Music of the Tabom: An Emblem of Identity

Abstract

This paper discusses how music functions as an emblem of identity for the Afro-Brazilian community in Accra, Ghana, known as the Tabom. The paper provides a contextual and analytical study of the complete musical enactment as practiced by this community, and argues, that the Tabom musical genre, known as Agbe, serves the purpose of creating and negotiating identity as found in their use of music within Tabom socio-cultural, religious, and political ceremonies. In this paper, I argue that Agbe is not only an organized sound in Tabom culture, but rather, it is one of the strongest cultural elements that serves as an emblem of identity relating to the life and culture of the Tabom community in Accra. Relying on ethnographic research design, Agbe is presented as the focus of study, subjecting the context in which it is performed to study and analysis. Moreover, the relationships between the Agbe ensemble and their performance context, as well as live events are discussed with the intent of conveying meanings of singing, drumming, dancing, and other related artistic expressions as they all contribute to help the Tabom to negotiate their identity.

1. Introduction

The Tabom community in Ghana form part of a larger Afro-Brazilian Community that, according to Amos and Ayesu (2002) and Schaumloeffel (2008), started arriving along the west coast of Africa in the early 19th Century. These Afro-Brazilians established communities in the countries where they settled and held on to cultural practices peculiar to what they were used to during their days of slavery in Bahia, Brazil. To help distinguish themselves from their hosts, the Afro-Brazilians were identified as Breseliens in Togo, Aguda in Benin, Amaro in Nigeria, and Tabom in Ghana. The arrival dates of the Tabom to Ghana has existed in oral literature and have been corroborated by recent studies. Amos and Ayesu (2002) and several other authors report that at least three or more groups of Afro-Brazilians arrived at different times and dates and were welcomed by Mantse Kwaku Ankrah1. These returnees settled among the Otublohum people of Ga Mashie and, with time, picked up the name Tabom from the Portuguese word “Estabom” (briefly translated as, “it’s alright”) as a result of the natives’ inability to understand the Portuguese language that was frequently spoken by the returnees. Their settlement negotiations were largely based on the Ga’s philosophy of welcoming visitors to live among them, as well as the several skills they (the Tabom) possessed. These skills included well-digging, farming, tailoring, and architecture, among others.

The Tabom also came along with cultural practices that helped to distinguish them from their hosts. These practices included their naming pattern, which involved a combination of Christian, Islamic, and Afro-Brazilian names. They also practiced unique funeral and religious rites that aided them to strengthen their Afro-Brazilian identity. Furthermore, among the cultural practices they owned, was a musical genre called Agbe, which is one of the strongest identity markers for the Afro-Brazilian community. In a conversation with Eric Morton2, he revealed that the Agbe musical genre was brought from Ijesha in Nigeria, where the Tabom made a stopover on their way to Ghana. To this effect, the Tabom have an Agbe song that tells us of its origin.

	Yoruba Text	English Translation
Call:	DabimberuAgbekim be wa jo	We are about to perform Agbe so come and dance
Response:	Yee dabimberuAgbekim be wa jo ee	Yes, we are about to perform Agbe so come and dance
Call:	To ebaberu Ijesha koniba Agbe	Go to Ijesha, where Agbe comes from
Response:	Yee dabimberuAgbekim be wa jo ee	Yes, we are about to perform Agbe so come and dance

This paper, therefore, deliberates on how music functions as an emblem of identity for the Afro-Brazilian community in Accra, in the face of demographic pluralism and globalization. The paper provides a circumstantial and analytical study of the complete musical enactment as practiced by this community, to show how Agbe serves the purpose of creating and negotiating identity as found in their use of music within Tabom socio-cultural, religious, and political ceremonies. To the Tabom, Agbe is not only an organized sound within their culture. It is similarly one of the strongest cultural elements that serves as a symbol of identity relating to the life and culture of the Tabom community in Accra. Data for this project was collected through ethnographic procedures, attending and participating in several Tabom religious and funeral rites over a period of sixty (60) months. During these rites, audio-visual recordings were made and complimented with library and archival search to form the basis of data gathered for this project.

2. Agbe and Cultural Identity

According to Hall (1996), there are two ways of thinking about cultural identity, the first of which can be viewed in terms of a people with a common or shared history and ancestry. The second, is what we really are as individuals. Additionally, identity is a production which is never complete and always under construction (Hall 1996). These statements by Hall, as far as this paper is concerned, are inseparable. Whereas the Tabom have been bound together by historical activities, they have, over the years, gone through several transformations to arrive at a point of becoming who they are today. Collectively, they (the Tabom) have been identified as Ga due to acculturations. They speak the Ga language, dress like the Ga people, and engage in several of the Ga cultural activities. According to Quayson (2014, p. 62), the Tabom adapted well and easily into the Ga community and culture because, they (the Tabom), never managed to gain a grasp on the Portuguese language. The Tabom lost their language in what Quayson (2014) explains as “a span of two short generations”. He continues to note that even though fast, the settlement and readjustment was not as easy for the returnee Africans who still had to find ethnic elements that distinguished them from their Ga hosts and other settling groups in the country. Some of the distinct ethnic practices of the Tabom today can be found in their naming pattern, religion, and funeral celebrations, which are observed with the inclusion of Agbe, the sole musical type that defines them.

To date, Agbe has provided a mechanism by which the cultural baggage of ‘home’ has been transported through time and space, and transplanted into a new environment, assisting in the upholding of Tabom culture and identity (Connell and Gibson 2003, p. 161). Agbe has helped in constructing the identity of the Tabom through the direct experiences it offered of the body, time, and sociability. These experiences have enabled the Tabom to place themselves in what Frith (1996, p. 124) describes as imaginative cultural narratives. The performance of music, such as Agbe, as part of a people’s culture, helps to construct a sense of identity that is unending. This act of expressiveness confirms Shelemay’s argument that, “many music traditions are associated with communities that share a background and a history.” (Shelemay 2015, p. 386).

3. Tabom Musical Culture

With reference to Tabom oral accounts, the name Agbe is a word in Yoruba that refers to the shekere—a large beaded calabash instrument. As written by Botsford (1990), this large beaded calabash called Agbe, is customarily possessed and played only by professional musicians. Because this instrument features prominently in the Tabom’s Agbe performance, it is evident that perhaps this musical genre took its name from it, since according to Nketia (1974), some musical types are named after principal instruments used in the ensemble. Ethnographic accounts by Tabom interlocutors argue that a holistic performance of Agbe entails drumming, singing, and dancing- with each component complementing one another. As a musical type, Agbe has, over the years, served as an identity marker for the Tabom. It accompanies every Tabom ceremony such as funerals, the installation of Tabom traditional elders, weddings ceremonies, naming ceremonies, and the worshipping of Şángò3. During these ceremonies, the Agbe songs that are sung constantly remind the community of the various layers of their members and their own identification with the members. For instance, they have songs that recognize their widows, children, chiefs, orphans, traitors, etc.

The language used for the song texts in Agbe is mostly Yoruba. This language, though not used in everyday discourse by the Tabom, is mainly heard or referenced in their songs during their Agbe performances. It is also evident that the pronunciation and meaning given to these songs by the Tabom, may be different from the meanings that present-day Yoruba speakers would assign to them. The reasons given, according to oral accounts, was that the first generation of Tabom sang those songs with meaning, but as the years went by, and as they passed the songs on to subsequent generations, the meanings could have been altered. Some of the song texts could include other languages that the Tabom might have come into contact with while in Brazil. It is also very possible that the songs could contain altered versions of the Yoruba language.

4. Contextual Utilization of Agbe

Whereas the hosts of the Tabom, the Ga, have several musical types such as Kple, Kpa, Kpanlogo which help to identify them, the Tabom have Agbe as the only musical type, which they feature in all their cultural activities. Thus, Agbe serves as their cult music, social music, recreational, and folk music. Agbe is performed as part of their day-to-day activities and events that are typically Tabom, as well as non-Tabom events. Despite the Ga’s strong musical, religious, and funeral cultures, the Tabom have been keen in maintaining a strong performance convention that helps them to negotiate their identity, which is evident in their funeral and religious rites.

The funeral rites of the Tabom, though similar to that of the Ga, adopt a different procedure, derived from the Brazilian roots of the group (Schaumloeffel 2008). The Tabom celebrate the death of their citizens with an elaborate funeral program that is divided into three stages namely: Keeping wake (breaking plate), ardua, which is celebrated one week after the burial, and Okujonjor, celebrated forty days after the death of a person. In all these stages, Agb-e is significantly employed to give the funeral rituals a Tabom identity. In the first stage of the funeral, for instance, the Agbe ensemble perform a series of songs in a build up to their ritual of breaking a ceramic plate on the dead and singing the viva viva, which is a farewell song for the dead. This song, which is sung immediately after the breaking of the plate, is uniquely Tabom. Its performance aids in providing Tabom funerals an identity that stands out among funeral rites organized by other cultures living within the enclaves of the Tabom. During the funeral, members of the audience are seen carrying their ‘luggage’ as they see-off the deceased. It is worth noting that by singing this song, the Tabom do not only aid in transporting the spirit of the dead back to Brazil, but they also remind themselves and all those present of the Tabom ‘origin’ and their travels from Ijesha to Ghana. Of course, this is the only Tabom song that has Portuguese text, and by this performance, they state their identity as Afro-Brazilians longing for ‘home’. During the One Week (Ardua) and Forty Days (Okudjondjor) ceremonies, Agbe performance is performed to give the ceremonies a Tabom essence. The songs sung, the invitation to dance, and the cleansing rituals all add up to emphasize Tabom identity.

While it is evident that Agbe was originally used to accompany the funeral rites of the Tabom, this musical type, in more contemporary times, has been extended to accompany almost every Tabom ceremony. The presence of the Tabom performing Agbe is now a constant feature during the annual Chale Wote4 festival of arts, which is an alternative platform that brings art, music, dance, and performance out of the galleries and onto the streets of James Town, Accra.

Beyond these ceremonies however, the Agbe musical type has even been linked to the Şángò deity. Consequently, during Agbe performances where a Şángò medium is present, she presides over the performances. Thus, Tabom oral accounts suggest that Agbe is now owned by Şángò, hence its role as a religious music. One therefore hears chants like Olulukorluuuuu, Omogidiagbo, OmoIjesha5, during Tabom Agbe performance. All these dynamics help to perceive how the Tabom deepen their identity socially, culturally, religiously, and politically.

5. Agbe Performance Setting

Conventionally, there are two ways of presenting a musical performance to an audience or spectator. Nketia (1974) identified these two conventional ways as processions and performance in situ. In the case of Agbe, the norm has been mostly focused on the latter. An Agbe performance “is mostly confined to a well-defined but limited area where participants take fixed positions due to the requirements of the musical type as well as the anticipated interaction that may take place.” A sitting arrangement, which creates a U-shaped “inner space”, is formed for performance. This space acts as the main performing space. The two parallel lines of the U-formation is set up for members of the community, whereas the connecting third is reserved for the instrumentalists. But there are few occurrences when Agbe is presented in a procession, as in the case of the viva viva presentation.

6. Performance Conventions of Agbe

Musical enactments in African settings are governed by certain conventions that guide their presentations. Nketia (1974, p. 231) notes that the prevailing conception of a musical performance is one that integrates music with other arts. Wherever there is a musical performance, there is sure to be other related arts such as dance, drama, and visual elements. Often, these elements are an integral part of the musical performance, playing complimentary roles in the holistic presentation. A performance of Kpanlogo6, for example, incorporates singing, with dancing, and some dramatic elements. Other performances such as kete, agbadza, and bamaya (which are all traditional dances from Ghana) incorporate body art and instrumental decorations to aid in performance identity. The performance of Agbe is no exception. Music (singing and drumming) is performed in combination with dance, as well as other visual elements such as costumes and decorations on the drums.

Another convention that governs an Agbe performance is its social control. According to Agawu (1995a) “despite the communal, and inviting nature of musical performances in African societies, it does not necessarily support claims that no limits are placed upon acceptable modes of behavior during such performance.” In view of this, there is the need for one to be aware of the social control within a specific setting to conform to norms and practices that the performances allow. As already stated, a wholistic Agbe performance involves drumming, singing, and dancing. Each of these components is reserved for specific players on the day. The drumming component is performed by the core members of the Agbe ensemble present, while the singing and dancing are executed by all others present who are conversant with the performance practices of the Tabom. In addition to that, people constantly clap their hands to provide rhythmic support to the entire performance, as they complement the efforts of the instrumentalists, and may occasionally react with shouts, ululations, and slogans to the performance in general. These reactions, according to the Tabom, are a requirement aimed at building excitement towards a successful performance.

One other convention worth mentioning, is that which concerns the singing aspect of an Agbe performance. It is the master drummer who generally leads the singing and calls out the songs as he directs the performance. However, women present at the performance may also call out songs intermittently. The master drummer, together with the other drummers, decide at what rate songs should be switched. The performers commonly present a selection from their repertoire of music while the dancers respond to the rhythms of the drummers as well as the songs of the singers. The song selection generally consists of favorite songs of those who lead the group and items that relate to the occasion or to current events. They may also reflect the memory of the performers, as well as the scope of their knowledge of the music and correlated expression.

7. Performance Personnel and Instrumental Resources of Agbe

“Although it is widely known that active participation in music making is encouraged, participation differs with respect to performing roles, and the skills and knowledge that individuals playing a given role bring to bear on a performance” (Nketia 1974, p. 51). An Agbe performance thrives on the availability of certain personnel with well-defined roles. Each of these personnel work hand in hand as they complement each other to ensure the success of a performance. These performance personnel include the Agbetse (father or leader of the ensemble), two malinwo (drum) players, an agogo (double bell) player, several shekere (gourd rattle) player(s), as well as singers and dancers.

The Agbe ensemble usually consists of idiophones and membranophones (see Figure 1 below). The idiophones include the agogo, and several shekere, while the membranophones consist of two (at times three) small drums called malinwo. The idiophones characteristically play fixed recurring patterns that often work as the time line of Agbe. The two membranophones come in varied pitches, one being lower in pitch than the other, with the lower pitched drum assuming the principal role of master or lead-drum. The combination of membranophones and idiophones in an ensemble is not peculiar to the Tabom. Anku (2000) identifies the Akan and Ewe as having similar combinations in their drum ensemble. According to him, each society specializes in a distinct collection of instruments. These collections and combinations help to give the musical type an identity. The names of the instruments, however, differ from one region to the other. The gourd rattle, for instance, is identified as axatse among the Ewe of Ghana. Also, the double bell is known as gankogui among the Ewe.

8. Structural Organization of Agbe Ensembles

The occurrences of drumming among the Tabom, usually include a combination of song and dance. Apart from such combinations, the Tabom drum ensemble may be performed without song or dance accompaniment as a prelude to a major performance. The aim of the preludes differ in context. It could be performed as a warm-up section for the musicians, or to draw the attention of a passer-by to the event that would be taking place. At certain instances, the Tabom may incorporate handclapping to reinforce the accompaniment to songs, allowing other members of the audience to partake in the performance.

There are certain common features found in the organization of the Agbe drum ensemble. The general role of the shekere is to reinforce the agogo’s rhythms. One of the drums is also confined to the role of playing the bell pattern. These instruments are assigned prescribed basic rhythms, establishing a specific relationship around a common timing referent. This timing referent becomes a common point for all the instruments of the drum ensemble, as well as the dance and accompanying songs. Holistically, the agogo, shekere, hand clapping, and malinwo play in an ostinato fashion, allowing the master drummer a lot of room for improvisation. It is commonly known that one of the devices of composition that Africa can proudly boast of is the ostinato. Anku (2000) defines it as “a circular conception of rhythms providing a backdrop for structural manipulations by a lead instrument. The process implies constantly changing rhythmic concepts against a fixed structural matrix.” The ostinato experience in an Agbe performance provides a repeated structure without which the maneuverings of the Agbetse would be rendered incoherent.

9. Drumming in Agbe Performance

The drum ensemble of Agbe falls under Nketia’s categorization of an instrumental combination, which includes an ensemble of instruments capable only of indefinite pitches (Nketia 1974). It involves a combination of membranophones and idiophones organized in both linear and multilinear forms. Apart from the introduction of a song, which is accompanied by the ensemble in what Nketia (1974, p. 125) refers to as metrically free and lacking rhythmical regularity, the most part of the performance is in strict time, imparting a feeling of regularity of beat which can be articulated in regular bodily movement. The Agbe drum ensemble consists of two basic sectors. They are the master-drum and the background involving prescribed non-variant rhythms. The ensemble’s performance is usually controlled or conducted by the Agbetsε (Master drummer). The agogo is assigned the role of time line. Its role, however, is not confined to the time line, but it is sounded as part of the music and regarded as an accompanying rhythm and a means by which rhythmic motion is sustained. The ensemble includes two or three malinwo played with the stick and the hand. One of the three drums plays the same pattern as the agogo, whilst the other two play lots of improvisation based on what Anku (2000) refers to as a “stock of generative rhythmic vocabulary” which they have in store.

10. Singing in Agbe Performance

One very important component of Agbe is its vocal accompaniment. The form of singing is typically call-and-response, requiring the dexterity of a cantor, while the rest of the ensemble members and spectators do the chorus, corroborating Agawu’s contention that “traditional music is communal” (Agawu 2016). The cantor during Agbe performances must possess a good voice and a stock of songs in his or her memory. What constitutes a good voice to the Tabom according to the current Agbetse is that voice, which is loud enough to pierce through the loud drum accompaniment, as well as be able to sing in pitch.

The Agbetse usually assumes the position of cantor and doubles as the conductor of the performance. He therefore calls for the beginning of a performance by offering libation prayers. This serves as a call on the ancestors to help them remember the songs they would be performing. The call on the ancestors and deities, at the site of performance, is additionally intended to seek the presence and protection of the spirit beings (Agawu 2003, p. 206).

Having called on the deities for their presence and protection, the cantor then proceeds to call for the attention of all persons gathered at the site of the performance by chanting the words Oseeyie (praise word), followed by Agoo (knock/permission). This chant aims at seeking the permission from the gathering for the performance to proceed. The vocal accompaniment in Agbe music, in brief, falls into one of the four types of vocal music in African setting which according to Nketia (1974), includes one that emphasizes the role of a lead singer or cantor (s), with a supporting chorus.

11. Dancing in Agbe Performance

Nii-Dortey (2014) has identified four stages of a dance performance. According to him, “the dance itself begins with an invitation from the master drummer to prospective dancers. This is followed by the initial response to the invitation by the dancers concerned. The third stage is the actual performance of the dance, and finally the invitation by the master drummer to the dancers to end their dance units.”

Similarly, dance plays an integral role in the performance of Agbe, thereby contribtuting to its inter-disciplinary nature. During the performance, close collaboration is always required between musicians and dancers because of the relationship between the structure of the music and the design of the dance (Nketia 1974, p. 228). The dance could be performed by any of the musicians (both instrumentalist and singers), or any member of the audience who is called upon by the musicians through special coded or symbolic songs7. It must be noted that in Agbe performances, the focus usually is on one dancer at a time. Thus, at any point in time, there would be a solo dancer in the arena. However, there are instances when two or more people enter the arena to dance. In this case, the focus remains on the individual who had been summoned to dance by the musicians through their coded messages. The second dancer joins to offer moral support to the ‘main’ dancer, who might not have fully grabbed the art of performing Agbe.

According to Agawu (1995b, p. 113) dance styles and dance formations are varied by gesture and the part of the body on which movement is focused; and within the norms of dancing, room should be made for individual interpretation. In dances that stress individual expression, the relationship between the music and the dance movements may not be so tightly knit. Scope may be given to improvisation, and each person may work out different elaborations of the basic movements in relation to the rhythmic patterns played by the master drummer or other instrumentalist who provides the basic guide to the dance, or the dancer may devise his elaborations in relation to the resultant of the combined rhythms of the different instruments of an ensemble.

People who wish to dance usually alternate repeatedly to put together a complete performance session which can last for several hours. The performance duration for each dancer is suggested either by the length of a song, or at the discretion of the Agbetsε. On the other hand, a dancer could also indicate to the musicians, by sending a signal to show that he/she has ended his/her dance session. At times, a performance unit may last for a shorter time if the dancer indicates his/her intention to end the dance. But it could also last longer if, out of excitement, a dancer indicates his/her intention to do more movements in response to the drumming and singing. When the signal is given, the end of that performance unit becomes discernible. Thus, a performance unit may last for about two to five minutes depending on the factors enumerated above. Some dancers may perform repeatedly at different points of a performance session. Chiefly, the Agbetsε’s flexible choices, or the cantor for a particular song determines this.

The Agbetsε or cantor often applies such choices depending on the caliber of persons in the dancing arena. More often than not, when a prominent man or woman of Tabom origin, in the society steps into the arena, the drummers and singers perform a strikingly different way, with increased intensity of drumming and singing. This increased power creates decisive repetitions that help a performance unit to extend. During such events, dancers are seen turning creatively in the middle of the arena as they dance back and forth in response to the master drummer’s signals as well as the songs being sung.

Switching from one dancer to another is facilitated through signals sent by the Agbetsε or the cantor. This signal could be in the form of a hand gesture beckoning the dancer to the dance arena, or in the form of a song that is rendered about a particular person among the audience. Other people from among the audience could also suggest or nominate people for a dance. Before a member of the audience or member of the ensemble takes his/her turn to dance, he/she approaches the bowl that has been placed in front of the Agbetsε and bows in the presence of the drummers as he/she puts an amount of money in the bowl. In cases where Tabom elders are among the gathering, the dancer moves towards them and stoops in their presence as well, to seek their permission before the dancer begins. The elders give their approval by stretching one hand or both hands while making the victory sign towards the dancer. This act helps the dancer to crave the attention of both elders and musicians, and to show civility to them as well.

12. Costume and Props in Agbe Performance

The Tabom, despite their long stay in Accra, still maintain their Yoruba traits8. This connection is evident at Agbe performance gatherings where performers dress in Nigerian clothing designs. Whilst some wear the buba attire, others use the veils, Nigerian hat, and coolimi hat. Apart from their Yoruba connection, Tabom Agbe performers also identify with their Brazilian colors -yellow and green- (as in the Figure 2 below) during other social gatherings such as the Chale Wote festival.

In September 2018, during a ceremony to welcome the new Brazilian Ambassador to Ghana, the Tabom prepared a cake in Brazilian colors, as in picture below, Figure 3, to affirm their Brazilian identity.

13. Conclusions

From the above ethnographic findings, it is evident that the Tabom musical culture serves as one of the principal definers of the Afro-Brazilian community in Ghana. Its organization as an integral part of other cultural forms has helped its sustainability over the years. Anywhere the Tabom gather to perform a social activity, be it religious, funeral, or any other function, there is the performance of Agbe—for it is in this that they are readily identified as a people. Since their arrival, they have been influenced by the Ga culture massively, and in most cases, have assimilated completely. Thus, Agbe, remains a key factor used by the Tabom to negotiate their identity within the face of demographic pluralism in Accra as well as or within the Ga subcultural identity. Its performance confirms Agawu’s observation that “the performance of traditional music is usually open to people who share language, blood, or a belief system” (Agawu 2016). In brief, the Tabom Agbe musical culture functions as one of those musical forms that symbolizes identity and maintains strong links with the past and the present (Shelemay 2015, p. 386).