Formation of a Sacred Urban Landscape: Study on the Spatial Distribution of Pagodas in Mrauk-U, Myanmar

Abstract

Studying the correlation between religions and cities is conducive to understanding the role of worship in shaping human settlements. Mrauk-U, the capital of the Arakan Kingdom in Southeast Asia during the 15th–18th centuries, was once a regional Buddhist center, and the pagodas distributed throughout this city demonstrate the visible influence of Buddhism. The purpose of this study is to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the significance of Buddhism in Mrauk-U by exploring the correlation between the pagodas and the urban space. Based on first-hand spatial data, historical maps, and archaeological studies, the spatial distribution characteristics of the pagodas in Mrauk-U were analyzed using the methods of spatial and literature analysis. Their relationships with the urban structure, mountains, water systems, and open space were visualized and examined using the GIS platform; then, the hidden historical mechanisms were investigated. This study concludes that Mrauk-U’s pagodas, as urban images, have shaped its sacred urban landscape system, revealing that Buddhism played an important role in shaping Mrauk-U’s physical space and social and cultural characteristics.

1. Introduction

1.1. Background

Under the pressure of material and spiritual demands for living space, humans have been eager to imbue the material world with religious meaning (Heidegger 1971; Rykwert 1976) and infuse the city with sanctity (Meyer 1976; Fritz 1986). Religion, as a system of human spiritual beliefs and practices, has long been symbolically and materially associated with cities (Goh and van der Veer 2016). In different regions of the world, the diversity of religions affects urban spatial layouts and forms. For example, some Buddhist cities in ancient Asia used the symbolic image of a “mandala”1 as a blueprint for the construction of cities or temples. The downtown areas of cities in medieval Europe were often occupied by churches, and their environs served as important public spaces. Islamic cities have mosques as the center of neighborhood units. Sacred buildings such as temples, churches, or mosques are often incorporated into the urban structure through city planning, rather than existing as independent entities (Kostof 1992, p. 86). Studying the correlation between religions and the material environment is important in order to understand the role of religion in the formation of human residential space.

Buddhism has had a presence in the region of modern-day Myanmar since the 6th century BCE, and the kingdoms occupying much of present-day Myanmar adopted Buddhism as the state religion as far back as the 10th and 11th centuries CE. In the 11th century, King Anawrahta of the Bagan Dynasty undertook religious reform and announced Theravada Buddhism as a state religion, and it became a religious system for people of all ethnic groups in the Bagan Dynasty. Since then, Theravada Buddhism has become dominant in Myanmar and has gradually developed local characteristics. Theravada Buddhism (Pali: “Way of the Elders”) is one of the branches of Buddhism that utilizes Pali as its canonical language. It spread from India southward to Sri Lanka and then to Southeast Asia. The ideal of Theravada Buddhism is the arhat (Pali: arahant), or perfected saint, who attains enlightenment through their own efforts (Source: Britannica). In countries that adhere to Theravada Buddhism, people often seek guidance from the Buddha. In addition to the Buddhist altars at home, pagodas and temples are prominent sites for religious activities (Yang 2004, p. 154). Constructing pagodas is a significant way to express religious devotion and develop one’s spiritual worth (He 1991, p. 101), which is highly regarded in Myanmar.

The Arakan Kingdom, located in the Rakhine State of Myanmar, was also deeply influenced by Buddhism. According to legend, Buddhism was introduced into Arakan by the Buddha in the 6th century BCE. In the Christian era, Buddhism in Arakan developed rapidly under the guidance of local kings (Raymond 1999, p. 92). The “Fat Monk” image built around the beginning of the Christian era is the earliest known Buddhist relic in Rakhine (San Thu Aung 1979, p. 15).2 After the 10th century, with the strong influence of the Bagan, Inwa, Pegu, and other regimes, as well as frequent exchanges with Sri Lanka and other regions, Theravada Buddhism gradually occupied a dominant position in Arakan (Gutman 2001, pp. 9–15). From the 15th century, as the kingdom grew in prosperity, it began to have frequent exchanges with Sri Lanka, the center of Theravada Buddhism. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Buddhist culture flourished in Arakan; it had a continuing impact on this region and was significantly reflected in the city’s physical space.

1.2. Overview of Study Area

Mrauk-U was an important capital of the Arakan Kingdom in the 15th–18th centuries (Figure 1). During the golden days of Mrauk-U (the 16th and 17th centuries), when there were frequent Buddhist activities, it not only further integrated the achievements of regional Buddhist culture3 but also became the key support for Buddhist rejuvenation in Sri Lanka4 and the center of regional Buddhism (Collis 1973, p. 205).

Mrauk-U is situated in the Kaladan River Plain on the western side of the Rakhine Mountains. Its urban space is unique because of the natural terrain. The city is located between hills and mountains, and the city walls are composed of natural mountains and artificial walls (Jiang and Zhou 2023, p. 718). The palace stands at the city center, serving as the central hub from which the main roads radiate outward. The city is also densely covered with water systems, which are mainly composed of natural rivers, artificial lakes, and water storage tanks.

A remarkable correlation between Buddhism and the material space of Mrauk-U lies in the wide distribution of pagodas in the city (Figure 2 and Figure 3). In the 15th to 17th centuries, the construction of Buddhist buildings in Arakan reached its peak. According to a local saying, “Pagodas are as many as orchids in Rakhine” (Shwe Zan et al. 1984, p. 35), which indicates the large number of pagodas in Rakhine. “Pagoda” is sourced from “stupa” in Sanskrit and serves as a representative architectural work of Buddhism. “Stupa” originally meant “towering” and indicated Buddha’s Nirvana (Funo 2009, p. 75). It was first a hemispherical mound housing the relics of the Buddha (Shrotriya 2023, p. 276). The pagodas in Myanmar were developed based on the architectural form of Indian stupas (ibid.). A pagoda in Mrauk-U is composed of three parts: the Base, Body, and Thatsa, mainly built of stone or red brick. As informed by the archaeological team from the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, Myanmar, more than 3000 Buddhist architectural works were built in the 15th–18th centuries.

It is worth noting that the pagodas in Mrauk-U have many connotations beyond their primary religious function. The construction of pagodas in Mrauk-U was correlated with major historical events or figures. For example, Lemyathna Temple is a monument built by the founding king Ming Saw Mon at the beginning of the city’s establishment in 1430 (Shwe Zan 1997, p. 70). U Mra Wa Pagoda was built to commemorate the heroic sacrifice of U Mra Wa for the city (p. 106). Shittaung Temple was built to celebrate the conquest of Bangladesh by King Min Ba Gyi and to show its power to other neighboring countries. Htukkant Thein Temple was built by King Min Phalaung to stabilize the country (p. 63). In terms of spatial distribution, the pagodas are closely connected to open spaces, as well as to the mountains and water system. Thus, there are clearly intentional building strategies behind the pagodas, which need to be further investigated. What kind of influence do these Buddhist symbols have on the urban space? What kind of cultural meaning do they bear in Mrauk-U? These are the main questions addressed in this study.

1.3. Literature Review

There have been recent studies on the relationship between religious architecture and cities. For example, Gil-Mastalerczyk (2016) presented religious architecture’s influence on the development of the urban structure and layout of Kielce, Poland by analyzing sacred objects and the associated functional environment; Liu and Wan (2022) highlighted the interactions between Buddhist temples and socio-political factors in Hangzhou by combining spatial analysis on a GIS platform with the reading of literal materials; Zhao et al. (2022) revealed the correlation between the religious landscape and the rulers’ ideologies in the Northern Wei Dynasty and Tang Dynasty by comprehensively analyzing the spatial relationship between the two temples, nearby capitals, and topographical elements. It is pointed out in these studies that religious architecture plays an important role in cities. However, for Mrauk-U, the studies in this regard are insufficient. At the end of the 20th century, some local scholars (Tun Shwe Khine 1992; Shwe Zan 1997) preliminarily sorted out the individual forms and construction history of Buddhist buildings based on the archaeological activities that have taken place there since the end of the 19th century (Forchhammer 1891). Since then, studies on individual buildings have emerged gradually, including the division of architectural styles and their related historical evolution (Gutman 2001), building construction features and protection methods (Li 2019), and forms and functions of specific types of buildings (Hudson 2023). There are also studies on the relationship between Mrauk-U’s urban space and religions, such as the guiding role of astrology in city site selection (Tun Shwe Khine 1992), the correlation between the royal palace and the “Tavatimsa” picture (the celestial realm where Indra or Shakya was believed to live) in Buddhism (Gutman 2001), and the influence of Mandala thought on the inner-city layout (Wang 2019). However, the abovementioned research perspectives are confined to individual buildings or city levels. In recent years, scholars have begun to pay attention to the role of the pagodas in Mrauk-U from a wider perspective. For example, Bob Hudson (2020) discussed a list of pagodas proposed by astrologers and argued that the pagodas were expected to exert sympathetic magic to ward off the kingdom’s enemies, through special layouts combined with specific hills, water tanks, and trees. The potential relationship between pagodas in Mrauk-U and urban space requires further exploration and explanation.

Therefore, this study aims to go beyond the individual scale and understand the significance of pagodas as a whole in the city. It analyzes the spatial distribution characteristics of pagodas in Mrauk-U, explains how pagodas interact with the urban space, and discusses their cultural meanings from a city-scale perspective to further understand how religion can provide an ideological tool for city building and how the creation of sacred spaces was adapted to the kingdom’s developmental needs.

2. Methodology

2.1. Research Objects

Pagodas often appear in two forms in Mrauk-U (

Table 1. Individual pagodas and pagoda temples in Mrauk-U.

Type	Name	Detail	Photo
Individual pagodas	Thin Kyi Taung	Constructed by King Min Saw Mon in 1430
	Yadanarsan Ye	Constructed by King Narabu in 1446
	Ratana Theinkha Shwegu	Constructed by King Min Yan Aung in 1482
	Shwe Kyar Thein	Constructed by King Min Phalaung in 1591
	Pann Thee Taung Ceti	Constructed by King Sanda Thudhamma Razar in 1658
Pagoda temples	Lemyathna Temple	Constructed by King Min Saw Mon in 1430
	Anndaw Thein Temple	Constructed by King Min Khaung Razar in 1521
	Ratanabon Temple	Constructed by King Min Khamoung in 1612
	Htukkant Thein Temple	Constructed by King Min Phalaung in 1571

Source: the authors.

). One is the individual pagoda (pagoda standing alone). Some of them have a solid structure, while others have small niches or internal spaces. Their spatial forms adhere to strict architectural forms, and most of them are round, square, or polygonal in their central symmetry.

The other is the pagoda associated with a Buddhist temple, which is also called pagoda temple. In a pagoda temple, the pagoda serves as the main part and forms a group layout with other ancillary buildings. The core pagoda is relatively large and has an internal entry space in which the Buddha statue is enshrined, surrounded by small pagodas, enclosed by courtyards, or integrated with corridor houses.

In terms of function, the individual pagodas assume the function of worshipping Buddha, and some of the ones on elevated terrain serve as watchtowers and beacons for defense. In addition to the function of individual pagodas, pagoda temples also assume the functions of festival activities and daily practice for Buddhists. This study identified 313 pagodas, comprising 290 individual pagodas and 23 temples with a large pagoda as the core (Figure 4).

2.2. Theoretical Framework

This paper draws on the theory of landscape to analyze the pagodas’ distribution characteristics and intrinsic significance. A landscape is the result of the action and interaction of natural and human factors (Council of Europe 2000), becoming a clue to culture (Lewis 1979) and a historical record of human values and ideologies (Hoskins 1955; Taylor 2009). The pagoda is a kind of man-made creation placed in nature by human intention. This artificial element, combining the natural environment and human spirituality, has been built in large numbers within a certain period of time and in a certain area, thus combining physical space, natural background, and spiritual significance into a system and presenting an urban landscape with religious qualities. Therefore, this paper will reveal how this artificial element and the system it constructed have shaped the landscape characteristics. This study focuses on analyzing the relationship between pagodas and the natural environment and other artificial systems and exploring their building motivations and ideas based on the social and cultural context of the time.

2.3. Materials and Methods

In this study, based on the archaeological literature, contemporary studies, and field investigations, we sorted out the history and spatial information of Mrauk-U. Maps and historical information about the religion and the city of Mrauk-U were mainly obtained by referring to Emanuel Forchhammer’s archaeological report on Arakan (Forchhammer 1891)5, relevant studies on the travel notes of previous Western travelers such as Manrique and Schouten (Manrique 1927; Raymond 2002), and the historical research literature from local (San Thu Aung 1979; Tun Shwe Khine 1992; Shwe Zan 1997) and international sources (Gutman 2002; Hudson 2020). By using the method of literature analysis, we grasped the religious background and the construction of religious architecture in Mrauk-U, which laid a foundation for thinking about the influence of Buddhism on urban construction.

The spatial data of Mrauk-U were mainly based on several field surveys conducted in January, February, November, and December 2017 and May 2018. The digital elevation model (DEM) data of the city were collected using light detection and ranging (LIDAR) as the raw data of the 3D city model. The orthoimages of Mrauk-U’s historical urban areas were collected by fixed-wing drone mapping to determine the urban spatial elements. Through on-site visits and photographs, attribute information such as the form and use of pagodas were obtained as a basis for pagoda classification.

The spatial data obtained from the field investigation were validated with historical maps and the archaeological literature and further digitized. A historical spatial information database of Mrauk-U’s urban space was then established using a geographic information system (GIS). The spatial elements, including Mrauk-U’s terrain, pagodas, palaces, city walls, historical water systems, and paths (the water systems and paths in the Mrauk-U Period), were integrated into ArcMap and ArcScene (Part of the ArcGIS 10.8 software suite, the former provides 2D views and the latter provides 3D views) as the foundation for the spatial analysis of urban elements. This study inferred and redrew historical water systems, such as the Alezi River, Aungdat River, and the large artificial lakes, Laksaykan and Anomakan, through an examination of historical maps and by referencing current river systems. Additionally, the space syntax was used to analyze the accessibility of the paths.

This study examines the distribution of pagodas in urban spaces to identify their spatial distribution patterns. The spatial relationships between the pagodas and other urban elements, including the urban structure (the city’s overall layout), mountain range, water system (rivers, lakes, and water tanks), and open space (the city’s main roads and paths), are explored and visualized with the aid of the following analytical tools.

(1)

Kernel Density tool

The Kernel Density tool in ArcGIS can calculate the density of point features around each output raster cell, aiming to identify areas of concentration and variations in density (ESRI 2021). It builds on the principle of a heat map distribution between core areas (kernels) and surrounding neighborhoods (Bonnier et al. 2019). To ensure its validity, Average Nearest Neighbor (ANN) analysis is required. The ANN analysis can determine whether the data are dispersed, clustered, or distributed randomly by calculating the average distance between all data and their nearest data points (Liu and Wan 2022). According to the outcome (Figure 5), we can claim that the pagodas are significantly clustered, requiring further analysis to reveal where they concentrate. In this study, the Kernel Density was conducted with the default cell size (16.33 km²) and a blank search radius.

(2)

Buffer tool

The Buffer tool in ArcGIS creates buffer polygons with a specified distance around input features. Since pagodas in a certain range of the water system can have a visual connection with people on or near the water, buffer zones are created around the water system to identify these pagodas. The buffer zone distances are determined by taking into account the viewing behavior of people when using different types of waters, with reference to the modulus of exterior space proposed by Yoshinobu Ashihara (1971)6. The buffer distance along the rivers is designated as 100 m since people moving along the rivers have dynamic viewpoints and tend to roughly view the pagoda as a volume. The buffer distance around the lakes and tanks is 50 m since the people using the water on the banks of the lakes and tanks are relatively still around certain spots, meaning that their observation of the pagodas is more detailed.

(3)

Space Syntax

Space syntax is a geometric representation of spatial elements based on the analysis of configurational relationships (Bafna 2003). It can abstract the urban spaces into a connection diagram represented by an axis that allows a topological analysis of the spatial integration (Hillier and Hanson 1984). The integration reflects the degree of aggregation or dispersion between a unit space and all other spaces in the system (Chen and Liu 2021). In this study, higher integration means more intersection with other paths, which means more accessibility and potential people gathering (Yun et al. 2021), indirectly revealing the path’s spatial significance among the urban structures. This study analyzes the integration of the network of historical roads and paths on Depthmap 10.14 and identifies the main roads.

From the results of the spatial analysis, we identify the multi-level views of the landscape from nearby-view, mid-distance-view, and distant-view levels based on the principle of urban design (Ashihara 1971) and summarize the landscape system constructed by the pagodas. Furthermore, we discuss the landscape-shaping ideas and reveal the role and significance of pagodas in the city from material and social perspectives.

3. Distribution of the Pagodas in the Urban Space

3.1. Relationship between the Pagodas and the Urban Structure

The analysis of the overall distribution of the pagodas reveals their extensive presence throughout the city. The wide distribution of the pagodas ensures that they are highly visible in most of the settlement areas in or around the city and, more importantly, in nearly all directions from the palace. Furthermore, they also have the distinctive feature of being agglomerated in specific regions.

Firstly, the densest distribution is concentrated on the western side of the city (Figure 6). As many as 30 pagodas are gathered in a cluster at the western boundary. The western side, facing the ocean across the plain and neighboring the Daingripet foreigner community, is a significant gateway area of Mrauk-U. The construction of pagodas in this location could more effectively showcase the kingdom’s Buddhist culture and symbolize a strong financial and ruling power, thereby yielding greater advantages.

Secondly, the pagoda temples in Mrauk-U are obviously concentrated to the north of the palace (Figure 7). A total of 12 temples are clustered to the north of the palace, while no more than four are in any other direction. For example, the pagoda temples built in the 16th and 17th centuries such as Shittaung Temple, Anndaw Thein Temple, Ratanabon Temple, Htukkant Thein Temple, and Ratanar Manaung Temple are all located in this area. These pagoda temples were built by the kings of past dynasties and served important religious and ceremonial functions. For example, Anndaw Thein Temple was built by King Min Khaung Razar (r.1521–1531) to worship the Buddha molar relic from Sri Lanka (Shwe Zan 1997, p. 57). Shittaung Temple is the venue where the coronation ceremony of King Sandathuhamma Raza was held (Collis 1973, pp. 267–72). The gathering of pagoda temples in the northern area resulted in an increased presence of monks and more worship, festive, and ceremonial activities, making this area a sacred center and providing an iconic spiritual destination for the city. A similar phenomenon is observed in cities such as Myanmar’s Dhanyawadi (Hudson 2005) and Pegu (Chaturawong et al. 2018) and India’s Vijayanagara (Fritz 1986).

It can be seen that the distribution of the pagodas is not random; it matched the kingdom’s requirements and harmonized the city’s overall layout.

3.2. Relationship between the Pagodas and the Mountains

The mountainous topography offers more possibilities for the distribution of pagodas in terms of height. The analysis shows a tendency for the pagodas in Mrauk-U to be constructed on elevated terrain. Nearly half of the pagodas (156, 49.8%) are distributed on the mountains, with 59 located at the top of mountains (hereinafter referred to as mountaintop pagodas) and 97 located on the hillsides. They effectively utilize the topography to obtain a prominent position. For example, Shwe Gu Taung Pagoda was built on a hill lock close to the northeastern corner of the palace site so that it could be seen from the upper palace (Tun Shwe Khine 1992, p. 32).

These pagodas are densely distributed on the city’s western side and are concentrated on both sides of the entrance position at the border (Figure 8). Pamela Gutman (2001) pointed out that the pagodas on the mountain northwest of the palace could prevent the city from being invaded due to their religious power. Aside from spiritual power, there is also the influence of explainable real-life factors. The pagodas on the mountain are highly visible, which gave the impression of a prosperous Buddhist culture, demonstrated the strength of the royal power, and provided outsiders with an initial impression of wealth and power.

Since the ground situated between the mountains in the west of Mrauk-U serves as one of the most crucial gateways, constructing pagodas at higher elevations increased their visibility from both the waterways and routes at the city’s entrance. This explains why the pagodas in the western mountains are more densely distributed, which was evidently intentional. The mountains increase the height and display level of the pagodas, while the pagodas provide the mountains with a greater sense of sanctity. There is an ingenious synergy between pagodas and mountains, which shapes the skyline of the sacred city.

3.3. Relationship between the Pagodas and the Historical Water Systems

It is found that many pagodas (131, 41.9%) are within 50 m of a tank or 100 m of a river, closely related to the historical water systems (Figure 9). Firstly, rivers, pagodas, and sometimes hills form a variety of waterfront landscapes along the rivers at different route segments. To an observer traveling by ship, pagodas on both sides appear repeatedly. For example, pagodas are built at regular intervals along the traffic artery of the Alezi River and Aungdat River, with a total of 49 waterfront pagodas distributed at nodes such as river turning points and waterside hills. These pagodas helped to mark the waterways and became waterfront landmarks. As measured in this study, the distance between pagodas is about 700–1000 m in the river segment outside the city and these pagodas are mostly built on one side of the river, marking the turning points of the river. In comparison, the pagodas appear more frequently inside the city, with a spacing of about 500 m. In the important gateway regions, pagodas are built in pairs by leaning on the hills on both sides of the river, strengthening the serious and solemn spatial effect. For example, Mrang Daw Mu Pagoda and Htaung Daw Mu Pagoda, where King Min Bin worshiped the Buddha relics, face each other across the Alezi River, forming a landmark landscape at the eastern entrance of the city and providing an awe-inspiring sight for Buddhists from the eastern neighboring kingdom.

Secondly, a number of pagodas are located alongside water tanks. A total of 54 pagodas are distributed within 50 m of a water tank. The combination of a pagoda and a water tank intensifies the sacredness of the water tank as a daily living space, strengthening the daily atmosphere dominated by Buddhism. At the same time, some water tanks were built with pagodas. According to the archaeological report of Forchhammer, if the king wanted to destroy an enemy, he would build a pagoda on the mountain symbolizing the enemy, excavate a water tank in a specific direction, and place special objects on the water tank (Forchhammer 1891, pp. 10–11). This mysterious ceremony granted the pagoda and water tank magic power to destroy the enemy, giving special significance to their combination. Pagodas were built alongside the city’s rivers, lakes, and tanks, forming an impressive and distinctive waterfront landscape interface.

3.4. Relationship between the Pagodas and the Open Space

The roads in Mrauk-U adapted to the topographic features, forming a cobweb-like irregular shape. The main roads extend radially beyond the city walls from the palace, connecting the city and other major towns in the region, and the paths enrich the space inside the city wall. The main roads with strong accessibility in Mrauk-U (indicated by a warm color in Figure 10) were identified using space syntax analysis. These roads extend along the direction of the palace’s outer walls and form an essential open space in the city. In particular, the route connecting the palace and Shittaung Temple was considered as “a Spirit Road” for the king’s coronation parade (Collis 1973, p. 269). According to immemorial custom, the route was carpeted throughout its length with sheets of colored cotton, and absolute silence was preserved by everybody, contrasting with the festive atmosphere during the procession of the prince (ibid.). Along the Spirit Road with special meanings, the pagodas closely interact with the surrounding open spaces by structuring and sanctifying them (Figure 11).

From the east gate of the palace to the coronation venue, the m ountaintop pagodas, including U Mra Wa Pagoda which commemorates the heroes of the city, were built alongside to emphasize the turning points of the path through visual images. They served as monuments to urge people to remember their history and strengthened the solemn atmosphere of the spiritual road.

As the main venue of the coronation ceremony, at the end of the path, Shittaung Temple was deliberately built on Pokhaung Hill. The temple is 46 feet above the road and is separated by the gate called the Wheel of the Law7 and a fence, creating an exclusive space for kings and senior monks (ibid., p. 270). Passing through the gate symbolizes the king turning the wheel of dharma by emulating the Buddha, which means that the king provides his subjects with the means to enlightenment and thus justifies his own rule (Gutman 2001, p. 102). Inside the gate, the two small pagodas “Sunrise” and “Sunset” are located on the lower terrace8. Thirty feet upward is the upper courtyard and the Ordination Hall, covered by surmounting domes and subsidiary pagodas, where the king was crowned. The upper courtyard symbolizes Trāyastriṃśa, where Indra lives, while the surmounting dome and subsidiary pagodas symbolize the higher Antariksavāsin above Trāyastriṃśa (ibid.). This spatial relationship emphasizes the king’s noble status as the incarnation of Indra beyond the movement of the sun and the moon9. The pagodas, serving as focal points and landmarks along the way, created a sacred spatial sequence for this “Spirit Road” and legitimized the kingship by attaching Buddhist cosmology.

The pagodas have also formed various spatial relationships with the road networks throughout the entire city area. Pagodas, located on the mountains for greater visibility, have become important landmarks that can be seen or reached through the main roads.

Firstly, there are pagodas located at the end of the road, forming the scenery at road ends. For example, Mrang Daw Mu Pagoda on Nan-U Hill (Shwe Zan 1997, p. 107) and Sikar Taung Pagoda on Mraung-wann Hill (ibid., p. 118) create a pair of views at opposite ends of the road, which runs east–west southeast of the palace. The literal meaning of Mrang Daw Mu Pagoda is “from where the palace is seen” (Shwe Zan 1997, p. 107), which clarifies its corresponding relationship with the palace (Figure 12a). Secondly, there are pagodas occupying the intersection of multiple roads or the viewpoints along the roads. For example, Mrang Daw Mu Pagoda and Htaung Daw Mu Pagoda (the holy sternum and rib relic pagodas), worshiped by King Min Bin for their Buddha relics, were built on the east side of the palace, overlooking the open space formed by the intersection of multiple main roads in front of the east gate of the court (Collis 1973, p. 253) and demonstrating the achievements of the king in worshiping the Buddha treasures (Figure 12b). Thirdly, there are pagodas located at the turning point of a road. For example, Shwe Gu Taung Pagoda marks the turning point of the road in the northeast corner of the palace (Figure 12c). Finally, there are pagodas located at the accessible endpoint of a road. Sakya Man Aung Pagoda is situated at the end of the road in the northeast corner of the palace (Figure 12d).

Aside from their religious function, the pagodas play a landmark role in guiding traffic and sight. By constructing a visual focus (the point within a scene or an environment that attracts the most attention), pagodas constitute a landmark landscape of the city, highlighting and strengthening the pattern of its public spaces.

4. Discussion

4.1. Formation of a Sacred Urban Landscape

According to the characteristics of the relationship between pagodas and urban spatial elements, including the mountain range, water system, and open space, we realize that the pagodas were intentionally combined with urban spaces in many ways. As a core element, the pagodas have participated in shaping a sacred landscape for Mrauk-U, forming a harmonious landscape system at the following levels.

At the nearby-view level (a close perspective between observers and objects), pagodas serve as landmarks along waterways and paths (Figure 13). (1) The pagodas concentrated on the mountain on both sides of the water and land passage entering the city on the west side created distinctive landscapes of the gateway regions. (2) The pagodas built along city paths, particularly the thoroughfare leading to the northern sacred center, played an important role in establishing a sacred landscape sequence. The “Spiritual Road” from the palace to the Shittaung Temple is a prime illustration of this. (3) The pagodas along the river or by the water tanks combine with the water to form a sacred landscape interface. Pagodas appear repeatedly in the ground space, becoming important landmarks of the city. Thus, the impact of Buddhism on people’s lives can be envisioned.

At the mid-distance-view level (a perspective that is further than the nearby view and closer than the distant view), the pagoda and the palace have multiple visual connections (Figure 14). (1) The pagodas around the city and the central palace form a contrasting relationship, emphasizing a centripetal urban structure centered on the palace. (2) The palace and the sacred center in the north serve as views opposite each other, symbolizing the combination of royal authority and religious influence. (3) From the city’s main roads that extend outward along the palace, one can observe pagodas majestically perched on the distant hills. These pagodas form the scenery opposite the palace through the city’s main roads, which constitute the city’s main landscape view corridors.

At the distant-view level (a distant perspective between observers and objects), pagodas were built on the mountains to form skylines with outstanding characteristics, especially the western landscape viewed outside the city, the landscape viewed from the palace, and the landscape viewed from the west entrance to the city (Figure 15). The mountaintop pagodas harmonize with the glittering spire of the palace to strengthen the sacred scenery10, as well as with the city’s defense system to form the impression that the city is easy to defend and difficult to attack.11 These skylines were repeatedly described by Schouten (the Dutch traveler) and Morrison (a Brigadier General of the British Expeditionary Force) (See notes 10 and 11). The skylines composed of pagodas and mountains not only demonstrated the cultural identity of the Arakan Kingdom’s championing of Buddhism but also displayed its strong royal power. Such distant-view shaping would give outsiders an impression of the wealth and power of Mrauk-U, which was especially important for the Arakan Kingdom as it highly valued foreign trade and defense (Tun Shwe Khine 1992, pp. 10, 32). The spatial effect of the distant view catered to the ruler’s intention and served the kingdom as a spatial tool.

4.2. Landscape-Shaping Ideas and Cultural Meaning

By examining the sacred urban landscape system, we can further understand the ideas and cultural meaning of Mrauk-U’s city building. The pagodas and the urban environment form a harmonious and distinctive urban landscape, which implies conscious spatial design. Several separate but complementary construction strategies have been developed for the site selection and distribution of pagodas.

Firstly, pagodas were used to shape the city’s key area. Through the concentration of large-scale and high-grade pagoda temples, the sacred center was shaped and the urban area was differentiated. Secondly, pagodas were used to create the city’s external image. In the gateway area facing the ocean, the pagodas were built on an elevated position by taking advantage of the topography, so that they can be seen from a distance. The skyline composed of pagodas and mountains helped to highlight the gateway region and portray the image of a powerful kingdom, which was crucial for this trading and military city. Lastly, pagodas were used to construct the city’s symbology. They were positioned either individually or in clusters along the main waterways or pathways, serving as prominent visual focal points and landmarks within open spaces. The dynamic landscape sequence was created by integrating pagodas and routes, while the waterfront interface of “pagoda–water (–mountain)” was created by combining pagodas with water features and sometimes mountains.

The systematic utilization of pagodas in the construction of key areas, exterior images, and an overall symbol system in Mrauk-U implies a holistic spatial form design for the city. The pagoda was likely to have been considered an important element of urban space construction in the past. The combination of pagodas, the overall environment, and the spiritual significance created a unique picture of religious cities, reflecting the urban design concept of environmental integrity. Today, pagodas have become an important vessel of “ancient” urban design thought and wisdom.

On the other hand, the sacred landscapes created by pagodas reflected the political characteristics of the Theravada kingship in the Arakan Kingdom and the social and cultural aspects under its governance, producing a unique cultural meaning. These landscapes served the kingship ruling the Arakan Kingdom based on Theravada Buddhism. The establishment of the sacred center, the strengthening of the gateway image, and the formation of the sacred skyline were conducive to promoting the merits and divinity of the kings and might express the ideal social order of the rulers while constructing the image of the kingdom that the rulers wanted to display. Through the close combination of pagodas with the city’s travel path sequence and landscape, the image and influence of Buddhism penetrate daily personal and social life, which reflects the rulers’ emphasis on Buddhism as a tool of thought. In short, the rulers of the Arakan Kingdom created a sacred city image by organically integrating religious space and urban space, strengthened the legitimacy of their kingship, consolidated people’s religious beliefs, presented a coherent image of the capital, and achieved the political purpose of maintaining the kingship.

4.3. Limitations and Insights for Future Research

The limitations of this study need to be recognized. Firstly, the limited historical records on pagodas and urban construction bring constraints and challenges to the research. Mrauk-U chronicles record the initiator (kings) and the dates of the construction of certain pagodas, without further details. Therefore, the study mainly relies on a field survey, the existing archaeological documents, and the contemporary literature to discuss the cultural significance behind the urban landscape system constructed by the pagodas. The motivations and intentions of the construction of the pagodas remain to be further explored. In future studies, efforts should be made to obtain information about the king’s views on the construction of pagodas by examining the inscriptions on pagodas.

Secondly, as the information currently available is on royal pagoda construction, the research mainly focuses on the influence of royal power on pagoda construction and the significance of religious landscapes for the kingdom. More historical information and evidence needs to be found to explore the involvement of other parties, such as the community, in the construction of the pagodas, so as to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the significance of pagodas for the city.

Thirdly, there are deficiencies in the detailed presentation of pagoda appearances. As this study is concerned with overall characteristics, it does not focus on the details of the pagodas at the architectural level. The study classifies their forms and schematically represents them in the Figures. Future studies can sort out and draw the specific sizes and shapes of the pagodas for a more tangible landscape presentation at a close-up level.

5. Conclusions

By analyzing the distribution of pagodas, this study discusses their significance for Mrauk-U’s urban space from a broader perspective. It is found that pagodas, as an urban image, shaped the urban landscape of Mrauk-U and played an important role in shaping the city’s spatial characteristics, which partially embodied local social and cultural characteristics.

The pagodas were organically integrated with urban space to create a sacred and systematic urban landscape beyond the individual scale, observing the profound influence of Buddhism on Mrauk-U’s visible space. The remains of pagodas in the city have become an important part of the historical urban landscape in Mrauk-U. Meanwhile, the pagodas have transcended their original functions to become a key urban design element. Driven by political and religious purposes, pagodas were purposely built in physical spaces that were entirely integrated with the city, developing a series of pagoda site selection strategies and holistic urban design thinking. The systematic use of this religious element has also made religion deeply penetrate the ideas of human settlement construction.

What is more, the image of the kingdom was vigorously displayed through this sacred urban landscape with high visibility. Under the political system in which state and religion were united and kingship was superior, the rulers of the Arakan Kingdom regarded religion as a ruling tool and raised the visibility of this royal and religious power through the spatial means of extensively building pagodas, allowing their sacred kingship image to penetrate into all of Mrauk-U society, strengthening their legitimacy, maintaining social stability, and highlighting the kingdom’s image. Religion provided a source of ideas and a means of expression for state crafting. Because of its tangible and stable material properties, the urban landscape, constructed with the pagodas as a key element, is often easily perceived and long-lasting. Through the visible landscape, the political intentions of the rulers and the religious forces supporting them can be powerfully, steadily, and continuously presented. Mrauk-U’s urban landscape reflects the control and shaping of the visible elements in the material world by royal power and provides a visual window into the unique political and cultural characteristics of the Arakan Kingdom.

This study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the significance of Buddhism for Mrauk-U in the past by revealing a sacred urban landscape in the city based on the rich multi-layered correlations between pagodas and urban space. The sacred urban landscape in Mrauk-U presents a mode of interaction between the city and its religion, with distinctive regional characteristics, and highlights Mrauk-U’s urban identity and spiritual connotations; its cultural values should be fully recognized and incorporated into future city development.