Security, Religion, and Political Culture: A Defense of Weak Disestablishment
1. The Classic American Model: Weak Disestablishment
2. The Rise of Strong Disestablishment in the United States
3. Strong Religious Disestablishment and Violent Religious Extremism: Risking Public Security
4. Why the Strength of Security-Threatening Policies: Strong Disestablishment Creates a World after Its Own Image
American judges committed to this approach often mention the impressionability of young children as one of the natural facts that necessitate a secular neutralist approach, especially in education … such judges act, they say, on behalf of impressionable children, whose liberty of conscience must be protected from the powerful pressure of politically-sanctioned religion. But such judges—and the legal theorist whose ideas support them—are strangely oblivious to the reverse implication of impressionability. Children are indeed impressionable, but for that reason they are deeply susceptible to the politically sanctioned absence of God, to the state-sponsored refusal to recognize, in public or common life, God’s relevance and His claims. What habits of mind does this induce in impressionable children (who grow up to be adults)? It induces either a discomfort with talk of God, as something unfamiliar, or else it induces a tendency among religious believers to regard their beliefs as true only in a private sense: ‘it’s true for me, but not necessarily for you.’ [As a result …] more than anyone else, the person with a secularist […] outlook [on life] feels perfectly at home in, and psychologically and rhetorically equipped for success in, the constitutional regime of secular neutralism.164
while the overall decline in the country’s religiosity is driven partly by modest declines among Baby Boomers and those who are part of the Silent and Greatest generations [generations impacted less profoundly by strong disestablishment], generational replacement appears to be an even larger factor. In other words, Millennials, who make up a growing share of the population [and who bear the greatest brunt of strong disestablishmentarianism] as they reach adulthood and older Americans die off, are far less religiously observant than the older cohorts. Whether Millennials will become more religious as they age remains to be seen, but there is nothing in our data to suggest that Millennials or members of Generation X have become any more religious in recent years. If anything, they have so far become less religious as they have aged.186
5. Defending Weak Disestablishment
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Pope Benedict XVI, quoted in “Our First, Most Cherished Liberty,” United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, available at http://www.usccb.org/issues-and-action/religious-liberty/our-first-most-cherished-liberty.cfm.
A veritable cottage industry of work now critiques the founders on religious freedom and increasingly even the concept of religious liberty itself. See discussion of the work of Tisa Wenger discussed below, including (Wenger 2017). See also (Sehat 2016), a work that documents, with lamentation, the extensive cooperation between religion and the state until the 1960s. An important work, it would better be titled ‘The Myth of American Secularism’ or, in my terminology, ‘The Myth of Strong Disestablishment.’ On the plaintive character of the piece see the preface to the paperback version in which Sehat claims “we are now at a crossroads, with many people calling for a renewed place for religion in the public square. Count me among the many who hope such efforts do not succeed” (xii).
Exceptions to colonial Anglican prelates’ support for the British crown can be seen in colonial leaders such as Rev. William Smith, the founder of Washington College and the first provost of the University of Pennsylvania.
See also (Adams and Emmerich 1989, pp. 1621–22).
For more on the federal intent of the non-establishment clause see (Lietzau 1990).
Chief Justice William Rehnquist summarizes some of the extensive federal support to aid religion as follows: “As the United States moved from the 18th into the 19th century, Congress appropriated time and again public moneys in support of sectarian Indian education carried on by religious organizations. Typical of these was Jefferson’s treaty with the Kaskaskia Indians, which provided annual cash support for the Tribe’s Roman Catholic priest and church. The treaty stated in part: ‘And whereas, the greater part of said Tribe have been baptized and received into the Catholic church, to which they are much attached, the United States will give annually for seven years one hundred dollars towards the support of a priest of that religion … [a]nd … three hundred dollars, to assist the said Tribe in the erection of a church.’ 7 Stat. 79. From 1789 to 1823 the United States Congress had provided a trust endowment of up to 12,000 acres of land ‘for the Society of the United Brethren, for propagating the Gospel among the Heathen.’ See, e.g., ch. 46, 1 Stat. 490. The Act creating this endowment was renewed periodically and the renewals were signed into law by Washington, Adams, and Jefferson. Congressional grants for the aid of religion were not limited to Indians. In 1787 Congress provided land to the Ohio Company, including acreage for the support of religion. This grant was reauthorized in 1792. See 1 Stat. 257. In 1833 Congress authorized the State of Ohio to sell the land [472 U.S. 38, 104] set aside for religion and use the proceeds ‘for the support of religion … and for no other use or purpose whatsoever …’” 4 Stat. 618–619. Wallace v. Jaffree (472 U.S. 38, at 104), J. Rehnquist, dissenting.
See (West 2001).
Quoted in (Fea 2011, p. 9).
Some state-level movements moderating for example Sabbatarian legislation can be seen in various locales. See (Green 2010).
Everson v. Board of Education of Ewing Township, 330 U.S. 1 (1947); Illinois ex rel. McCollum v. Board of Education of School District No. 71, Champaign County 333 U.S. 203 (1948).
Emphasis added. This conviction is compatible with what we can call weak disestablishment’s suspicions of a too close association of church and state that could imperil the church’s freedom to witness to the faith as it sees best in light of changing social circumstances and its ability to organize, train, and discipline itself to best advance its mission. See Esbeck for a summary of this view (Esbeck 2007, p. 22). We must remember, however, that such autonomy from state intrusion in no way necessitates strict separationism: the pre-Everson American model, in fact, bears some similarities to arrangements found elsewhere in the Western world, particularly in Scotland (unsurprising given the deep Scottish roots across America). The Kirk in Scotland historically was both state-endorsed and proudly institutionally autonomous. American weak disestablishment goes further than the Scottish model in part by broadening state endorsement to a wider range of denominations and also by prescinding from many forms of direct tax support.
Zorach et al. v. Clauson et al., 343 U.S. 306 (1952). Emphasis added.
Steven I. Engel et al. v. William J. Vitale Jr. et al., 370 U.S. 421 (1962); School District of Abington Township, Pennsylvania v. Edward Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963).
Board of Education of Central School District No. 1 v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236 (1968) For further discussion see (Campbell 2012, p. 321).
Flast v. Cohen 392 U.S. 83 (1968), holding, in Esbeck’s summary, “that even in the absence of actual ‘injury in fact,’ federal courts have standing to hear taxpayer claims brought under the Establishment Clause where it is alleged that congressional appropriations are being wrongly channeled to religion” (Esbeck 2007, p. 26).
See (Marshall 1991, pp. 358–59): “Outside the establishment area, the state’s use of controversial symbols does not give rise to constitutional concern no matter how offensive those symbols might be.”
Alton J. Lemon, et al. v. David H. Kurtzman, Superintendent of Public Instruction of Pennsylvania, 403 U.S. 602 (1971).
It might at first appear that the legal question of Mormon polygamy in the federally controlled Utah territory was an early federal expression of strict church/state separation. In the Supreme Court’s decision in United States v. Reynolds, 98 U.S. 145 (1878), Justice Waite writes for the Court rejecting a religiously based right to polygamy and at one point quotes Jefferson’s letter to the Danbury Baptists in which Jefferson states his belief that the Constitution erects a “wall of separation between church and state.” Importantly, however, the Supreme Court operates in this case within its traditional mode of constitutional analysis that favors the historical religious sentiments of the American people, justifying the federal law banning polygamy in part on the fact that the practice is opposed to the traditions of Christian civilization, since, in the Court’s words, “polygamy is almost exclusively the feature of the life of Asiatic and African people”—people at the time of the ruling who were overwhelmingly un-Christianized. Even after extensive missionary efforts in the 19th century—including by Black American leaders such as Lott Carey in the 1810s and 1820s—by 1900 it is estimated that there were only nine million Christians in Africa, still almost all in Egypt and Ethiopia (where the faith had deep roots) and the Southern tip of the continent (where European settlement had taken firm hold). See https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-origin-and-growth-of-christianity-in-the-african-continent.html. Although having deep roots in the Philippines, Christianity only in the 20th century has blossomed across Asia.
Robert E. Lee v. Daniel Weisman, 505 U.S. 577 (1992); Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290 (2000).
County of Allegheny v. American Civil Liberties Union, 492 U.S. 573 (1989).
Operating within the secularist paradigm, conservative justices in Lynch v. Donnelly, 465 U.S. 688 (1984) upheld Christmas displays on public property. See, however, Justice Brennan’s dissent remarking how a justification based on a secular purpose for traditional religious practices drains such practices of “any significant religious content.”
Even McCollum had been treated with alarm by moderate FDR appointee Stanley Reed. See his dissent in McCollum.
See for example Chris Eisgruber and Lawrence Sager, who endeavor to describe religion as a species of a vague right to autonomy undeserving of special status (Eisgruber and Sager 2007, pp. 5, 19, 52, 284). The late distinguished legal philosopher Ronald Dworkin put it thusly: we should not, “as a community, attach any special value to religion as a phenomenon” (Dworkin 2006, p. 61). See also the more acerbic book discussed below, by (Leiter 2012).
Reynolds v. United States, where the Supreme Court does not recognize the religious freedom rights of Mormon polygamists, is just such an example.
See (Nehamas 1987).
See footnote 118 referencing the problems associated with the British PREVENT strategy.
See (Fisher 2019).
Certain Native American spiritual practices, for example, endorse transgenderism. See (Williams 1992).
The Orthodox Christian tradition has long called Moses the ‘Holy and Righteous Prophet and God-seer.’ The quote, adorning the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia, is from Lv. 25:10.
See (Slodysko 2018).
392 U.S. 236 (1968).
(Marcus 2014). This preferential tendency has subsequently been mitigated In 2018 the City Council “inserted $1 million in the city’s nearly $25 billion budget for a one-year pilot program that will provide kosher and halal lunches in two public and two private schools beginning in the fall” (https://jewishweek.timesofisrael.com/kosher-halal-school-meals-now-on-the-table/).
Hanif Mohebia, Executive Director of the San Diego office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, quoted in (Warth 2017).
Quoted in (Warth 2017).
See https://www.fcdflegal.org/cases/citizens-v-sdusd/, reporting in reference to the initial proposal that “students of other faiths are excluded from this program.”
Quoted in (Warth 2017).
Citizens for Quality Education, et al. v. San Diego Unified School District, et al.
(Bruno 2018). Despite this major concession, litigation has continued and, as of early January 2019, remains on-going. Viewed more broadly, one of the surprising elements in this case is the failure of the judicial system so far to see that anti-bias programs that closely align state education with religious organizations, such as CAIR, evince legitimate concerns under the Lemon Test, which prohibits “excessive entanglement” between the state and religious charities, an issue of “contradictory messag[ing]” identified by Liam Gearon (Gearon 2013, p. 6).
As they have informed also much in the policy arena of immigration. See (Goodman 2017).
And this despite significant documented threats of charities serving as fronts for violent religious organizations oversees, dating back to the 2007 trial of The Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development. See Andrew C. McCarthy, the U.S. Attorney who prosecuted the terrorists responsible for the 1993 World Trade Center attack, in his work (McCarthy 2010, p. 252). In 2014 the Obama administration did change the admissions criteria for asylum seekers from the Middle East in a way that eased access for those having some material interaction with terrorist organizations such as ISIS and Al Qaeda, a policy I discuss in more detail below. Yet these changes occurred at the same time that data, reported by an editorial in Investor’s Business Daily on 21 February 2014 indicated that “the State Department has rejected virtually all of the 20,000 asylum applications from Coptic Christians trying to escape Egypt since the toppling of its pro-American regime.” Coptic Christians are rarely suspected of material interaction with Islamist extremists in Egypt and so their access was not eased by this policy change, leading the Investor’s Business Daily editorial board (admittedly a long standing critic of the Obama Administration) to assert in this editorial that Obama’s “new asylum decree favors Muslims over Christians.” Editorial available online: https://www.investors.com/politics/editorials/obama-immigration-reforms-seem-to-come-with-religious-test/. For restrictions on applicants suspected of material support for terrorism from Colombia and Northern Ireland, see (Chugani 2008, p. 617).
For variability in the topic around the world see the report (Institute for Economics and Peace 2015).
This despite the presence of indicators not only of direct violent terrorism but of religiously based objectives of some supporters of Islamic immigration overseas. The infamous documents found first in a raid in Lugano Switzerland in 1977 reference a meeting convened by Youssef Nada, director of a bank suspected by Swiss and U.S. officials of laundering to terrorist organizations. In the cache of documents found in the case was a document titled “The Project.” In it is outlined a plan of “cultural invasion” to be effectuated by groups in the West affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood. See (McCarthy 2010, pp. 59–58). See also (Besson 2005) outlining the extremists’ goal of “cultural invasion.” As one extremist Islamic scholar said, “by means of your democracy we shall invade you, by means of our religion we shall dominate you” (quoted in (Fallaci 2002, p. 98)). We should also note the documents found in the 2007 federal trial for terrorism-related money laundering in the United States, leading to convictions relating to the Holy Land Foundation charity, which make an even more elaborate articulation of the same agenda. Specifically, in a document prepared by Mohamed Akram, a known terrorist, he outlines a plan for a “grand jihad in eliminating and destroying Western civilization from within.” See (McCarthy 2010, p. 58), quoting document in evidence at trial, titled “an Explanatory Memorandum.”
See (McCarthy 2010, p. 259).
Quoted in (Mark 2017).
See (Ross et al. 2015).
See (May 2014).
DHS policy quoted in (May 2014).
For a transcript of the report, released on 22 June 2016 see (Bedard 2016).
For accounts alleging deep penetration by extremists into the U.S. military and government, see Hoover Institution media fellow (Sperry 2008).
See (Webster 2012).
Hasan stated in his report, “I would assume that a suicide bomber whose aim is to kill enemy soldiers or their helpers but also kills innocents in the process is acceptable.” Quoted in (Blake 2013).
A problem echoed in civilian life. The neighbors of the San Bernardino terrorists reportedly suspected the couple were dangerous but feared telling authorities lest they be thought to profile Muslims, at least according to a statement to local television reporters. See (Fox News 2015).
A similar problem may beset the PREVENT program in the United Kingdom. As the BBC reported, two of the associates of the 22 May 2017 Manchester arena bombing perpetrated by Salman Abedi reported him to an anti-terrorism hotline, but PREVENT officials never were made aware of this, according to reporting by the BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-manchester-45005029), a fact likely due to the agency’s being overwhelmed partly due to inadequate resourcing. See https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/05/24/governments-anti-terror-prevent-programme-must-strengthened/. In fact, David Anderson, the former independent reviewer of terror legislation, reports to the BBC that PREVENT receives only 1% of the overall £3bn counter-terrorism budget (https://www.bbc.com/news/election-2017-40151991), a fact itself a possible function of a concern over singly Islamic communities out. In addition, the PREVENT strategy has, it is alleged, suffered also from a watering down of its programming focus. To avoid criticism from minority groups, Ian Acheson, a former counter-terrorism official and Director of National Security Programs at Samson Hall, has argued that PREVENT has now started to allow wide latitude to suspected extremists, a result of what Acheson calls “institutional timidity” (Acheson 2018).
The Telegraph summarizes the data at https://www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/maps-and-graphics/Mapped-Terror-threat-around-the-world/.
See (Murray 2017), for a discussion of European immigration in the 1980s and 1990s. Belgium has gone so far in pursuit of neutralism to grant public funding to Atheist organizations, with the Conseil Central Laïque (“Central Secular Council”) first receiving public funding in 2001 and receiving public funds ever since. Although England has a formal linkage uniting throne and altar, that union is about as antiquated as the throne to which the Anglican Church is wed. As Trigg remarks, “’Establishment’ is no longer a vehicle for Anglican privilege, as it perhaps once was” (Trigg 2013b). The Anglican Church receives no financial preferment. Its 26 reserved seats in the House of Lords have been offset in part by the creation of so-called People’s Peers in 2010 as by the growing percentage of non-Christian peers in the approximately 800 member chamber. In terms of religion and the public schools, the Education Act of 1944 reiterated the Christian character of public religious education: the Act mandated that all state-supported secondary schools have religious instruction, with a focus on students mastering the fundamentals of Christianity understood non-denominationally, as well as mandating state-supported schools provide frequent collective acts of non-denominational Christian worship. Starting, however, at least in 1971 with the Schools’ Council Working Paper No. 36, an agenda in religious education began to take shape replacing Christian education with the study of world religions. Aided in 1985 by an official British Enquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups chaired by Lord Swann, this movement culminated in the 1988 Education Reform Act, one of the most significant education acts in the 20th century. This act mandated that all religious education in state-supported schools “take account of the teaching and practices of the other principal religions represented in Great Britain,” which was seized upon to further advance a multicultural educational perspective. This trend was amplified in 2004 when The National Non-Statutory Framework for Religious Education was produced, its broad aims reiterated in Religious Education Guidance in English Schools. See (The Qualifications and Curriculum Authority 2010). In this new trajectory, as Liam Gearon and Joseph Prud’homme point out, school materials for teaching world religions—primarily Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Judaism and Sikhism—became preeminent, with religious education now “mak[ing] marginal references to the Bible” (Gearon and Prud’homme 2018, p. 125). At the same time, collective acts of religious devotion are observed in the breach. More generally, the Human Rights Act of 1998 officially demands state neutrality toward all religions, although its implications appear not yet to have been fully realized. Nevertheless, as Anthony Bradney asserts, “the Human Rights Act of 1998 has radically changed the legal landscape” (Bradney 2010, p. 740). One way it has done so is by stimulating the removal by statute of the historic protections for the Anglican Church in common law against blasphemy, all of which were removed by the 2008 Criminal Justice and Immigration Act, sect 98, although such a symbolically important move was only five years earlier opposed strongly by the House of Lords. See (Trigg 2008, p. 24).
See (Morrissey 2018).
See, for example, (Federer 2008).
In Europe—which has not been the focus on this work—the undemocratic potential of parliamentary politics, with coalitions able to freeze out unwelcome parties that fall short of a parliamentary majority yet contain substantial popular support, goes some way to account for the endurance of policies that seem to expose nations to increased security risks, as does, in terms of E.U. mandates, the much mooted “democratic deficit” of the European Union in regard to certain policies. For a moderate assessment of the E.U.’s democratic deficit, see (Vesnic-Alujevic and Nacarino 2012). For a more vehement condemnation, see (Huizinga 2016, p. 194): “the E.U. has conclusively shown itself to be inherently undemocratic, unaccountable and unresponsive to voters.” The E.U.’s ambitions, moreover, continue to expand, with Chancellor Merkel imploring nation states “today [to] be prepared to give up their sovereignty” (address to the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, 22 November 2018. Available online: www.kas.de). In relation to Brexit, one might also think of the difficulties a democratic majority has had in ensuring the realization of its freely registered will in effectuating a separation. For a more favorable view of democratic legitimacy within the E.U. see (Moravcsik 2008).
Quoted in (The Christian Century 1999).
See (Lipka 2015, 2016): “Self-identified atheists tend to be aligned with the Democratic Party and with political liberalism. About two-thirds of atheists identify as Democrats (or lean in that direction), and a majority call themselves political liberals (compared with just one-in-ten who say they are conservatives).” See also (De Maio and Bolce 2002).
For one poll registering disfavor for affirmative action, see https://www.wgbh.org/news/collegepollAfrimative Action.
The program was set for termination in 2013, for example, but was not eliminated. “Congress tried unsuccessfully several times since 2005 to end the program” (Fox News 2017). On its religious impact see Pew Reports from as early as 2012 noting a “growing share of legal Immigrants belong to minority religions” (Pew Research Center 2013).
(Eisgruber 2006). For a European expression of doubt, see the reports of Observatoire des Religions et de la Laicite, especially at http://www.o-re-la.org/index.php/eu-countires/item/1333-belgium.
Other factors would seem to include the development of a highly secular multi-billion dollar entertainment industry, itself only possible if there is the high level of “existential security” that Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart hypothesize is a major contribution to secularization. See (Norris and Inglehart 2004). A crisis relating to sex abuse by Catholic priests cannot help, either.
Psalm 78:3. New International Version.
(Trigg 2014, p. 168). Relevant to this discussion is the fact that in Sweden as disestablishment has taken hold, the Lutheran church has come to be increasingly—not decreasingly—subject to governmental control. See https://www.rwarchives.com/2011/11/church-sweden-disestablished-increasingly-politicized/.
(Trigg 2014, p. 167). Canadian and European legal decisions are often even more explicit in their public messages. For example, in the provincial court in Quebec the court held that “given the religious diversity of present-day Quebec, the state can no longer promote a vision of society…that is based on the historically dominant religion.” S.L. et al v. Commission Scolaire des chenes et al. (2012 SCC7, 426 N.R. 2012, 352–83, para. 10) The fact of pluralism is expressed as controlling in matters of traditional religion, which must accommodate itself to the present-day pluralism. However, new arrivals who have contributed to the fact of pluralism are not told that traditional norms of, for example, gender equality are no longer to be promoted now that some diverse communities endorse stringent gender segregation: here what is traditional is held up as something the new arrivals must unceasingly respect. Not so for traditional religion. Why? It seems hard not to detect that the message being sent is that traditional religion is less important than other well established principles, including gender equality. The former is sotte voce upheld as non-rational and relativistic, while the latter is declared to be paramount. Even more explicitly, in the case of McFarlane v. Relate Avon Ltd (2010) the Court of Appeals for England and Wales, in an opinion by Lord Justice Laws, makes a “sweeping” claim about “the nature of religion as such” (Trigg 2013a, p. 144)—entering “a centuries-old debate about the respective roles of faith and reason” (Trigg 2014, p. 17). Lord Laws writes that “in the eye of everyone save the religious believer religious faith is necessarily subjective, being incommunicable by any kind of proof or evidence,” and has no place in a “reasonable society.” Hence to prefer a position which has any religious admixture is in his mind simply “irrational, as preferring the subjective over the objective” (paras. 23, 24). Hence, “religion cannot embody any knowledge” (Trigg 2008, p. 191). As Trigg accurately summarizes, this declaration by the state can only “denigrate religion” (Trigg 2013a, p. 156).
The Williams Institute of the UCLA School of Law estimates that there are 15,500 transgender service personnel (https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/research/military-related/us-transgender-military-service/). The Williams Institute has been described by neutral observers as an “LGBT Policy Shop,” so this number is likely the highest plausible total. See (Hannah 2014).
(Woolf 2017). Emphasis added.
(Lincoln 1861), referring to the Supreme Court.
See also (Hajjar 2002).
Philip Hamburger develops a somewhat different assessment in Separation of Church and State. Hamburger presents the judicially imposed strict separationism as the function of a rising anti-Catholic and anti-institutional strain in widely believed American liberal Protestantism. Hamburger’s account has much to commend it. However the core of the argument here developed is not gainsaid by Hamburger’s masterful history. As Hamburger acknowledges, “many relatively traditional Protestants felt stunned” by the McCollum decision banning voluntary participation in in-school religious release time programs. “They had sought their familiar Protestant [form of] separation and now suddenly found themselves confronted with a secular version, which threatened the nonsectarian religiosity of America’s public institutions” (Hamburger 2002, p. 47). Emphasis added. What Hamburger sees growing in strength across American history is not strong disestablishment per se, but a more limited internecine dispute about how religion should positively inform public life, not the more sweeping question, answered in the negative by strong disestablishmentarians, of whether a generic, minimal Christian theism should infuse the operations of governance and the laws by which a society seeks to organize itself.
Quoted in (Hing 2012, p. 95).
Quoted in (Kozioff 2015).
See for example (Tilly 1994).
See also (Goodenough 2018).
If the Court will were not to do this and the case law were to stand opponents might go even further and espouse an amendment to the Constitution to establish what Graham Walker calls a “partial establishment,” a system authorizing in constitutional law explicit state endorsement at least of religion as a whole but even possibly of a specific denomination, while firmly upholding religious freedom and the right to dissent (Walker 2000, p. 118). See also his astute point that dissent could even be thought to be enhanced in such a regime, making such an amendment perhaps “the most potent basis of dissent,” if for no other reason than that a government stand on the basis of religion underscores truth seeking, and a high prize on truth seeking can invigorate moral and political debate, discussion, and dissent (Walker 2000, p. 121). Trigg alludes to this point too by saying “the Establishment of the Church of England has never inhibited [religious] diversity” (Trigg 2014, p. 161).
See (Nussbaum 2008). This is also the view which the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed in Elk Grove Unified School District v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1, 45–46 (2004). The case was overturned by the Supreme Court on a technicality relating to standing, but the issue will eventually come to the Court on its merits.
For movements to formally disestablish the Church of England, see the 2017 manifesto of the National Secular Society, “Separating Church and State: The Case for Disestablishment,” available online: https://www.secularism.org.uk/uploads/nss-disestablishment-report-2017-3.pdf. For arguments against a broadened establishment formally including a variety faiths, see also (Toynbee 2010) arguing against any establishment of religions “on principle because it excludes the large and growing non-religious population.” Trigg also points out the attack on state support for religion in countries with “strong religious traditions,” such as Ireland and Malta (Trigg 2013a, p. 37).
(Trigg 2013a, p. 133). Emphasis added.
“In the early 1920s, the Soviet government effectively banned Islam in Central Asia. Books written in Arabic were burned, and Muslims weren’t allowed to hold office. Koranic tribunals and schools were shuttered, and conducting Muslim rituals became impossible. In 1912, there were about 26,000 mosques in Central Asia. By 1941, there were just 1000” (Erickson 2017).
June 2018 poll by ICM on behalf of British Future; Available online: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/sep/17/four-in-10-people-think-multiculturalism-undermines-british-culture-immigration.
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Prud’homme, J. Security, Religion, and Political Culture: A Defense of Weak Disestablishment. Religions 2019, 10, 88. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10020088
Prud’homme J. Security, Religion, and Political Culture: A Defense of Weak Disestablishment. Religions. 2019; 10(2):88. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10020088Chicago/Turabian Style
Prud’homme, Joseph. 2019. "Security, Religion, and Political Culture: A Defense of Weak Disestablishment" Religions 10, no. 2: 88. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10020088