant for human to shape the future existence; this theory has unified the natural law of life and the moral law of conduct (Fang 2002, pp. 110–11).

This unification offers the accurate rationale for Yan Zhitui’s acceptance of the karma theory. He viewed the stream of life as the Heavenly Mandate’s manifestation of natural order in temporal dimension. Therefore, cognizing and understanding the natural law of life equates to cognizing and understanding the Mandate of Heaven. Through this understanding, individuals can attain the ideal state where Virtue and Happiness are unified. Yan Zhitui shifted Confucianism’s original focus on the present world and extended its temporal framework of tianming 天命. In his view, the theory of karma functioned as a pragmatic tool to sustain moral commitment. It prolongs the life process; therefore, the individual’s response to the Heavenly Mandate, or the achievement of unity between Virtue and Happiness, is also decelerated. Accordingly, the subject gains increased opportunities for deep theoretical reflection on personal experiences with more time to realize the virtuous freedom, thus allowing a person to believe in and fulfill themselves.

4. Conclusions

After witnessing the social conditions of the Southern and Northern Dynasties, where scholars pursued high office and great wealth while neglecting self-cultivation, Yan Zhitui became acutely aware of the need to reconstruct an internal value system for his descendants, enabling them to gain a foothold amid complex realities. The core ideal of this system resides in the unity of Virtue and Happiness. To lay a theoretical foundation for its realization, Yan clarified the connotations of Virtue and Happiness, likened their relationship to that between Name and Reality, and reaffirmed the intrinsic feasibility of this ideal. Confronted with the stark reality that noble virtues do not always culminate in desire-fulfillment, Yan turned to the dual dimensions of the Heavenly Mandate: a moral dimension reinforcing the unity of Virtue and Happiness, and a temporal dimension that both accounts for time’s uncontrollability and offers practical remedies. Achieving such unity, he proposed, requires observing macro-trends and micro-signs, cultivating virtue, and awaiting the opportune moment. Building on this framework, he drew on Buddhist karma theory to mitigate the urgency of immediate fulfillment, imposing a higher-dimensional constraint spanning past, present, and future on individual behavior. Throughout this process, despite incorporating terminology and ideas from Daoism and Buddhism, Yan remained steadfast in his Confucian stance. This synthesis gave rise to a behavioral paradigm centered on Confucianism, supplemented by other schools of thought, and characterized by inclusiveness and flexibility. Ultimately, this not only provided life guidance for his descendants but also offered a model for navigating cultural pluralism within a Confucian framework, thereby establishing the significance of his thought in the historical intellectual evolution of Confucianism.