Though I have coined the term “prophetic reenactment” for this article, the method is not new. Dramatic representations of biblical texts can occur as part of church services, where congregants recognize them as outpourings of the Holy Spirit. These events direct corporate interpretations of Scripture. Pentecostals and Charismatics understand such events as orchestrated by God himself and therefore not as occurrences that can be manufactured. Nevertheless, Pentecostals and Charismatics should attend to the gnomic nature of the grammatical construction in the Eph 5:18 command, πληροῦσθε ἐν πνεύματι (
Wallace 1996, pp. 525, 717). If modern Spirit-filled communities take that summons seriously, then prophetic reenactment can become a regular, liturgical aspect of our churches. It can become an outflow of our openness to the Spirit, not a manufactured display of ecstasy. Since the method has been practiced but not developed academically, it defies a concise definition. For that reason, I will allow the examples of two of its most important practitioners to define the method for us.
The people who attended the Azusa Street revival received empowerment to act out the events of Acts 2. Since this empowerment did not end when the revival concluded, we can identify a more comprehensive hermeneutic amongst the earliest Pentecostals. We will investigate how they used prophetic reenactment to interpret Acts 4:33–37 indirectly. We must remember, however, that these believers did not have exegetical training. They depended on their experiences with the Holy Spirit and on English translations of Scripture, void of tools that could help them to recognize and resist the impact of their culturally ingrained biases. For that reason, this example is not sufficient to promote the ongoing practice of prophetic reenactment as a viable Charismatic hermeneutical method.
The second practitioner, however, wrote the last of book of the Bible, thereby possessing the authority to instruct believers toward accurate interpretation. Through John’s prophetic reenactment par excellence, we can begin to grasp what it entails to partner with the Holy Spirit toward a regular practice of the method. I will argue that Rev 14:1–5 includes a prophetic reenactment that, although alluding to an Enochic text, indirectly shows a way toward a more complete hermeneutic of all theological literature. John provides a visual reversal of the Enochic text (
Storbakken 2022, pp. 112–14), introducing his audiences to characters who demonstrate how to interpret canonical Scripture, therefore not limiting prophetic reenactment to the pseudepigraphic apocalypse to which he alludes. As with the Azusa Street example, I will attempt to demonstrate that the prophetic reenactment of Rev 14:1–5 circuitously interprets Acts 4:33–37. The biblical example ensures that this proposed hermeneutic attends to both author and reader, to both history and experience.
2.1. Prophetic Reenactment through the Azusa Street Revival
“Spirit baptism”, as understood by the leaders of the revival, echoed the narrative of Acts. Attenders, after their salvations, encountered God as evinced by the charismata, with glossolalia as this baptism’s most obvious feature. As in the events of Acts 2, most messages and songs presented in tongues during the meetings utilized human languages previously unknown to the speaker. In both settings, the reception of glossolalia accompanied a conviction that recipients obtained power useful for evangelism.
Charles F. Parnham was most instrumental in clarifying the relationship between the Azusa Street experience of glossolalia and global evangelization to prepare all people for Jesus’ return. Through Parnham’s leadership, the revival imbued early Pentecostals with the conviction that they should take these languages to nations where the tongues would be understood. Although other leaders, especially William J. Seymour, raised concerns and criticisms of Parnham’s teaching on this matter, many attenders expected to receive tongues they could speak in evangelistic settings. (
Robeck 2006, pp. 236–39). Despite the division and ultimate unpracticality surrounding Parnham’s teaching, it led early Pentecostals to the appropriate belief that all the charismata empower believers for ministry that reaches the lost worldwide. In this way, the revival sought to reenact the part of Luke’s narrative explaining that “…the crowd gathered and was confounded, because each one began hearing their speaking in his/her own language.” (Acts 2:6; author’s translation of NA28).
Nevertheless, some instances of glossolalia remained untranslated and were understood as angelic tongues amongst the earliest Pentecostals. This phenomenon displayed the only significant divergence between the records of Spirit baptism at the revival and the text of Acts 2 (
Irvin 1995, p. 26). The biblical viability of such expression hinges on the interpretation of 1 Cor 13–14. No records from the revival provide evidence that this text was central to any of the gatherings. However, the prophetic reenactment of Acts 2 involved a divergence from that passage’s story, but the recipients of Spirit baptism at Azusa did not view that divergence as anything unbiblical that would impugn their experience. As such, the corporate acceptance of Spirit baptism demonstrated an interpretation of 1 Corinthians that understands some expressions of glossolalia, albeit less common, as divine gifts for self-edification that do not require interpretation. Such a reading of 1 Cor 13–14, therefore, presents one example of an implied hermeneutic of prophetic reenactment that extended the interpretive scope beyond the pericope from Acts being reenacted.
Stephen Dove treated the practice of worship through music at Azusa Street. His discussion on the hymns sung during the meetings provided detail regarding the hermeneutics of the worshippers. The choice of Francis Bottome’s “The Comforter Has Come” interpreted the worshippers’ current events as an eschatological recreation of the Joel 2:28–32 prophecy that was fulfilled in Acts 2 (
Dove 2009, p. 244). Further, the hymn’s text (retrieved at
https://hymnary.org/text/o_spread_the_tidings_round, accessed on 25 July 2023) contains references to all of the charismata listed in Pauline literature, helping to display an interpretation of the reenacted passage as an outpouring of gifts that should be utilized throughout their lives.
The decision to make “The Comforter Has Come” a theme of all meetings (
Bartleman 1980, p. 57) carries significant implications for the general hermeneutics of the revival. The first line of that hymn, “spread the tidings around, wherever man is found”, clarifies the revival’s dedication to and perception of the call to global evangelization, as evinced by the reception of glossolalia. It surely reminded worshippers of Paul’s assertion that he could not convince people of the Gospel message using words only but rather with the power of the Holy Spirit (1 Cor 2:1–5). As such, the hymn choice implicitly interprets that Pauline verse as a summons to continue using the charismata in general as a demonstration of God’s power to the spiritually needy around them. Specifically, the decision recognizes glossolalia as a means to reach people beyond language barriers.
Dove detailed the paradoxical nature of the Apostolic Faith Mission’s verbal opposition to liturgy and its practical creation and revolutionization of liturgy. Of course, those associated with the revival resisted high church traditions, not liturgy per se, despite their outspoken antagonism toward the ecclesiological reality that they called “liturgy” (
Dove 2009, pp. 445–48). The revival’s character of expectancy for the Spirit of God to reveal himself demanded responses to that self-revelation. Various expressions of worship demonstrated the communal responses to the community’s ongoing encounters of the Holy Spirit. Those responses, then, are the new liturgies to which Dove referred. Just as high church liturgy establishes and celebrates a communal relationship between worshippers, so the revival’s ostensibly unorganized order of worship implied emphases on community, unity, and evangelization as reasons to receive and use the biblical charismata according to early Pentecostal theology.
Although the hymns chosen and composed during the revival remain more useful for reconstructing early Pentecostal theology than biblical interpretation, we can still trace the skeleton of a hermeneutical approach. Dove’s work with liturgy related more explicitly to hermeneutics when he wrote about the phenomenon known as “singing in the Spirit”. Some of the new hymns sung could never be replicated because of the spontaneity and lack of written scores. The phenomenon was often accompanied with interpretations of the heavenly lyrics. These lyrics came directly from Scripture. Therefore, the revival cemented a high view of biblical authority for the first Pentecostals; that conviction of biblical authority undergirded all attempts to understand Scripture that flowed out of the revival. After participants interpreted such an occurrence into English, public readings of the relevant passages in their greater context would follow. Pastors and lay people occasionally presented sermons, usually spontaneously, but the emphasis in the revival services stayed on speaking and hearing the Scriptures, not on promoting a unified understanding of the words spoken (
Dove 2009, pp. 51–52).
This priority for recitation, then, suggests that we must look beyond the surface events of the revival to find an implied hermeneutical method. We must extend our search to the collective attitudes and the later actions that resulted from it but coincided with the scriptural interpretation we have already noticed from the revival itself (i.e., a direct interpretation of Acts 2 and an indirect interpretation of 1 Cor 14). Those gathered at Azusa Street comprised a highly ecumenical group since no Pentecostal denomination had yet been established. Likewise, the revival broke boundaries between races, genders, and even languages (thanks to the gifts of tongues and interpretations thereof) that separated many Christians in the USA (
Irvin 1995, p. 26).
Those associated with the revival understood the meetings as God-ordained gatherings that could unify the church, viewing the charismata as a source of that unification, thereby interpreting 1 Cor 12:1–11. Much of Seymour’s ministry (before, during, and after the revival) consisted of displaying his perceived relationship between glossolalia and the destruction of racial barriers until certain white Pentecostals attempted to usurp his leadership and weakened his influence amongst an interracial community of believers. Holiness for Seymour centered on love, manifested through racial, ethnic, denominational, and gender equality (
Irvin 1995, pp. 29–33).
Seymour’s vision of equality distinguished the days of the Azusa Street revival. As Luke’s narrative unfolds in Acts, the unity of the church continues, always flowing out of the Pentecost experience recounted in Acts 2. In various parts of Acts, Luke elucidates that the eradication of societal boundaries (e.g., Peter’s vision that leads to the conversion of Cornelius and his household) is a result of the Holy Spirit’s work within the church. Seymour’s connection between Spirit baptism and social equality, therefore, spread into a broad interpretation of the entire book of Acts embraced by early Pentecostals.
Acts 4:33–37 explicitly connects δύναμις (the same δύναμις that is accredited to the Holy Spirit elsewhere in Scripture) with an equitable community among whom “no needy person existed” (v. 34). This community viewed everything in the world as belonging to God and therefore not to an individual or family but rather to the whole community. Western individualism distracted much of the church from this aspect of its calling, but early Pentecostalism partially recaptured it, thereby manifesting an interpretation of this passage flowing out of their reenacted experience of Acts 2.
Frank D. Macchia expressed the communal nature of the Azusa Street worshippers in a way that beckons comparisons with Luke’s description of the congregants in Acts 4:33–37. Macchia wrote: “In glossolalia is a protest against any attempt to define, manipulate, or oppress humanity … it is the language of
imago Dei” (
Macchia 1992, p. 61). He reached this conclusion because he interpreted the gift of tongues as something that transcends all sociological and socio-economic realities. Using the gift, according to Macchia, empowers recipients to partner with the Holy Spirit toward involvement in communities that also transcend those realities and to end the unjust practices that surround those communities (
Macchia 1992, pp. 47, 49–50). Ernst Käsemann shared this view of tongues, albeit with a different interpretation of 1 Cor 14 that understood the chapter as a wholesale injunction against uninterpreted glossolalia. According to Käsemann, the gift presents an ecclesiological “cry for liberty” (
Käsemann 1978, p. 128).
We have seen how the Azusa Street revival distinguished itself through unity resulting from the charismata. Its participants believed rightly that their experiences with the Holy Spirit were biblical, must continue beyond the temporal and spatial confines of the revival, and could unify a divided church. Unfortunately, however, doctrines about the charismata, especially glossolalia, eventually created divisions among Pentecostals. That division rendered the dream of global Pentecost-inspired church unity unrealized. Further, it created the need for us to return to the prophetic reenactment of Acts 2 that occurred at Azusa Street (see
Irvin 1995, pp. 40–45). The first Pentecostals understood their roles at the revival as a response to the Spirit that would continually counter injustice and offer an inclusive welcome for all people to join with them in the worship and work of God’s Kingdom. As such, we find in their interpretation of Acts 2 an additional interpretation of Acts 4, and even of the entirety of Acts. In other words, they not only interpreted Scripture but also interpreted their place in the ongoing biblical story through the Spirit’s power.
We have gleaned some aspects of a hermeneutic present at Azusa Street. Nevertheless, it remains impossible to reconstruct a full interpretive schema from people without tools at their disposal for critical exegetical studies. Our survey of a piecemeal hermeneutic at the revival, nevertheless, presents a launching pad to lead us toward a fuller Pentecostal/Charismatic interpretive method. Having completed the first example of prophetic reenactment, we will now move to the biblical exemplar from whom we can learn what it entails to read and live Scripture via prophetic reenactment.
2.2. Prophetic Reenactment in Revelation 14:1–5
Revelation 14:4 introduces a unified group of characters οἳ μετὰ γυναικῶν οὐκ ἐμολύνθησαν. Daniel C. Olson labeled this phrase as a certain allusion to 1 En. 12:4. The purported Enochic counterpart presents this phrase exactly as John does, albeit without the negation. The author of the “Book of the Watchers” places this clause in the context of fallen watchers. Olson traced the Second Temple ubiquity of the fallen angel myth that originated in Genesis. Throughout his survey of relevant literature, only the Greek manuscript (ms) of “Watchers” found in codex Panopolitanus (Panop.) uses a cognate prepositional phrase (
Olson 1997, pp. 492, 496–97). Mitchell G. Reddish presented a more detailed survey of these myths throughout the OT and Second Temple eras, corroborating the evidence that Olson displayed (
Reddish 2001, p. 176). The Greek mss consulted for my dissertation (
Smith n.d.:
textexcavation.com) and an independent study of relevant literature confirmed Olson’s assertion that only “Watchers” displays a prepositional phrase akin to John’s (
Storbakken 2022, pp. 112–14, 174–78).
We cannot detect a Johannine allusion to the Genesis story, out of which the fallen angel myth developed. Rather, John places the Enochic phrase in a new context in reference to characters he identifies as the antithesis of the Enochic author’s evil watchers. John furthers his contrast by using the noun παρθένος. Despite the grammatical masculinity in this sentence, authors of the NT and related literature only use παρθένος to describe women (
Danker 2000, p. 777). Both the OT and the writings of the Second Temple period describe angelic beings as male. No evidence exists that shows John diverging from this traditional angelology. John’s development of this reversal, therefore, points toward the conclusion that John’s 144,000 virgins represent the same group of humans that John labels in feminine terms as “the bride of the Lamb” in Rev 19:7 and 22:17 (
Storbakken 2022, pp. 112–14).
Although the origins of fallen angel mythology unambiguously charge the characters with sexual sin, a survey of Second Temple hermeneutics exposes no evidence of Jews using these stories to form a sexual halakha. The emphasis of these stories within the apocalyptic worldview always laid on the watchers’ decision to leave their God-ordained position of perpetual worship to YHWH. Rather than promoting halakha, the mythology should have aided Jewish communities in their faithfulness to the Shema, convincing them to shun anything that could threaten their identity as worshippers of YHWH. Sexual purity should flow out of that faithfulness but appears to be of secondary concern for apocalyptists who reappropriated the myth (
Storbakken 2022, p. 281).
When John alludes to 1 En. 12:4, he does so in a fashion that not only retells the story but reenacts it dramatically. As unsatisfactory as proposals that John wrote Revelation as a Greek drama are (e.g.,
Smalley 2005, pp. 6–7), they nevertheless help to recognize one of the rhetorical purposes of apocalyptic literature. Through promoting a hermeneutic of imagination, apocalyptists seek not to perform a play for audiences but rather to teach hearers how to experience the apocalypse for themselves, listening to the images they hear, as if a play is unfolding in their minds (
Humphrey 2007, p. 151). This hermeneutic of imagination, then, carries an inherent responsibility to interpret Scripture with the apocalyptist. John’s audiences not only interpreted the apocalypse before them but also integrated it with the writings and biblical oral tradition with which they were already familiar, thereby leading to rhetorical goals for the use of 1 En. 12:4 that extend to NT passages.
Just as the Azusa Street worshippers implied their interpretation of Acts 4:33–37, so John’s apocalyptic “drama” invites audiences to imagine his reenactment of 1 En. 12:4 with him, despite the likelihood that most audience members were unfamiliar with Enochic literature. This reenactment demands a type of communal lifestyle that “follows the Lamb wherever he goes” (Rev 14:4). In the previous section, we saw how the actions and attitudes flowing out of the Azusa Street revival reflected this value for unified Christian community. Since prophetic reenactment presents a broad interpretive schema that dramatically presents one passage while instructing audiences toward a complete hermeneutical approach, John also employs rhetoric that implies the correct way to understand Acts 4:33–37 via Enochic reappropriation of the fallen angel myth.
Unlike Azusa Street, John’s audiences lived in a collectivistic society with relational and economic values opposed to modern Western individualism. As such, Revelation’s original hearers could easily submit to the communal aspect of the summons to join the passage’s virgins in their consistently unified pursuit of the Lamb. Moderners often understand this passage in moralistic terms. Even when they recognize the ecclesiological character of the passage, they tend to read a modern ecclesiology into it, thereby unintentionally bringing their individualistic worldview into their reading of words that contradict that worldview.
Rhetorically, John seems to place this pericope here as an Aristotelian παρέκβασις (digression). Revelation 13 depicts the beast’s violent rule over the earth. Following an angelic warning in liturgical fashion, Rev 14:8 returns to the dark imagery of Rev 13. Aristotle promoted the use of the παρέκβασις to integrate commendations for exemplary people into epideictic speeches in the middle of laying blame on other individuals (
Rhet., 3.17.11). John, therefore, creates this παρέκβασις in an attempt to imbue a shared understanding of good and evil and the spiritual sources of each (cf.,
Rhet. 1.4.1). By creating characters that reenact the reversal of 1 En. 12:4, John introduces his hearers to people who exemplify the kind of worship he expects them to offer God (
Storbakken 2022, pp. 286–87).
This Johannine call for worship, although never alluding to Acts 4:33–37, interprets the pericope indirectly. It expects that hearers of Revelation will subconsciously recognize that “following the Lamb wherever he goes” entails the lifestyles that the Acts 4:33–37 worshippers embody. John’s παρέκβασις demands that worshippers of the Messiah follow him together, as an interdependent community that does not segment its worship to special gatherings but worships YHWH through its understanding that nothing anyone has belongs to him/herself but to God, therefore expressing worship through generosity and unity that extends far beyond the tithes, offerings, and calls for solidarity common in the modern Christianity of the USA. John’s implicit interpretation of Acts 4:33–37 to a collectivistic audience, therefore, upholds that collectivism not only as the way to worship YHWH within the audience’s Zeitgeist, but also as a worldview that should be upheld whenever and wherever people seek to follow Jesus as their Messiah.