Regional Autonomy in Nigeria: Influence on Dynamics of Governance and National Integration

Abstract

This article analyzes the significance of regional autonomy in Nigeria and its impact on both national integration processes and governance issues, based on the empirical argument for the autonomy of ethnically diverse regions. This study entails a content and thematic analysis derived from in-person interviews. To address the modification of Nigeria’s government and political structures, several research objectives target the specific problems of national assimilation and recommend regional autonomy. On the other hand, an argument is made that the patterns of governance and political representation in Nigeria have been pervaded by regionalism and integration issues particular to the nation. This research describes these issues through personal perspectives based on interactions with the state and political representation. We conclude that regional autonomy influences national integration and governance in Nigeria. It is vital for policymakers to immediately implement a clear-cut framework for the national integration of regional autonomy and to strengthen the Nigerian governance system on issues of resource allocation inequalities.

1. Introduction

Decentralization of welfare service delivery to the local level of government is a critical aspect of the regionalism principle (Moonti 2019). Autonomy should be valued innately, as it supports democracy and self-starting specialized pursuits. Autonomy means not only political participation but also the capacity to encourage individual initiatives and self-governance by groups in the attainment of autonomy (Politi 2024; Bastianen and Keuffer 2024). In Nigerian governance, the terms regional autonomy and decentralization are frequently used interchangeably, despite representing analytically separable frameworks to understand their effects on governance and national integration. However, regional autonomy is properly understood as a constitutional grant of jurisdictional and revenue autonomy that permits the constituent units—whether states, provinces, or municipalities—to formulate, implement, and finance policies free from directive supervision or disproportionate interference by superior authorities (Salami 2021; Okorie et al. 2022). In contrast, decentralization denotes the intentional dispersal of specified legislative, executive, and administrative functions from a central government or superior tier to one or more subordinate planes; however, this arrangement never confers comprehensive autonomy nor excludes fiscal oversight and revenue earmarking by the sending government (Shapiro and Oates 1972; Falleti 2005). Governance constitutes the enduring mechanisms and institutional frameworks whereby sovereign power is wielded, collective assets are administered, and normative aspirations are advanced, while prioritizing accountability, transparency, and operational efficacy within the public sector (Salami 2021). National integration, on the other hand, denotes the deliberate social engineering aimed at forging a singular and internally homogeneous polity from a plurality of ethnic, regional, and cultural segments, thereby cultivating social concord, institutional stability, and a mobilizing sense of shared national identity (Egberi 2023).

Nigeria, which is a federation, is made up of many distinct political and ethnic units. Since Nigeria gained independence, calls for greater regional autonomy, especially in the context of the local government system, have been made (Egberi 2023). The aforementioned study highlighted how Article 105 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 1963 emphasized the meager initiative to grant such a level of government (Adagbabiri and Okolo 2020). Under this Constitution, other regions were also accorded some degree of self-governance over their internal matters and the affairs of the regional government. Section 7(1) of the Nigerian Constitution explicitly guarantees the existence of the local government in the country (Salami 2021). In the second column of Section 1 in this First Schedule to the Constitution, the geographical limits of local government areas are stated further.

Subsection (1) of Section 7 of the Constitution states that the province is responsible for the creation of the municipal government. This is because local governments cannot be considered a third level of government and have their own independence, even though the country must ensure their existence (Richards 2024; Smith 2023). In the recent past, regional autonomy has emerged as the main issue among scholars (Vergara-Camus and Jansen 2022; Trinn and Schulte 2022; Yankson 2024). Because of the expected service volume, the huge population base in local government areas, their influence over the policy processes, and the level of democracy, many stakeholders back local governments as deserving of total control (Konte and Vincent 2021; Ali 2022). The absence of regional autonomy is blamed for inadequate local governing services, conflicts, and unsatisfied communities. Okorie et al. (2022) and Ahmed and Yashe (2022) argue that the services as indicated in the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria include political, bureaucratic, and financial aspects. Some have blamed the challenges facing leadership and constitutional interpretation for the poor service delivery by local government (Eme-Uche and Eme 2023).

The federal structure of Nigeria’s decision-making arrangement creates the local government’s autonomy. It is called federalism when power, resources, and responsibilities are passed on to lower levels of governance (Egwim 2020). The creation of taxation powers, their retention, and the distribution of centrally raised resources also comprise the constitutionally mandated duties of every tier of government (Edet 2021). Of all the soft reports produced by the now non-existent Centre for Democratic Studies (CDS), “local government autonomy” meant the extent to which the internal workings of particular municipalities acted for themselves. When we speak of LG autonomy, it relates to how much control local governments exercise or are allowed to exercise in the course of their day-to-day activities without federal or state government micromanagement (Anayochukwu and Ani 2021). Each federating unit must incorporate an LG and, given that LGs are the third tier of politics in a union, they should effectively and efficiently control their political, administrative, and financial matters (Iloh 2022). Local self-government is responsible for local policies and the creation of legislative structures (bylaws) articulated on the lower tier of a political organization (Tobi and Oikhala 2021). In contrast, state governors have always rejected the concept of autonomy; thus, they have attempted to halt the local councils’ pursuit of complete autonomy in order to manage the budgets of their respective governments. Autonomy under the federal system is seen by Vanberg (2024) as each layer of government possessing a distinct existence and independence from the other tiers. This autonomy necessitates not only the formal and physical presence of governmental apparatuses like legislatures, governors, courts, etc., but also that each government not function as an adjunct of another, but as an independent entity capable of directing its affairs without interference.

The local councils’ influence and autonomy have been steadily dwindling, according to Beeri and Zaidan (2023). Despite the expectations of a strict division of powers under a presidential administration, none exists. Throughout and after the colonial period, several changes and laws were enacted to give the Nigerian local government system more autonomy, but these efforts were ultimately unsuccessful (Abe and Omotoso 2021). Legislation protecting the establishment, organization, composition, finances, and powers of local governments was vested in the state governments by the 1979 Constitution. One possible reading of this is that the state governments continued to play an active role in LG, a role that they assumed, as seen by their unusual habit of forming caretaker committees.

It is clear from a review of Provisions 7, 8, 124(3,4), 162(5), and the 4th Schedule of the CFRN 1999 that, similar to previous laws, the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria did not deal with the independence of Nigerian local governments (Salami 2021). Section 124(3,4) of the CFRN 1999 excluded executives of Nigerian local governments from those entitled to remuneration and life pensions from the Revenue Mobilisation and Fiscal Commission, even though Section 7 of the CFRN 1999 granted the Nigerian states discretionary power to determine the existence, maintenance, sustenance, structure, and funding of this tier of government. When it came to local government funds, Section 162(5) of the CFRN 1999 designated state governors as the only trustees, even though the Nigerian state governors or any individual or commission designated by them have the authority to supervise the activities of the local governments included in the 4th Schedule of the CFRN 1999. The existing Constitution did not foresee an autonomous local government system, but rather a dependent one, as is evident from all the statutes that have been reviewed. True federalism is not practiced in Nigeria, and the country’s authorities seldom follow the law (Ugbo 2022). The local government councils’ duties, as protected by Section 7 of the CFRN 1999 (as modified), are instead trampled upon, and they revel in lawbreaking. The current system in Nigeria contains local administrations that are not financially independent and instead act as proxies for the state governments. Since gaining independence, Nigeria has repeatedly urged federal authorities to grant the regions more decision-making power, a demand reflected in provisions of the Article 105 of the 1963 Constitution and Section 7(1) of the 1999, both of which secure a place for local governments (Adagbabiri and Okolo 2020; Salami 2021). Nevertheless, historical events such as the early regional crises and the Nigerian Civil War show that unresolved local tensions and narrow space for self-rule still weigh on daily governance and keep center–periphery relations in Nigeria both difficult and unpredictable (Egberi 2023; Abe and Omotoso 2021).

In Nigeria, which is a multi-ethnic federation with specific sociopolitical intricacies, discussions on self-governance have persisted since the country gained independence. Even though the Constitution permits autonomy for local governments, its execution has been troubled by resource disputes and political meddling (Salami 2021). Research on federalism and regional autonomy tends to focus on the theoretical aspects (Popelier 2021; Sofi 2021) but fails to explain the impact these concepts have on the reality of governance and integration in Nigeria (Udeagha and Nwamah 2020; Abasili et al. 2023). There is also scant research on the merits and drawbacks of regional autonomy in Nigeria and its influence on the country’s governance dynamics and national integration. In this study, the perceptions of journalists, heads of civic organizations, and political leaders about the aforementioned regional self-governing structure are investigated. To assess the relative advantages and acceptability of persuasive regional development that seeks to strengthen the nations, this gap is necessary, rather than overlooking the views and opinions of the community participants in politics. Thus, addressing the question of regional autonomy and national integration in Nigeria by considering a range of opinions may contribute to appreciating the country’s political dynamics and consequently inform better policies responding to these factors. Hence, against this backdrop, this study seeks to analyze the influence of regional autonomy on governance dynamics in Nigeria. We also examine its role in promoting or hindering national integration and provide actionable recommendations for policy reforms to address systemic governance issues. In summary, this study seeks to answer:

(1)

How does regional autonomy affect governance dynamics in Nigeria?

(2)

What role does regional autonomy play in national integration?

(3)

What reforms are recommended

2. Materials and Methods

In social research, two approaches are deemed suitable for data collection. Depending on the social issue and the researcher’s intentions to examine and address it, either a quantitative or qualitative method can be highly beneficial. Here, we relied on a qualitative approach that combined primary and secondary sources of information. Answering the research questions posed in the introduction required the use of both content and thematic analysis. Typically, qualitative approaches may only shed light on the specific situation examined. For thematic analysis, in-depth interviews served as the main data source. Academic publications, journals, news articles, and other secondary sources were consulted for this study’s content analysis. By reviewing the big picture and drawing on a wealth of non-numerical “hard data,” qualitative research methods helped us make sense of complex phenomena like migration, insecurity, and governance. Data analysis based on idea, pattern, or theme classification is the main focus of qualitative research (Humble and Mozelius 2022).

Similarly, thematic analysis is a form of qualitative research that focuses on identifying, exploring, and documenting patterns in data sets that are relevant to answering a research question and providing a description of phenomena. To further explore and comprehend the people’s perspectives, qualitative approaches and thematic analysis were used.

Within the context of Nigeria’s political system, this article examines how regional autonomy affects the dynamics of national integration and governance. To enhance the representativeness and reliability of the findings, explicit sampling criteria were applied in this study. Participants were purposively selected Participants were chosen from each of Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones. According to the purposive sampling strategy, participant is deliberately selected based on these study’s research objectives to ensure rich and meaningful insights. Selection criteria focused on purposive sampling to ensure diversity in regional representation and professional background, targeting individuals with direct involvement or expertise in governance, regional autonomy, and political reporting. Ethical approval was obtained from the Girne American University. For this study, we primarily used information gathered from in-person interviews where the respondent provided appropriate informed consent. The respondents comprised fifteen government employees from the federal, state, and municipal levels. Additionally, five journalists with deep expertise in regional and political matters, along with a respondent holding a special advisory position in the government, were included in the sample. Using interview methods, we gained insight into their perspectives on the effects of national integration and regional autonomy on political representation and governance. Twenty interviews were conducted (

Table 1. Participants.

Participant ID	Category	Role/Description	Location (Zone)
1	Government	Federal Employee	North Central
2	Government	State Employee	South South
3	Government	Municipal Employee	North Central
4	Government	Federal Employee	North West
5	Government	State Employee	North East
6	Government	Municipal Employee	South South
7	Government	Federal Employee	South East
8	Government	State Employee	South East
9	Government	Municipal Employee	South East
10	Government	Federal Employee	South East
11	Government	State Employee	North Central
12	Government	Municipal Employee	South West
13	Government	Federal Employee	North East
14	Government	State Employee	North West
15	Government	Municipal Employee	North Central
16	Journalist	Regional Affairs Expert	South West
17	Journalist	Political Analyst	South South
18	Journalist	Regional News Correspondent	South East
19	Journalist	Political Reporter	North West
20	Journalist/Special Advisory	Government Adviser	North Central

), each lasting between fifteen and thirty minutes, and their transcripts and analyses were compiled. The sample—comprising fifteen government employees and five journalists from the six geopolitical zone—which captures the representativeness and the full spectrum of Nigeria’s vast ethnic, regional, and socio-economic diversity. At the end of every interview, detailed notes were recorded.

Data from interviews underwent word-for-word transcription and were subjected to thematic analysis following the framework outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006). The analysis proceeded through six articulated phases: initial immersion in the data set via repeated readings, coding at a granular level by independent analysts, and subsequent aggregation of codes into broader themes (

Table 2. Theme Summary.

Theme	Description	Supporting Evidence
Resource Allocation Inequalities	Points out the differences in resource allocation due to the absence of economic self-governance at the local government level.	“Local government budgets are usually controlled by state governors, which means councils do not have enough money to spend on community needs” (Participant 12). This research underlines the fact that these inequalities could be solved by fiscal federalism through local government-controlled resource management.
Political Interference	Studies the control of local councils by state governments through supervision and regulation.	“Local councils are treated as proxies for state governments instead of autonomous bodies”, this causes governance paralysis (Participant 7). The study is critical of the constitutional provisions that allow state governors to administratively supervise local government grant allocations under Section 162(5) of the 1999 Constitution.
Weaknesses in Governance	Looks at specific issues of governance resulting from insufficient delegation of powers and lack of control from the center.	The study identifies that “genuine federalism is not implemented in Nigeria” because local authorities do not have control over policies and budgets (Salami 2021). This affects service delivery.
National Integration	Studies regional self-governance in the context of addressing ethnic inequality grievances and determining whether it promotes integration or not.	“Marginalized people are included and therefore ‘Autonomy’ could be used to foster integration” (Participant 3). Systems theory asserts this by stating that there is a dependence between subsystems within Nigeria, inferring that local governance mitigating the problems may be beneficial for the larger system.
Constitutional Ambiguities	Addresses the problem of autonomy in local government self-governance as lacking sufficient detail in the Nigerian system.	The study points out the glaring contradiction that exists in Section 7 of the Nigerian Constitution, which believes and ensures the existence of local governments but empowers state governments to structure and restrict the funding of local governments. This does not enhance the attempts at decentralization (Eme-Uche and Eme 2023).
Public Service Delivery	Addresses the effect of the lack of autonomy on local level service provision.	“The failure to deliver regional autonomy is responsible for poor service provision”, mainly in education and health (Okorie et al. 2022). Service delivery, as suggested by fiscal federalism, can be more effective with a decentralized form of governance because more resources would be available for local priorities.

) emphasizing governance, autonomy, decentralization, and integration. The resultant themes were iteratively debated, ensuring that each was internally consistent, empirically substantiated, and articulated in a way that directly responded to the research questions and theoretical propositions guiding the inquiry.

To bolster the study’s validity and reliability, interview narratives were triangulated with relevant constitutional texts and secondary literature. This procedure enabled cross-verification and mitigated potential interpretive biases. Intercoder reliability was confirmed through separate coding by two scholars, whose independent analyses were reconciled in consensus sessions. Participant validation was also solicited through the circulation of analytical summaries to a subsample of interviewees for their critical appraisal. Despite the inherently qualitative and context-bound character of the findings, the purposive selection of informants from heterogeneous geopolitical districts and varied stakeholder categories, together with the saturation of thematic categories, affords a rigorous empirical foundation for the research. In summary, the current methodology is suitable for the exploratory objectives and complexity of the subject.

3. Theoretical Framework

This study explores the theories of fiscal federalism and system theory, providing a thorough analysis and evaluation to support the research goals. It sheds light on the relationships between regional autonomy and national integration.

Major contributions to system theory have been made by a variety of researchers, including Almond (1970) and Easton (1975). According to system theory, every system—including political systems—is composed of interconnected subsystems. The effective and efficient performance of given functions is dependent on an enabling environment that provides the necessary resources, appropriate authority, etc. Although the political system is generally stable, ineffective and inefficient subsystems and overall systems are more common, and instability is more prominent in the political system. To contribute significantly to Nigeria’s political system and guarantee system stability, the LG requires sufficient input. Emphasizing the relevance of systems theory to LGA concerns in Nigeria is appropriate. This signals the recognition of LGs as an essential part of Nigeria’s broader political structure. To guarantee that the public receives high-quality service, the LGs have certain tasks to perform.

Devolution of power and authority among governmental levels is another tenet of fiscal federalism. Because of their extensive familiarity with the area, local governments should be entrusted with the responsibility of allocating funds, according to fiscal federalism’s regional autonomy proponents. In a system where regional sovereignty is inherent, local governments are better able to distribute resources without bias. According to fiscal federalist theory, decentralization leads to better management of public service delivery across communities. Greater fiscal independence is justified by the following fiscal federalism claims (Super 2004). First, fiscal independence increases the accountability of city councils and mayors. Local politicians may influence federal grant choices without considering economic efficiency if they can rely on federal funding. Secondly, when local governments are dependent on handouts, there is less incentive for effective expenditure management. On the surface, spending an extra pound on local services does not seem to have the same impact as cutting taxes by the same amount.

When determining the cause of these national strife and resource allocation problems, this theoretical stance disproves and thus eliminates the idea of federal or state authority and political control (the realist approach). If these decentralization efforts can bring about concrete advantages that attract the public’s attention, encourage their active participation, reduce marginalization, and broaden the scope of inclusion and national integration, then they will be successful.

3.1. The Underlying Complexities of Nigerian Regional Autonomy

Arguably, the states will lose their voice since the constitutional clause allowing for the formation of local governments effectively mandates or obligates them to transfer authority (Amah 2018). So, according to the Constitution, it is the responsibility of the state government to establish, organize, fill, and fund local government councils; moreover, these councils must be democratically elected. Several court rulings have upheld this view, finding that the state governor’s decision to suspend and dissolve elected government councils and replace them with caretaker or management committees violates the constitutional guarantee of democratically elected local government councils. According to Smith (2023), states also have a responsibility to ensure that local governments can fulfill certain mandates. However, for the local government to carry out its tasks, legislation must be passed by the State House of Assembly specifically for this reason. This means that the state government directly controls the local governments.

It is clear from different sections of the Constitution that the framers did not intend for the local government to be independent from higher levels of government in terms of control and interference (Wilmanowicz-Słupczewska and Wantoch-Rekowski 2024). Section 88 of the Nigerian Constitution grants the National Assembly the authority to investigate any subject or thing over which it has the power to legislate. This includes the actions of any individual, organization, or department tasked with carrying out the laws passed by the National Assembly or with the responsibility of allocating or overseeing the funds appropriated by the National Assembly (Saliu and Bakare 2020). According to Nwabuoku (2020), the House of Assembly of a state is granted a comparable authority by Section 128 of the Constitution. Local government councils can be subject to investigations by either the National Assembly or the House of Assembly of a federating state. Such investigations can concern the use of statutory revenue allocations, as well as the possibility of corruption, inefficiency, or waste in the administration of local government.

Additionally, according to a statute passed by the House of Assembly, the state is obligated to distribute the local government shares among the state’s local government councils. However, according to Inegbedion and Omoregie (2006), the Supreme Court has ruled that the federal government and the states do not have the authority to withhold funding from the legally recognized local government councils. No one may dispute “the right and title of a state government to the amount payable to it pursuant to Section 162(5) of the Constitution,” as the Nigerian Supreme Court expressed it in the case of Attorney General of Lagos State V. Attorney General of the Federation. The states that are part of a trust for their local government councils are given legal title to the amount in question by this paragraph.

3.2. Regional Autonomy and Service Delivery in Nigeria

Merino and Prats (2020) argue that local governments may play a significant role in accelerating the country’s social, economic, and political growth by implementing improvements in both urban and rural regions. Among the many duties imposed on local governments by the 1999 Federal Republic of Nigeria Constitution, particularly Section 7(5), as already indicated, are the provision of public services and infrastructure, including but not limited to roads, schools, health centers, potable water, markets, and recreational centers (Ochenehi 2022). Both an adequate supply and a sustainable base are prerequisites for the provision of these public goods. Unfortunately, most local governments have failed miserably in carrying out the aforementioned constitutional duties, mainly because they lack the political, administrative, and financial independence necessary to do so. All signs point to the fact that they do not have the resources to handle this obligation.

Abe and Omotoso (2021) noted that the decentralization strategies in Nigeria are either very outdated or founded on antiquated ideas of government. They are comprehensive in their coverage of financial and resource stratification, devolution of authority and governance, and political rights and duties (as seen in

Table 3. Summary of Local Authorities in Nigeria.

Resource Type	Current Situation in Nigeria
Financial Resources	Highly dependent on federal and state allocations; limited independent revenue generation
Information Resources	Weak data collection and management systems; limited access to reliable local information
Administrative Capacity	Insufficient skilled staff and training; bureaucratic inefficiencies
Organizational Capacity	Outdated structures; lack of modern management practices
Technological Capacity	Limited access to digital tools and infrastructure; low adoption of e-governance

). Organizational management, service offerings, and data management (spatial and otherwise) are mostly left out. An example of this would be Nigeria’s Local Government Policy from 1976. Owing to a combination of budgetary restraints and a constitutional framework that vests power in the states, the functional profile of Nigerian local governments is severely diminished. At the local level, this has had a significant impact on the efficiency and effectiveness of public service delivery. Accountability and control have also decreased, and decision-making procedures are opaque. So, in terms of actual implementation, the three levels of government—federal, state, and local—recognized in the Federal Republic of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution amount to nothing more than lip service. Oladoyin and Onabanjo (2021) pointed out several other issues recognized as preventing local governments in Nigeria from providing efficient and effective services. Financial matters also fall within the purview of local government authority. Inadequate financing for this level of government is a direct outcome of state governors’ penchant for micromanaging their own budgets and revenue bases. By creating the State Local Government Joint Account, states have been engaging in arbitrary and excessive control over local government finances, even though the Constitution grants the states the authority to review and authorize local government budgets and expenditures via the State House of Assembly. One contentious aspect of the Fourth Republic’s local–state relationship is the State Local Government Joint Account. The issue of local government autonomy was also raised in this scenario. It was observed that some local government areas have been denied the statutory grant by their respective states, which prevents them from providing the necessary services (Onuoha et al. 2021).

4. Analysis

This article presents a thematic analysis, as mentioned previously. Interactions between regional autonomy and national integration were highlighted by the analysis of interview sections that yielded important themes. Important to the current state of affairs is the development of regional autonomy in Nigeria over the years. Examining how regional autonomy affects representation in government and policymaking, as well as the viewpoints of important Nigerian stakeholders, is the goal of this study. Several key themes are presented in Table 2, exploring the relationship between regional autonomy, governance, and national integration in Nigeria. These themes were derived from the qualitative data, obtained from the interview and thematic analysis processes, and are contextualized within the theoretical frameworks of fiscal federalism and systems theory. This finding presented clearly separates themes, supports claims with quotations, reveals divergent views, and explicitly connects findings to research aims—improving coherence, transparency, and persuasiveness in empirical result reporting.

4.1. Theme 1: Resource Allocation Inequalities

Ethnic identities do not originate from free will but rather from the ethnic groupings into which individuals were born (Otinche 2022). As a result, it is normal to have a sense of ethnic group membership. More precisely, Omosulu (2022) argues that Nigerian ethnic identity may be traced back to prehistoric times. Every ethnic group in the nation has its distinct history that predates colonization. The arrival of the colonialists brought about the fusion of the preexisting ethnic group(s). Udosen (2021) posits that the origins of ethnic identity in Nigeria have both direct and distant factors.

The majority of participants in this survey agreed that regional autonomy may have a substantial effect on ethnic identity. A more inclusive national narrative may be fostered via the preservation of cultural identity and legacy through regional autonomy, which is why this subject advocates for it in Nigeria, where ethnic background creates the need for it. Respondents from smaller areas, in particular, voiced their desire for more regional autonomy, which they say would help unite the country and prevent its residents from becoming marginalized. According to Respondent 9: “My hometown is in the country’s west. I have a strong sense of ethnic identity and am passionately committed to my culture and Yoruba language. In my opinion, addressing problems of historical grievances and marginalization requires regional autonomy. Currently, the majority of development-funded projects are mostly implemented in the areas that produce the governor in power, marginalizing and abandoning other regions that remain in impoverished conditions. I think that by granting regions sovereignty, we as a nation can promote harmony among individuals from disparate regions.”

Also Respondent 2 indicted that: “A significant section of the populace in the nation, including myself, recognizes the importance of ethnic identity. My ethnic origin both roots the need for regional sovereignty and helps me cherish it. Even at the state level, there is tribalism in areas of development because of the nation’s broad ethnic and cultural makeup. The enjoyment of cultural heritage and national solidarity is facilitated by regional autonomy.”

Respondents in this study believed that historical grievances among different ethnic groups could be addressed through regional autonomy that can foster an inclusive national narrative. Nonetheless, ethnic identity was not a problem and did not constitute a problem for the integration of a nation. Respondent 10 pointed out that: “The goal of fostering ethnic identity is to strengthen national identity. That is contingent upon the mode of mobilization. This is due to the distinction between ethnic identification and its politicization. Knowing oneself and one’s origins—not only as a Nigerian but also as a member of an ethnolinguistic group—is what it is to have an ethnic identity.”

Omotosho et al. (2020) argued that national integration and regional autonomy have been thwarted by efforts to promote ethnic identities via language, culture, clothing, etc. The speaker brought up the fact that language plays a role, explaining that different ethnic groups have different priorities when it comes to language. This is why Muslims never vote for non-Muslims, Christians never vote for non-Christians, etc.

4.2. Theme 2: Political Interference

The complexity of regional autonomy and national integration in Nigeria was attributed to issues of marginalization. According to Respondent 1: “Since our nation’s independence in 1960, autonomy has, in my opinion, undergone significant change. Numerous calls for decentralizing authority have resulted in conflicting emotions and a sense of marginalization among the nation’s various regions. However, this has also affected the nation’s integration.”

Respondent 13 also posited that: “Reflecting on the historical evolution of regional autonomy in Nigeria, it has created issues of national integration and marginalization among some ethnic groups. However, there are also some advantages like allowing citizens right to express their regional identity.”

Concerning opportunities and resources, certain parts of Nigeria are severely underserved and marginalized (Ndiribe and Aboh 2022). The unfair allocation of resources and opportunities along ethnic and regional lines is a prevalent social injustice in Nigeria (Nwokike et al. 2023). Despite decentralization’s promise to alleviate economic marginalization, social injustice, and political exclusion in Nigeria, its implementation has been sluggish and inconsistent (Karmakar 2023). Despite the need for an inclusive government to resolve Nigeria’s problems, the country’s political system has long been defined by exclusion and marginalization (Orie 2024). According to Uzochukwu et al. (2021), several programs launched by the Nigerian government to combat economic marginalization, social injustice, and political exclusion have fallen short of their targets. According to Orie (2024), moving ahead, Nigeria should emphasize decentralization, inclusive governance, and democratic politics to tackle issues of social inequality, economic marginalization, and political exclusion. Devolution of power to more peripheral areas is known as “regional autonomy,” while “autonomous area” refers to any part of a nation that enjoys some measure of autonomy from the national government.

4.3. Theme 3: Weaknesses in Governance

Poor organization, lack of planning, no discipline, corruption, and favoritism plague the Nigerian bureaucracy, which Adedeji (2023) called a colonial remnant that needs upgrading. “Nigerians have for too long been short-changed by the quality of public service… we shall ensure they get what is better,” exclaimed former president Olusegun Obasanjo, launching an initiative to reform the public bureaucracy’s service delivery. This speech demonstrates how the bureaucracy’s services have deteriorated over the years. The bureaucracy in Nigeria has, without a doubt, maintained a very low level of performance throughout the years. Onyekwelu et al. (2015) suggest that the state bureaucracy’s ills may be examined through three main lenses: structural administrative attitude and behavior, politics, and economics. Respondents in this survey cited Nigeria’s bureaucracy as a barrier to meeting regional requirements, implementing effective local government, and allocating resources. Many felt that the federal government was too bureaucratic and did not give enough priority to rural and outlying areas. According to Respondent 1: “Public needs at the municipal level are often given precedence over those at the federal level, which has impeded efficient government. The distribution of resources, economic progress, and policy may all be impacted by these bureaucratic inefficiencies.”Also Respondent 10 indicated that: “Due to the nation’s bureaucracy, local governments have difficulty allocating the few finances that they need for their areas. Regional autonomy, which prioritizes the needs of distant and local populations, may better use these constraints and ultimately aid in the nation’s economic growth.”

In most circumstances, the bureaucracy is hindered by a lack of readily accessible financial and material resources, suggesting that such policies will not be enacted efficiently. Increases in both political and administrative power have a chilling impact on the ability of state bureaucracies to formulate and carry out public policies. The bureaucracy can also execute policy that matters (Williams 2021). The policy process’s effective conclusion is dependent on factors including the bureaucracy’s vigor, leadership, discipline, abilities, experiences, and—most importantly—the disposition of its leadership and workers. The marginalization of various ethnic groups in Nigeria contributes to the country’s lopsided political representation, which in turn causes leadership to prioritize narrow interests over varied ones.

4.4. Theme 4: National Integration

Subroto and Baidlowi (2020) argue that all societies may benefit from a strategy of regional autonomy that promotes community development and economic prosperity. Efforts to boost development, employment, competition, and territorial cooperation in Nigeria’s underdeveloped areas are absent from the country’s present regional strategy. According to Respondent 19: “In Nigeria, the political system usually focusses on the most populated or dominating areas. As a result, the welfare of less powerful or populated areas is left in a worse situation, with resource distribution being uneven and development stagnating.”Also Respondent 11 presented that: “When resources are allocated and public services are provided to all areas of the nation equally and without bias, regional autonomy may be strengthened. Since there is now no regional autonomy in the government structures, public service delivery is still in its current condition. There is no way that the nation’s economic progress can be achieved with a fair and impartial federal government that takes resource allocation seriously.”

Accordingly, for balanced economic development, there must be a sufficient balance between the federal and state governments. When it comes to domestic resource mobilization and the concentration of economic, social, and endogenous development, regional policy is crucial. The state’s economic and social policies rely on it as well, particularly when it comes to hiring and addressing social issues. As part of the evaluation, regional policy was put into action, with the stated purpose of achieving economic development’s overarching goals and priorities (Stimson et al. 2006). Every country’s regional economic strategy is essential for achieving substantial, fruitful, and efficient economic development. Thus, for the sake of progress toward a shared objective, development with input from several stakeholders is necessary. Todaro and Smith (2020) state that to achieve economic development, the federal and state governments must devise a dependable plan.

4.5. Theme 5: Constitutional Ambiguities

It appears that the issue of divisiveness among Nigerians does not stem from a lack of dedication to national integration and unity on constitutional, political, cultural, educational, or religious levels (Uche et al. 2020). Each new administration has pledged to keep the nation together, and that has never changed. The issue, however, seems to stem from the way the governing elites have put these policies and allocations of resources into action. As an example, despite the usefulness of the “federal character principle” in ensuring Nigeria’s corporate existence, it has been blatantly abused, particularly in recent times. Corruption in the banking sector and the wasteful use of public funds were the focus of almost all recent discourse. Respondent 20 posited that: “Nigerian national unity can only be attained via regional autonomy. The local community’s dedication to its community will aid in eradicating marginalisation concerns and bringing the whole area closer together. Even if regional autonomy offers benefits, it must be carefully managed to prevent local region disintegration, which will only lead to division rather than unity.” Also, Respondent 2 indicated that: “Decentralisation of authority and the management of local government funding distribution to communities are key components in achieving national unity. Many local communities are now divided by the current resource distribution system, which has also contributed to poverty, instability, and terrorism in the nation. I firmly think that if regional autonomy is implemented correctly across the nation, it will foster national unity and lessen the misappropriation of public monies.”

The vast majority of people who took part in this survey believed that fostering national unity requires a great deal of autonomy at the state and regional levels. Instability in the nation has been heightened by inadequate resource distribution and regional autonomy. Kidnappings, terrorist attacks, and civil disturbances are common in areas with low or dense populations. The high crime and poverty rates in these areas are directly related to the low quality of life there. According to Ashraf and Shahzad (2020), local administration is made possible by regional autonomy. If locals can handle their own business rather than having it dictated to them by central bureaucrats, then democracy becomes important to them. The foundation of regional autonomy is the belief that local economic growth and social services may be achieved by involving locals in decision-making, which in turn fosters national unity (Douglas 2005).

4.6. Theme 6: Public Service Delivery

For service delivery to be effective, it must be customized to fit the specific area. To do this, we need policies backed by solid facts and rational economic thinking (Hasan et al. 2019). Ensuring that policy is evidence-based, drawing on lessons from other regions’ experiences, and including practical mechanisms to increase Africa’s evidence base are all essential for good policymaking. Therefore, increasing the capability of local government organizations should be the focus of efforts to improve service delivery (Kosec and Wantchekon 2020). This requires a well-defined policy and a will to see it through. It is necessary to include people and work with them to develop policies that benefit them. It is the responsibility of the local authorities to prevent the mismanagement of their funds and to uphold the principles of honesty and responsibility. The systems of control and accountability must be strengthened, and corruption must be resolutely opposed. Facilitating workshops, seminars, and the publication of relevant materials might improve the effectiveness of political leaders at the local level by increasing their familiarity with and competence in carrying out their duties. To achieve good governance and successful grassroots development, the local government system must be made more accountable and transparent (Seetharam Sridhar et al. 2020). If we want better, more efficient service at the community level, we need to make sure corruption in local government is discouraged and punished. To provide local governments the autonomy they need to accomplish their jobs, the ruling political class must alter its political beliefs. According to Respondent 4: “In my opinion, more regional autonomy for local government would enhance the provision of resources and development in both densely inhabited and less populated areas of the nation. This will be a practical means of establishing an efficient system of government that provides for all citizens, particularly those living in rural parts of the nation.” Also Respondent 15 responded that: “I have consistently advocated for changes in the nation’s funding distribution and public service delivery systems. By granting local governments the ability to control their affairs, regional autonomy enables them to better address the needs of their residents.”

Adding a third level of administration that is not subject to the whims and caprices of the states—local government—to Nigeria’s Constitution was a huge step forward. Given the clear disregard by higher-level governments, particularly state governments, for the provisions, it is arguable that constitutional recognition of local governments, namely, guaranteeing local government autonomy, has not been entirely achieved.

4.7. Comparative Analysis of Federal Systems

In Nigeria, regional autonomy suffers severe limitations, such as the lack of political neutrality and financial self-sufficiency, which greatly hinder governance and national integration. In an international context, comparisons with India and Canada (as seen in

Table 4. Federal Systems.

Country	Key Features of Regional Autonomy	Lessons for Nigeria
India	—Local governments derive their powers from Constitutional amendments (73rd and 74th).	—Clear provisions in a country’s constitution for the functioning of local government bodies.
	—Local governments can collect taxes/grants and retain these funds.	—Financial autonomy improves the quality of governance at lower tiers.
Canada	—Fiscal equalization ensures that the remote regions are not disadvantaged.	—Establishment of a common pool for purposes of granting equalization aids to regions.
	—Rich provinces help poor provinces to enable them to participate in broader socio-economic processes.	—It encourages equity and helps build a nation through fiscal federalism.
Nigeria (Current State)	—Local councils do not have funds at their disposal; they are dependent on the state governments.	—Amend Section 7 of the Constitution to make provisions for the financial autonomy of LGs.
	—Resource allocation inequalities hinder governance and integration.	—Introduce fiscal equalization policies to make provisions for all regions without disparities.

) show how other federal systems can help Nigeria. India’s system is supplemented by local governments, for which the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution were passed, granting them political and financial independence (Rangarajan and Srivastava 2024). These changes have resulted in adequate public services and active democracy at the local level. Canada uses fiscal equalization to ensure that no province is disadvantaged in terms of resources, so that national integration can supersede regional differences (Makinen 2025). These two examples clearly show that defining constitutional responsibilities along with proper resource distribution can boost regional governance.

Unlike India, which relies on local governments to raise funds through tax collection and grants (Rangarajan and Srivastava 2024), Nigeria’s model is state-dependent and relies on funding from local councils. Likewise, the fiscal model of Canada guarantees that richer provinces contribute to a central fund that caters to other poorer provinces, aiding equity in the provinces. These systems illustrate the need for regional independence and national unity through organizational structures. For Nigeria, implementing these steps, such as adopting constitutional changes to enhance autonomy coupled with financial equalization, could solve the chronic gaps in governance and resource distribution, all while promoting nationalism.

Theoretical discussions classify federal systems as cooperative, competitive, or hybrid according to the degree of power-sharing and autonomy granted to national, regional, and municipal authorities. In cooperative federations such as Canada, governments work together and share programmatic responsibilities. At the same time, in the competitive dynamic typical of the United States, states strive to exercise independent policymaking power. India’s system illustrates a hybrid approach, blending formal cooperation with arenas in which higher levels of government compete over jurisdiction. Nigeria mirrors this hybrid pattern: although its Constitution establishes federal, state, and local tiers, the center and the states dominate revenue sources and policy space, leaving councils chronically underfunded and externally controlled. Survey respondents assess this structure as unsatisfactory and call for reforms that strengthen vertical and horizontal subsidiarity, promoting authentic local self-rule and a more equitable flow of resources. By clarifying the exact federal typology that fits Nigeria and mapping stakeholder preferences against it, scholars can better identify the subsidiarity needed to advance national social and economic goals.

5. Discussion and Recommendations

The findings bolster the notion of fiscal federalism that argues a division of fiscal power generally augments governance with local governments becoming more responsive to the local electorate (Shapiro and Oates 1972; Super 2004). The continuing fiscal dependence on state governments confirms systemic weaknesses that sustain this dependence, confirming prior assessments (Salami 2021; Okorie et al. 2022). Signs of systematic political governance and state interference emphasize the institutional constraints on effective decentralization anticipate governance inefficiencies and further erosions of democratic accountability. These findings support systems theory’s position that functional subsystem autonomy is crucial to the stability of the entire political system (Almond 1970; Easton 1975). The neutrality depicted by interview respondents on the impact of autonomy on national integration reflects a more layered autonomy may assist inclusion by addressing the issues of marginalization while dangerously increase heightened competition among subnational regions or ethnic groups, especially over natural resource regions. This view is important to the theoretical dispute on autonomy-integration balance (Egberi 2023; Abe and Omotoso 2021). Lastly, the constitutional contradictions highlighted by participants explain the gap between formal constitutional provisions and actual political power within plans, demonstrating the need for substantial legal restructuring to remedy formal delimitation and enhance the functions of local governance akin to more developed federations like India and Canada.

It is essential to adapt national integration and resource allocation strategies to local conditions. This calls for reasonable economic thinking and policies backed by trustworthy facts. For policies to have an impact on Nigeria, they must be grounded in evidence and draw from lessons learned from other countries’ experiences. Additionally, practical measures should be established to increase the amount of relevant evidence. So, if we want better service delivery, we should focus on strengthening local government organizations. This demands a well-defined policy and a will to see it through. It is necessary to include people and work with them to develop policies that benefit them. It is the responsibility of the local authorities to prevent the mismanagement of their funds and to uphold the principles of honesty and responsibility. The systems of control and accountability must be strengthened, and corruption must be resolutely opposed. Facilitating workshops, seminars, and the publication of relevant materials might improve the effectiveness of political leaders at the local level by increasing their familiarity with and competence in carrying out their duties. Good governance is essential for successful grassroots development, and one way to achieve it is to promote and support accountability and openness within the local government system. If we want better, more efficient service at the community level, we need to make sure corruption in local government is discouraged and punished. The ruling political class must shift its political beliefs to provide local governments with the autonomy they need to accomplish their goals. Adding a third level of administration that is not subject to the whims and caprices of the states—local government—to Nigeria’s Constitution was a huge step forward. It is clear that higher-level administrations, particularly state governments, in Nigeria have failed to adhere to the rules; hence, constitutional recognition of local governments—which guarantees local government autonomy—may not have been entirely achieved.

New political, administrative, and budgetary authority and responsibility are bestowed upon local governments as a result of decentralization programs. These factors provide leeway for discretionary spending by municipal governments. Decentralization has the potential to alleviate poverty and regional conflicts that arise from economic inequality. It can also help development efforts ramp up gradually, foster government–civil society cooperation, and improve institutions’ responsiveness, accountability, and transparency. Respondent 7 noted that “Instances such as the Nigeria delta conflicts where militants contributed to unrest in the region as a result of lack of regional autonomy and failure of the federal and state government to honor the agreement of resource allocation and regional development in locality within the Niger delta oil region”. Another case of insecurity is prevalent in the northern region of the country, as explained by Respondent 16, also a journalist: “poor allocation of resource at the local level as contributed to poverty and unrest in the north region of the country. The increased activity of Boko Haram and bandit has affected agricultural activities and displaced people from their homes and this can be attributed to neglect of local and remote regions by the federal and state government. I believe that with regional autonomy of allowing local government to manage resources and allocation of public service will promote stability and help make better decisions that help the locals, improve security and eliminate poverty.”

Fair representation, continuous conversation, transparency in policymaking, public accountability, and collective self-defense are essential for the independence of local governments. These principles must be backed by popular structures, organizations, and values. All three branches of government—political, administrative, and fiscal—must be considered in the fight for decentralization. The Constitution purposely specifies the distribution of authority and funds among the many levels of government, particularly between the federal and state levels. One of their primary functions is to guarantee openness and responsibility, while another is to act as a check on one another. However, several states’ approaches lean more toward punishment than rehabilitation.

Moreover, the decentralization of income collection must be matched by the decentralization of activities, in addition to the aforementioned fundamental suggestions for achieving local government autonomy in Nigeria. Put simply, there needs to be a check on the state’s interference with the revenue rights of local governments. Some of the internal income generators for LGAs, such as water rates and licensing fees, should be returned to them by state governments. It is important to define the borders or arena of activity of any local government so that they may fulfill their goal and not squander the limited resources they have. The delegation of tax authority to LG authorities is necessary to guarantee that they have the means to carry out their responsibilities adequately. The whole burden of property tax and rating should be placed on the LGA. The authority to collect taxes, set rates, and assess them will all be part of this. Respondent 1 recommended: “Local government constitutional amendments will contribute to the clarification of the national integration objectives. Additionally, it will support efficient resource allocation and tax administration.” Respondent 18 advised that “nations such as Canada and India should be appropriately governed through regional autonomy, so Nigeria can benefit from their experiences.” Adopting similar norms and policies in Nigeria may be aided by the benefits that regional autonomy offers in these nations.

Several respondents emphasized the importance of media coverage and civil society organizations in pushing for regional autonomy as a means to achieve national unity and a good governance system. According to Respondent 3: “there is a need for civil society groups, social movements, and NGOs to support the cause of regional autonomy so that underprivileged areas of the nation may stand up for themselves.” It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of media and civil society organizations in elevating underrepresented perspectives and starting conversations on regional autonomy. Particularly influential in molding public opinion and drawing attention to regional concerns, media coverage may help rally support for autonomy. Participants in this survey also noticed that younger people are more vocal about the need for regional autonomy. Many noted that younger generations in Nigeria see greater regional autonomy as a means to improve the country’s leadership and open more doors for them. Respondent 10 “emphasized the significance of involving young people in conversations about representation and governance, since their viewpoints will influence the political landscape in the future.”

Lastly, participants offered a range of suggestions aimed at enhancing the connection between regional autonomy and national integration. Some of the suggestions included changing the Constitution to clarify the roles of the federal government and the states, creating mechanisms for communication between the two levels of government, and studying how other nations have managed to strike a balance between federalism and state sovereignty.

6. Conclusions

In Nigerian politics, corruption has become the norm. Nigerian local governments are rotting from the inside out due to corruption. There have been egregious instances of council officials embezzling and misusing council monies. Most egregious is the local council’s distribution of federal funds intended for the area’s development. The local council is now bankrupt as a result of these actions, and it cannot meet the basic demands of its residents.

This body of thought includes the autonomy of municipal administrations, particularly under a federal system. Based on the analysis of interview data and thematic content, it is crucial to encourage self-governance and grassroots democracy among the many different interests that comprise the national polity by giving local governments a great deal of authority. When it comes to municipal elections, the underrepresented minority will make a difference. If locals can conduct their own business rather than having it dictated to them by central bureaucrats, then democracy becomes important to them. The foundational principle of both local government and democracy is that they work hand in hand to advance the local economy and social services to facilitate social development by giving residents a voice in policymaking. A key finding of this study is that in Nigeria the effects of greater local autonomy on governance are regionally uneven, shaped by the specific mix of ethnic groups, natural resources, and the historical dealings between local leaders and state officials. In the oil-rich South-South region, for example, increased self-rule could sharpen rivalry over oil revenues and the authority to spend them, while in the North-East, where violence has forced millions to flee, more independence will matter little unless the local government has the skills and trust to use it. Such contrasting situations point to the need for decentralization plans that bend to local realities instead of following a single national blueprint, if they are to work across the country. A reform agenda built on this insight would tackle Nigeria’s uneven power structure and fragile politics, promoting stronger integration and long-lasting growth throughout the federation.

Based on the analysis of interview data and thematic content, provisions for the establishment and maintenance of local government were included in the Nigerian Constitution to promote local administration. However, the choice of local government structure is left to the states’ governments since the Constitution does not specify it. An extra and possibly more onerous process for the establishment of new or additional local government areas by state governments in Nigeria was put forth in the country’s Constitution. It outlined ways the federal government may obstruct states from carrying out their constitutional duty to establish local governments. We have carefully examined these and other aspects that are inconsistent with federal law. Consequently, we recommend that certain portions of the Constitution be removed. Clauses 3(6), 7(6) (a), 162(5), 8(5) and 8(6), and 153(1) (f) allow the federal government to meddle with the authority that the states have over the establishment and administration of local government systems. Restoring the local government system to its rightful role within a genuinely federal framework requires the removal of these constitutional restrictions. The local government’s role in fostering grassroots development and participatory democracy may be enhanced by implementing these suggestions.

7. Future Research

Future research should examine regional autonomy in Nigeria in the event of conflict due to the country’s diverse ethnicity and religions. A shift from the current central system should also be explored through a critical analysis of the current federal system of government. Future studies can investigate the impact of ethnic or religious armed conflicts on Nigeria’s federal system of government to contribute to our knowledge and theory building. To better incorporate regional autonomy in fostering Nigeria’s national cohesion, we can examine the circumstances of other federations, especially those with substantial ethno-linguistic and religious diversity. This study’s findings will contribute to the formulation of appropriate policy options and revisions for achieving regional integration in Nigeria.