Online Safety Challenges: Saudi Children and Parents’ Perspectives on Risks and Harms

Abstract

Research in western countries concludes that children and adolescents are exposed to multiple forms of online risks and harms. However, in the context of Saudi Arabia, research in online safety education is lagging. Currently, online safety education is generic and not research informed. Hence, this exploratory study seeks to generate a qualitative understanding of online risks and harms experienced by Saudi children, adolescents, and parents as well as online safety strategies. Using a semi-structured interview, this study explores the views of 15 children (12–15 years) and 10 parents. Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) yielded four key themes: Negotiating the Promise and Peril of the internet, Living with the Shadows of the Online World, Psychological, and Physical Health Consequences, and Navigating Safety in a Digital Landscape of Uncertainty. While the benefits are clear (e.g., education and socialisation), children and parents have shared worries about cyberbullying, aggression, and exploitation. Internet addiction and isolation are notable consequences along with vision impairment and obesity. Children’s online safety practices are reactive, e.g., blocking and deleting risky content/behaviour, while parents share their struggles in monitoring children online. Online safety education, or the lack of it, is to blame. Children’s and parents’ limited awareness of online risks and poor online safety practices need to improve in Saudi Schools and households; there is urgent need for further research and adequate implementation of systematic online safety education.

1. Introduction

The internet is a vital necessity in today’s world. It provides access to information, entertainment, and social interactions for adults and children. Over the past 15 years, its importance in children’s life has increased significantly (Danby et al. 2014; Davidson 2009; Eskelä-Haapanen and Kiili 2019; Koran et al. 2022; Thorpe et al. 2015). With access to smartphones, the preferred device for internet browsing, social media applications (e.g., TikTok and Instagram) consume most of children’s and adolescents’ screen time (Spina et al. 2021).

With increased internet use, children and adolescents are likely to encounter online risks and experience online harms. Online risks can be explained as potential dangers encountered in digital spaces. This could include exposure to and engagement in risky behaviour (e.g., access to age restricted materials, exposure to cyberbullying and exploitative individuals). On the other hand, online harms are the consequences or the outcomes of those exposures such as addiction, loneliness, social isolation, and exploitation. Not all children and adolescents experience online risks and harms in the same way; vulnerable children are often more impacted (Livingstone and Haddon 2009; Livingstone et al. 2011). With the continuous evolvement of online risks, Livingstone and Stoilova (2021) introduced the 4Cs Framework, classifying risks and harms into four main categories: Content, Contact, Conduct, and Contract. Content refers to online harmful materials (e.g., violent or explicit), while Contact risk covers potentially harmful contacts with other individuals (e.g., online grooming and cyberbullying). Conduct risks covers the individual’s own behaviour, engaging in harmful communication or oversharing personal information. Lastly, Contract risks relate to commercial, transactional, or financial risks, e.g., scams, data exploitations. Online risks and harms are multifaceted and safeguarding children against them is paramount.

Encountering risks or over-reliance on the internet could impact all aspects of physical, mental, social, and emotional development (Eskelä-Haapanen and Kiili 2019; Katz and Rice 2002; Subrahmanyam et al. 2001; Yan 2005). Therefore, helping children understand the online environment they interact with, be aware of risk it contains, and deal with different information available online is imperative (Eskelä-Haapanen and Kiili 2019; Davidson 2009; Leu et al. 2013). Despite their excessive use of the internet, children and adolescents are often less aware of such risks and harms compared to adults (Anderson et al. 2017; Derevensky et al. 2019; Gentile et al. 2017). Parents’ awareness of risks and harms is also a concern (Livingstone et al. 2015). These concerns are prominent in western societies, despite advances in education and awareness. However, in the context of Saudi Arabia, the focus of this study, little is known.

In recent years, in Saudi Arabia, the digital landscape has evolved significantly in line with the country’s ambitious Vision-2030, a strategic framework aimed at reducing the country’s dependence on oil and diversifying its economy. It emphasises the role of technology advancement in the development for future generations. According to the General Authority for Statistics (GASTAT) in Saudi Arabia, the internet usage percentage is at 93.31% (GASTAT 2019). A total of 74% of children have access to tablet devices (Norton 2018). At a very young age, these children usually own their first connected mobile device. On average, a Saudi child around 7 years old can own their first connected device (Norton 2018). According to the (DataReportal 2024) Saudi Arabia report, there were 36.84 million internet users in Saudi Arabia at the start of 2024, and internet penetration stood at 99% of the population. The General Authority for Statistics (GASTAT 2024) released the Childhood Development and Child Well-Being Statistics Publication for 2024, which reports that 32.07% of children use digital technology devices for one to two hours per day, while 25.78% use such devices for less than an hour daily. It is safe to say that access has improved significantly over the last few years, with internet penetration increasing from its 2018 level to nearly universal access in 2024.

Children and adolescents’ ability to identify and understand online risks is influenced by individual factors such as digital literacy, age, and cognitive development. Younger children often have more challenges distinguishing between safe and unsafe internet use, whereas older adolescents have better awareness (Livingstone et al. 2018). According to Byrne et al. (2014), awareness does not always translate into safer internet use; the attractions of social media and gaming outweigh perceived risks and dangers (Byrne et al. 2014).

Considering the Saudi context, culture, social values, and norms influence children’s perceptions and views of online risks; it is argued that Saudi children may underestimate or downplay the impacts of certain online risks, mainly due to limited digital literacy education (Alqahtani et al. 2017). Furthermore, compared to western children, who mostly require permission from their parents to install apps, children in Saudi Arabia have a higher level of autonomy in installing digital application on their devices. Paradoxically, Saudi parents are also very concerned about their children’s privacy using smart devices (Alashwali and Alashwali 2022).

Safer internet use often relies on parents. They play a pivotal role in mitigating online risks and preventing potential harm. They are expected to set parental controls rules, monitoring online activities, and openly discuss online safety with their children. According to Livingstone et al. (2011), parental mediation is often classified into restrictive, active, or co-use strategies; this differs based on parents’ digital literacy and skills, their understanding of the digital environment, and their own cultural beliefs. In the Saudi context, parents’ approaches to online safety are further influenced by religious guidelines and societal expectation which stress moral as well as ethical upbringing of children. Within a culturally sensitive framework, restrictive mediation strategies appear to be more popular; this takes the form of limiting screen time or blocking internet or inappropriate content.

The ever-evolving nature of the internet and associated risks means that parents often face a digital divide or gap in knowledge, meaning that many may struggle to keep up with new developments (Byrne et al. 2016). In Saudi Arabia, traditional family structures often emphasise respect and cohesion, but this can sometimes limit open communication between generations. Generational differences compound the challenge, as many adolescents are digital natives influenced by global media, while older family members may hold more conservative views on technology and social interaction (Gunter et al. 2016). These differences can create communication gaps, particularly on sensitive topics such as online risks, cyberbullying, or social media use, leading some adolescents to avoid sharing their experiences and some parents to impose restrictive rules without dialogue (Livingstone et al. 2015). Although there is a need to support families in children’s online safety issues, Saudi schools do not yet have standardised procedures for teaching children about online privacy and safety. In 2020, Saudi Arabia announced an initiative to protect children online at the Global Cyber Security Forum in Saudi Arabia (Saudi Gazette 2020), building the platform for the National Framework for Children’s Online Safety (Ministry of Human Resources & Social Development 2023). However, both initiatives are yet to be evaluated in terms of influence and application.

Despite recent development, empirical research on online safety, online risks, and harms is very limited in Saudi Arabia, with more attention given to internet addiction. Ismail et al. (2024) examined 462 Saudi adolescents and found that 68% exhibited mild to severe internet addiction. Additionally, higher levels of internet addiction were significantly associated with increased perceptions of stress (44%), anxiety (58%), and depression (60%). These findings showcase the impact or harm of internet on Saudi adolescents. Combined, these studies stress the importance not only for tailored online safety education but also multidisciplinary intervention to improve awareness and address psychological impacts.

Saudi Arabia Vision-2030 pushes for advancement in technology, which needs to be met with advancement in online safety, too. Saudi children’s online experiences, their perceptions of online risks and harms, as well as parental mediation strategies are yet to be researched or explored. Research in this area is predominantly western in its context; however, social norms, parental styles, and culture are different in Saudi Arabia. This gap in the literature underlines the need for further research. To inform future research and establish an understanding of online risks and harms, this study adopts a qualitative aimed to explore children and parents’ views on online risks, harms and safety, and challenges.

2. Methods

2.1. Design and Participants

This is an exploratory qualitative study using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) with an aim to seek in-depth insights understanding of online risks and related harms and online safety strategies. IPA employs what is known as a double hermeneutic, in which the researcher tries to make sense of individuals trying to make sense of their own experiences (Smith 2008; Smith et al. 2009). A total of 25 participants were recruited using two distinct sampling techniques. For children and adolescents, an opportunity sampling strategy was used, resulting in 15 Saudi child and adolescent participants aged 12–15 years (9 males and 6 females). Parents were recruited using purposive sampling facilitated by a snowball sampling technique. Recruitment began with initial contacts who met the inclusion criteria and expanded through referrals. The parent sample comprised 10 parents aged 37–50 years (8 mothers and 2 father), each having at least one child aged 12–15 years at the time of the interview. Children/adolescents and parents were independent of each other. For all participants, informed consent procedures were followed, with parental consent obtained for children/adolescents through their intermediate schools in Al-Baha city.

2.2. Interview

Children and parents were interviewed through semi-structured interviews, lasting approximately 25–36 min for parents and 10–20 min for children. The same overarching topics were explored with both groups; however, the wording and follow-up probes were adapted to suit the participants’ age, role, and perspective. The interviews with parents typically lasted longer due to their more detailed responses, greater contextual explanations, and their role in discussing both their own and their children’s experiences. In contrast, children’s interviews were generally shorter, as their answers tended to be more concise. Overall, the interview included 7 open-ended questions which were developed in line with previous research in the field of online risks and harms, online safety education, and mental and physical health (e.g., Alashwali and Alashwali 2022; Daoud et al. 2020; El-Asam et al. 2023; Mian and Alatawi 2023; Moubarak and Afthanorhan 2024; Stoilova et al. 2021). Questions covered participants understanding the experiences of children’s use of the internet, its advantages and disadvantages, their understanding and experiences of risks and harms that children face online, their experiences, and recommendations for improving online safety education.

2.3. Data Collection

This study obtained ethical approval from Al-Baha University Research Ethics Committee. In line with ethical guidelines and data protection, participants were approached through online advertisements utilising the snowball strategy. The study’s aims were explained, and potential participants were encouraged to communicate with the researcher. Initial communication took part via email. The researcher shared the information sheet and the consent form for both children and parents. Parental consent was sought for all children. Children and parents were interviewed separately. Participants’ anonymity and confidentiality was assured and the right to withdraw was also explained. All participants responded to the interviews in Arabic, which is the language they use in their daily lives. Children were interviewed in an allocated office at their schools while parents were interviewed at a convenient place and time of their choice. Interviews were audio recorded, transcribed, and translated into English for the purpose of data analysis and publication. Data collection took place between 18 September and 6 November 2024.

2.4. Data Analysis

All interviews were transcribed using Goodtape transcription software (version 2025) and then coded and analysed using a qualitative research approach informed by IPA (Lyons and Coyle 2007; Smith 2008; Smith et al. 2009) using four stages: (a) encounters with text, (b) initial themes identified, (c) grouping themes together as clusters, (d) tabulating themes in a summary table. Firstly, the researcher thoroughly read the transcribed interviews individually, increasing familiarisation with the data; this was performed for all interviews while initiating and summarising key codes. In the second stage, all codes across interviews were carefully noted to reflect lived experiences and then compared to produce initial themes. Then, these themes were organised into clusters to reflect broader patterns and connections relevant to research aims. Finally, the main themes were surmised in

Table 1. Primary themes and corresponding subthemes relevant to the research aim.

Primary Themes	Sub-Themes
1. Negotiating the Promise and Peril of the Internet	1.1. The Internet as a “Second World” of Opportunity
	1.2. Perceived Risks and Cultural Displacement
	1.3. The Internet as a “Dominant Rival” in Parenting
	1.4. Monitoring, Privacy, and Trust
2. Living with the Shadows of the Online World	2.1. Violence and the Normalisation of Harm
	2.2. Harassment, Cyberbullying: Victimisation and Perpetration
	2.3. Strangers, Deception, and the Fear of Exploitation
	2.4. Sexualised Content and the Loss of Safe Spaces
3. Psychological and Physical Health Consequences	3.1. Addiction and Isolation
	3.2. Behavioural Challenges
	3.3. Physical Health Risks
4. Navigating Safety in a Digital Landscape of Uncertainty	4.1. Everyday Risk Navigation
	4.2. The Gaps in Formal Guidance
	4.3. Calls for a Shared and Safe Learning Framework

of superordinate themes, subthemes, and illustrative quotes in their support. This approach offered a structured yet flexible understanding of the rich experiences shared by participants. Parents’ and children’s accounts were analysed together to capture a holistic perspective of family online safety dynamics. While similarities across groups were evident, examining the accounts side by side highlighted both convergence and divergence in meaning-making, a strategy consistent with IPA’s focus on interpretative depth.

3. Findings

This study is exploratory in its nature with an aim to explore Saudi children and parents’ views on the internet in terms of on online risks, harms and safety, and challenges. Following semi-structured interviews, participants’ views were grouped under four primary themes.

3.1. Theme 1: Negotiating the Promise and Peril of the Internet

When exploring parents and children’s perception the internet, much of their views surrounded the advantages it has to offer, along with uncertainties and the risks that come along the way. To children, the internet is advantageous in communication, learning, and entertainment. It also induces worries and risks, not only for the child but also for their parents.

3.1.1. The Internet as a “Second World” of Opportunity

Analysis has shown that the internet provides children and adolescents with opportunities for education and learning, entertainment, as well as socialisation with friends (Girl 1.5 and Boy 4.6). For others, it is “a second world. It helps me do my schoolwork and enjoy playing and chatting with friends” (Boy 4). Furthermore, parents are fascinated or impressed by the educational value the internet has to offer: “Sometimes I ask my son about something, and he gives me a good answer. ‘Wow, where did you learn this?’ ‘He told me’, ‘From the internet.’ I can say, this is a real school” (Mother 5). With that, they also acknowledge negative consequences. One mother stated, “Information is available without children having to search, which is a defect because they have lost their passion for searching and depend completely on the internet” (Mother 10). These accounts illustrate the ambivalent position of the internet in family life. For children, it represents a “second world” of learning and connection, while for parents it is admired for its educational value yet feared for eroding curiosity and independence. The sub-theme reflects how digital technologies are simultaneously a source of empowerment and concern within the family context.

3.1.2. Perceived Risks and Cultural Displacement

Despite the perceived advantages of the internet, participants express worries and concerns about its potential risks. Children worry about risky content, stating “There are children searching for content +18, which means its features contain a risk” (Boy 9). Others highlight how the internet could waste time and act as a distraction: “It distracts from studying, housework, prayer, everything” (Boy 7). Among parents, there is fear of exploitation: “As a child is unaware or may act out of curiosity, I fear someone might exploit my son in a bad way” (Mother 2). Parents also fear the impact of the internet in reshaping their children’s culture and values: “Behaviours differ from our traditions, making children influenced and followers of online content worldwide” (Father 3). Such risks and uncertainties leave parents worried and anxious: “I worry whether my child can understand the risks or might be drawn into something wrong” (Mother 5). Other worries surround parents’ concerns about their children seeing their lives in simple terms, that everything is achieved with ease: “Social media teaches children that they can earn money easily just by becoming famous, without working hard in life” (Mother 10). Direct communication with children is also perceived a challenge with parents, who say that online communication is easier for children: “My son might send me a message on WhatsApp when he wants something” (Mother 7). These accounts show how the internet is framed as a space of both risks and cultural disruption. Children recognise risks in terms of distraction and harmful content, while parents extend these concerns to exploitation, loss of cultural values, and weakened family communication. Together, these reflections reveal how online engagement is entangled with wider anxieties about morality, identity, and generational change.

3.1.3. The Internet as a “Dominant Rival” in Parenting

An extension to those worries is the parents’ view of the internet as a “dominant” rival: “The internet is the dominant one, even for families with strict parenting styles, they cannot cope” (Father 3). Despite introducing a rule, “there are no controls on the internet other than self-censorship, but children remain children, lacking awareness” (Mother 4). The difference between real-world rules and the online environment is glaring: “Children are vulnerable to exploitation in this parallel environment without controls” (Father 1). Furthermore, parents feel outpaced by their children’s tech-savviness: “My child learned how to delete his history, making monitoring difficult” (Father 1). One mother expressed despair, stating, “the new generation has brought things we didn’t know about, and no matter how hard we try, we cannot keep up” (Mother 10). These accounts reveal how parents perceive the internet not only as a challenge but as a force that undermines their authority and control. The sense of being outpaced by children’s digital skills leaves parents feeling powerless, highlighting a generational gap where traditional parenting strategies are perceived as ineffective in the face of an uncontrollable online environment.

3.1.4. Monitoring, Privacy, and Trust

Monitoring children online seems a concern for parents, conflicting with child privacy. They take different measures to monitor their children’s internet use. Some resort to “eavesdropping to know what they are playing or visiting” (Mother 9), while other parents insist on removing passwords: “I imposed that mobile phones should not have passwords, so I can access them anytime” (Mother 8). Despite that, monitoring is not perfect; children learn to avoid detection. One participant explained: “Children escape or delete history to avoid detection” (Mother 7). Children’s confidence was expressed as a related issue, some acknowledging parental monitoring tactics can have impact on self-confidence: “Periodic monitoring violates privacy and affects self-confidence” (Mother 10). However, another mother acknowledges that monitoring is a priority over confidence. It is seen that “monitoring is required, even if it affects confidence” (Mother 4). Parental voices highlight the ongoing tension between safeguarding children online and respecting their privacy. While parents prioritise monitoring as a safeguard against online risks, children’s resistance and concerns about confidence reveal how such practices may inadvertently weaken the very relationships they aim to protect.

3.2. Theme 2: Living with the Shadows of the Online World

Risks refer to the negative consequences children may experience from exposure to online risks, which can vary in impact. When elaborating on the various dangers or risks, participants centred their opinions around four key subthemes that reflect the nature of risks and harms children could experience: Violence and the Normalisation of Harm; Harassment, Cyberbullying: Victimisation and Perpetration; Strangers, Deception, and the Fear of Exploitation; and Sexualised Content and the Loss of Safe Spaces.

3.2.1. Violence and the Normalisation of Harm

Children explained that they frequently encounter inappropriate content online, such as violent videos, adult material, and suggestive or advertisements. One child explained: “There is exposure to +18 ads and violent game ads that affect children, making them unable to sleep at night” (Boy 9). Others reported watching imitating physically harmful behaviours: “I watched a fight clip, and someone was bullying my little brother. I imitated what I saw and hit him badly” (Boy 3). Similarly, another child expressed how video games may incite violence: “When a child plays PUBG, it contains weapons and violence. Imagine he may go to school and do the same violence” (Boy 8).

Other children shared concerns about suggestive, tricking, or profane material: “The bad thing on YouTube is clips that come up saying ‘download this app.’ When I did that, bad things appeared, like F-words or bad pictures” (Boy 2). For parents, the internet can normalise violent behaviour. One mother stated: “My children say, ‘Mom, come play, you’ll have fun,’ but I got upset because they see violence as fun!” (Mother 2). Besides violence, parents shared concerns about the internet enhancing children’s curiosity about prohibited habits: “I found my son searching online about how cigarettes are made. He looked it up on YouTube” (Father 1). Children’s experiences show how violent and explicit online content can spill over into their daily lives, shaping behaviour and even encouraging imitation. Parents’ concerns underscore how repeated exposure risks normalise violence and harmful habits, blurring the line between entertainment and acceptable conduct.

3.2.2. Harassment, Cyberbullying: Victimisation and Perpetration

Cyberbullying is a frequent risk children face. It involves harassment, threats, or insults. One child explained their fear online: “There is harassment in messages and threats. I fear someone may threaten me about something I did” (Girl 5). Another child shared: “Someone asked me to add him, and after I agreed, he sent me swear words and dirty clips” (Boy 5). Such behaviour is also noted on gaming platforms: “I was playing with friends, and suddenly a guy and a girl started saying bad things to us” (Boy 1).

The risk was not only victimisation but potentially perpetration of it. Parents noticed a shift in their children’s language and behaviour due to online exposure: “My son sometimes plays online with his friends, and they bully each other a lot” (Mother 5). Another parent explained: “My son became more daring and used words we don’t say within the family. These words only started when he began using mobile phones” (Mother 8). This was also shared by another parent, who added: “My son says vulgar language and makes gestures he learns from online games” (Mother 9). The accounts highlight how online spaces expose children to harassment and abuse, creating fear and uncertainty about their safety. At the same time, parents observe how digital interactions can encourage children to adopt aggressive language and behaviours, suggesting that victimisation and perpetration are closely intertwined in shaping their online identities.

3.2.3. Strangers, Deception, and the Fear of Exploitation

Communicating with strangers online is explained as another main risk. Children often form online friendships without knowing others’ true identities, which is a significant concern for parents and may result in a harmful outcome. Parents worry about a situation when “an online friendship has emerged, where a child meets strangers and gets to know them” (Mother 4). A parent shared her worry about a stranger communicates with her son “to play with him constantly, as if he lives with us at home” (Mother 7). Another parent shared: “Our children are introduced to an unreal life that includes strangers we do not know” (Mother 6).

Children’s interactions with strangers sometimes involve deceit and exploitation. One child shared an experience of “someone imitating a child’s voice said, ‘Let’s play this,’ and then asked for my photo. Later, he started harassing me and threatening me with that photo” (Boy 2). Another shared that they were targeted: “When I left a comment on a clip, someone added me from based on the comment, started talking to me exploiting me” (Boy 6). Another explained that strangers use techniques to disguise their voice: “I played with someone who used a sound mixer to sound like a child. Later, his voice changed, so I immediately blocked him” (Boy 9).

Sexual exploitation was specifically mentioned as a major concern in online gaming. One child explained interacting with another through online gaming “who said he was in intermediate school. I added him, but then found out he was in high school, so I blocked him” (Boy 4). Another added: “My friend met older strangers online, and they dragged him to porn sites” (Boy 1). Gaming was not the only avenue; one child shared an experience through Snapchat: “A guy added me on Snapchat. He turned out to be an old man and asked for indecent things like if we could sleep together” (Boy 3). Another child reflected on how such experience left him scared: “Someone added me online and started harassing me, saying, ‘Oh handsome.’ I didn’t understand it was wrong until my family explained. I felt scared” (Boy 5). Although these fears were mainly shared by boys, a girl explained that she fears being extorted by strangers: “I’m worried about being extorted or having my information stolen” (Girl 6). Children’s narratives highlight how easily strangers can infiltrate their digital lives through deception, imitation, and manipulation, leaving them vulnerable to harassment and exploitation. These experiences reveal the fragility of children’s ability to distinguish between safe and unsafe interactions, particularly when disguised as friendship or play. Parents’ concerns emphasise how such encounters disrupt the sense of safety within the family, where online threats are perceived as invading the private sphere of home life.

3.2.4. Sexualised Content and the Loss of Safe Spaces

Among the online risks shared, exposure to sexually explicit material is also pervasive: “There are clips like pornographic. I come across pornographic clips but don’t continue watching, I just ignore them” (Boy 7). Others described that they encounter obscene content on social media platforms: “Indecent clips, obscene photos, and dirty things appear on Instagram and Snapchat” (Boy 3). Even when searching for educational content, children find themselves encountering disturbing clips: “I was searching for a math lesson, and dirty clips came up. This is really bad and disturbing” (Boy 9).

This was also shared by parents, who struggle with managing such exposure or protecting their children from it: “My son browses family clips on Snapchat, but suddenly inappropriate clips appear. It’s something very limited but difficult to control” (Mother 7). Another parent commented on how easy it is to encounter such clips: “It’s easy for a child to access inappropriate things on platforms like X that contain indecent material” (Mother 6). Children’s voices reveal the emotional toll of online harassment, where threats and insults create fear and uncertainty about their safety in digital spaces. At the same time, parents observe how such exposure influences their children’s language and behaviour, noting a shift toward aggression and vulgarity. This dual perspective highlights how victimisation and perpetration are often intertwined, with children both suffering from and reproducing harmful behaviours they encounter online.

3.3. Theme 3: Psychological and Physical Health Consequences

Parents and children expressed their opinion on the psychological and physical impact of the internet in general. Across three subthemes, participants elaborated on Addiction and Isolation as key risks and harms, along with behavioural challenges and physical health risks.

3.3.1. Addiction and Isolation

The term “internet addiction” was frequently used, although not fully elaborated. Besides “screen time”, participants explained that it disrupts children’s daily lives, affecting their academic performance, social interactions, and overall well-being: “Children’s addiction to the internet is that they spend long hours on their mobile phones. This is a problem I experienced with my siblings” (Girl 4). It was shared that children spend excessive time online, especially on gaming, as shared by one participant: “I play PlayStation for three hours daily, sometimes four or five hours without realising the time passing” (Boy 6). Another example of excessive use of the internet was given by a participant who stated: “My friend plays online for nine hours daily during school holidays. He has become addicted and rarely leaves home” (Boy 4).

Parents also expressed concerns on how time online disrupts family life and connection: “The internet has ruined the good times that used to bring families together. Children are addicted to it, and it feels like it’s their closest friend” (Mother 4). This was also shared by a mother who stated that internet addiction affects family interactions: “My child no longer wants to travel with me unless I buy him a PlayStation card to play online with his friends” (Mother 9). Others were not comfortable with the term addiction, although explained the internet as a priority for their child: “I don’t want to say addiction because it hurts, but the internet has become the first priority in my child’s life” (Mother 7).

With time spend online, parents also reported social isolation: “My son has become isolated and doesn’t talk much. His daily life revolves around devices and digital technology” (Mother 6). A parent noted that their child is withdrawn as a result. A mother noticed that “introversion, isolation, withdrawal, and lack of social interaction arise when the internet is used without balance” (Mother 2). Virtual personality, different from real, was also explained: “A child may create an online personality that they love but is not real” (Mother 5). The impact of such isolation and detachment extends to family dynamics: “My children have become so isolated that it’s hard to gather them for dinner because they are always on their phones or playing games” (Mother 8). Children’s voices show how online engagement, especially gaming, can lead to excessive use that disrupts daily routines and school life. Parents’ reflections highlight how this behaviour not only isolates children socially but also reshapes family dynamics, where digital devices begin to replace traditional forms of connection. This illustrates how dependence on the internet becomes intertwined with identity and belonging, but at the cost of balance and real world interaction.

3.3.2. Behavioural Challenges

Along with the psychological impacts, parents observed that children’s internet use could lead to anger and aggressive behaviour: “My son used to be friendly but has become nervous and angry, especially when it involves the internet or iPad” (Mother 7). Similarly, another parent shared: “My son gets nervous if I take the phone away from him. He becomes aggressive towards his siblings and even refuses to eat until I return it” (Mother 8). The competitive nature of online gaming can also exacerbate frustration: “When I ask my son to stop playing, he gets upset and says things like, ‘You didn’t let me play, so I won’t do my homework,’ taking a kind of reverse revenge” (Mother 9).

Parents also noted that their children can be mentally distracted: “My son can’t focus on one idea when I talk to him; there’s noticeable distraction because of the internet” (Mother 6). Such distraction can also lead to academic struggles: “Those who use the internet a lot don’t focus on school lessons because their thoughts are elsewhere” (Boy 8). Parents emphasised the broader cognitive impacts: “Jumping from one video to another negatively affects children’s attention span and focus” (Mother 5). Parents’ observations suggest that children’s online use often fuels irritability, aggression, and conflict within the family, especially when access is restricted. Alongside these emotional reactions, the constant stimulation of digital platforms appears to fragment attention, leaving children distracted and academically disengaged. This highlights how behavioural and cognitive challenges are intertwined, showing the broader strain that digital dependence places on both individual well-being and family harmony.

3.3.3. Physical Health Risks

Extended online activities may contribute to different physical health issues such as vison impairment, according to participants, mainly children: “Overusing the internet causes vision problems” (Girl 3). Children themselves noted these effects: “Sitting and playing for hours hurts kids’ vision” (Boy 6). Parents echoed these concerns but also added more health risks: “Poor vision, headaches, and sitting for long periods lead to joint pain and even obesity” (Mother 2).

Obesity linked to internet use was a recurrent opinion among parents. A mother noted that “one harm of the internet is obesity because children eat while sitting and don’t move much” (Mother 9). Another parent added that “there are physical risks like poor vision and loss of appetite” (Mother 9). Online influencers can also affect children’s choices or dietary habits: “There’s a YouTube channel where a family eats spicy, harmful foods. My son orders similar items without my knowledge, which affects his view of food and could lead to weight gain” (Mother 5). Children and parents alike recognise how excessive online use can manifest physically, from eye strain and headaches to obesity and poor appetite. Parents’ concerns extend beyond immediate symptoms, pointing to how sedentary habits and online influences reshape children’s lifestyles in unhealthy ways. This sub-theme illustrates how digital engagement is embodied, with its risks not only psychological but also deeply connected to children’s physical well-being.

3.4. Theme 4: Navigating Safety in a Digital Landscape of Uncertainty

The ever-increasing adoption of the internet and online technologies has introduced significant challenges in managing online lives and risks for both children and parents. This theme reports on the different strategies and perspectives on online safety through three subthemes covering children’s and parents’ navigation everyday risks, the gaps in formal guidance, and the urgent need for a shared and safe learning framework.

3.4.1. Everyday Risk Navigation

When encountering risks and unwanted exposures or content online, children use various strategies to address these risks: “If I see a dirty clip, I skip it and block the account” (Boy 3). Blocking individuals was also a strategy shared when facing cyberbullying: “I face bullying in comments, and if it happens more than once, I may report or block the account” (Boy 6). Other children activate parental controls: “Some online games have a parental control option, so I now activate parental control” (Boy 1). Reporting inappropriate content is another strategy: “When I come across inappropriate content, I directly report it, and it no longer appears” (Boy 9).

Children also seek parental support and guidance for online challenges: “If I face a problem with the internet, I go to my parents” (Girl 1). However, some children prefer to rely on themselves first to resolve the issue independently before approaching parent: “If I go through a negative experience, I try to solve it myself, and if I can’t, I talk to my father because I know he can solve it” (Boy 4). However, not all children disclose online issues; one admitted: “If I face a negative experience on the internet, I do not talk about it to anyone” (Boy 7).

When considering parents’ views, they believe online “banning” children from the internet is impractical and should be replaced by education: “Preventing children from accessing the internet is not a solution, as it is the basics of life, but it is recommended to educate them” (Father 1). Another parent stressed that when monitoring and supervising children online, “I do not completely prevent my child from using the internet, but there must be supervision” (Mother 9). Time management (control) and shared activities are also seen as effective strategies: “It is important to control my child’s time on the internet and online games” (Father 3). Another parent added that they observe their child’s use of the internet and share activities: “I stay with my children while they are online, which means we can share online activities” (Mother 10). Children’s strategies, such as blocking or reporting, show their growing agency in managing online risks, though not all feel confident enough to seek help. The tension between independence and reliance on parents highlights how digital risk navigation is both an individual and relational process. Parents’ reflections emphasise that outright prevention is neither possible nor desirable, shifting the focus toward guidance, education, and shared online experiences as more sustainable strategies.

3.4.2. The Gaps in Formal Guidance

Educating children on staying safe online is necessary to participants, though its implementation in schools is inconsistent and based on “warnings”. Some children have received limited online safety education. One explained that online safety was communicated through computer classes: “I had computer classes that alert me about internet risks” (Boy 1), and another mentioned past education: “In the sixth grade, I had life skills subject, and I got warnings about online devices” (Boy 2). Such education seems to depend on the teacher’s main efforts, mainly a set of warnings: “Sometimes teachers give us warnings at school, especially the computer teacher, but until now we haven’t had lessons” (Boy 5).

Other children explained lack of formal online safety education: “I didn’t receive any lessons in school about protecting myself from online risks” (Boy 3). This was also shared by parents, with one sharing: “My son has never told me about receiving anything about online safety” (Mother 6). Another added: “I have no idea whether children are receiving online safety lessons at school” (Father 1). Parents went on to criticise online safety education, labelling it as inadequate: “What they received so far is not enough and very superficial” (Mother 10), and “There is no specific curriculum, only voluntary work from some teachers” (Father 3). Children’s voices reveal that online safety education is inconsistent and often reduced to simple warnings rather than meaningful instruction. Parents’ voices reinforce this gap, expressing frustration at the lack of structured curricula and reliance on individual teachers’ efforts. This highlights how limited formal guidance leaves families feeling unsupported, placing greater responsibility on parents and children themselves to navigate online risks.

3.4.3. Calls for a Shared and Safe Learning Framework

Children and parents emphasised the necessity for systematic online safety education. Children stressed the importance of educational lessons to fully understand digital problems or risks. One said: “Students need lessons because they don’t know about digital problems or internet addiction” (Boy 4). Another child shared: “We need it because there are many students who do not understand the internet and go to sites they do not know” (Boy 9). The need for lessons is further shared by others: “We should get some lessons because some children don’t know what’s wrong with the internet” (Boy 8), and “must be some lessons teaching us about online risk” (Boy 7).

Parents also called for formal training, not only for children but also for them as parents. One parent suggested: “It would be perfect if there was a specific subject about online safety because life now is based on the internet” (Mother 6). Another stressed the importance of parental training and that it will help “children in protecting themselves and help us in helping our children protect themselves” (Mother 2). There was consensus among parents that online safety should be incorporated into school curricula: “It is essential to make the internet a safe environment via standards for protecting children from the internet and its risks; these must be included in school curricula” (Mother 9). Both children and parents strongly emphasise the need for structured, curriculum-based online safety education, reflecting a shared recognition that current measures are inadequate. Parents extend this call to include their own training, acknowledging that effective protection requires a partnership between families and schools. This underscores the demand for a collaborative framework where digital literacy is taught systematically, creating safer and more informed online experiences for children.

4. Discussion

This qualitative study explored the Saudi children and their parents’ perceptions and views on, risks, and strategies associated with internet use. With this aim in mind, IPA analyses produced four key themes, namely “Negotiating the Promise and Peril of the Internet”, “Living with the Shadows of the Online World”, “Psychological and Physical Health Consequences”, and “Navigating Safety in a Digital Landscape of Uncertainty”.

4.1. Negotiating the Promise and Peril of the Internet (Themes 1)

Both parents and children understand and perceive the internet is a source of benefits and worries. When addressing the perceived advantages of the internet, both groups recognise communication, entertainment, and education as key. Children value online platforms for connecting with peers and exploring diverse content, while parents appreciate the educational resources and tools that aid in their children’s learning. This is aligned with previous research highlighting the importance of the internet and social media in providing children with opportunities (Alharbi et al. 2021; Koran et al. 2022). Conversely, participants also acknowledge the perceived risks/negatives. Children and parents express worry about adult or explicit content, time wasting, and the distraction the internet could be for children (Alharbi et al. 2021).

While there is a worry of exploitation online for children, parents are concerned that social media threatens cultural values and simplifies life excessively, a persistent concern for many parents in Saudi Arabia (Alsaedy 2015). Additionally, some parents feel sidelined by their children’s preference for online communication over face-to-face interactions. In the same vein, there is tension between parents’ desire to monitor their children’s online activity and respecting and developing their privacy and confidence. Viewing the internet as a competitor for their children’s attention along with being overwhelmed by their children’s advanced internet knowledge adds to parents’ worries and concerns. This parental struggle highlights potential “digital divide” between parents and children. The worry of parents is evident, most of it attributed to poor digital literacy and online safety strategies and inability to protect their children online (Livingstone and Blum-Ross 2020). Furthermore, they acknowledge the importance of developing and maintaining privacy and confidence for their children but are also aware of the importance of being strict. In a collective and conservative society, Saudi parents’ practices (e.g., strict access) may lead to diminished sense of autonomy and privacy and may strain parent–child relationship (Shin and Lwin 2017). While children’s voices were central in articulating experiences of risk and harm, parents’ perspectives added important cultural dimensions. Many framed their concerns through the lens of family privacy, morality, and protection, reflecting collective anxieties about exposure to sensitive or inappropriate content. These narratives highlight how parental worries are shaped not only by individual experiences but also by broader cultural expectations around honour, reputation, and vulnerability. Even where supporting literature is limited, these reflections underscore the value of situating parental perspectives within cultural frameworks to fully understand the negotiation of digital risks in the Saudi context.

4.2. Living with the Shadows of the Online World (Themes 2)

When talking about actual encounters or experiences of risks online, participants identified exposure to violent and threatening and suggestive content as a prevalent and a significant concern. Risks were also encountered in the form of harassment and cyberbullying, with victimisation often occurring on gaming platforms where children faced harassment, threats, and insults. Additionally, with victimisation, parents also observed a troubling shift in their children’s behaviour, noting that the use of the internet and encountering aggression online increased aggressive behaviour in their children and the use of vulgar language. Participants discussed how easy it is to encounter sexual or explicit content, often suggested without warning, attributed to algorithms, making it another significant concern for children and parents. Such content is even encountered when browsing educational resources. Moreover, exploitation was another concern shared by both parents and children. This has been attributed to strangers online; parents feared that their children might meet exploitative adult strangers. Children reported being targeted by a stranger, with some exploiters using techniques like voice disguise. Worryingly, sexual exploitation was noted by children on online gaming platforms and Snapchat. All these risks are well documented and fall within the general understandings of online risks and harm typology (Livingstone and Stoilova 2021). It should be noted that online gaming was noted as key concern regarding many of these risks; research clearly demonstrated that online gaming is less monitored by parents, often difficult to control (Przybylski 2019).

Child/parent perspective on various risks are valid but also narrow. While the previously mentioned risks represent significant concerns, they overlook the broader spectrum of online threats, such as privacy violations, misinformation, and exposure to harmful ideologies, AI-generated risks, pro-anorexia, and self-harm content. This limited understanding is often a hinder for the development of effective online safety measures (Livingstone et al. 2018). Moreover, concepts such as harassment and cyberbullying were used interchangeably, although they differ in meaning. According to Samara et al. (2024) Arabic-speaking countries, due to different dialects and richness of language, lack consensus on cyberbullying-related terminology. Hence, there is an urgent need for comprehensive education to fully understand the diverse nature of online risks to better equip children and parents for safer internet use.

4.3. Psychological and Physical Health Consequences (Themes 3)

Along with online risks, participants also shared the psychological and physical health consequences. At the centre of this are internet addiction and isolation. Internet addiction was discussed as a key psychological challenge by both parents and children, often explained by excessive screen time, especially in gaming. Parents noted that children can be isolated as a result, eventually impacting family interactions.

Interestingly, the internet was to blame; however, the relationship between social isolation and internet addiction can be bidirectional. The internet or gaming can be a place of solace or coping for socially isolated children; it helps them to cope with live stresses and ultimately develop internet addiction (Caplan 2003). Internet dependence may displace face-to-face interactions, weaken social skills and communication (Kuss and Griffiths 2012). In this study, online gaming was mainly to blame, and previous research has shown that social withdrawal is a key predictor of internet gaming disorder (Zhou et al. 2024).

Along with psychological challenges, behavioural challenges were also discussed by parents who highlighted increased anger, aggression, and frustration in children as a direct result of excessive internet use. This in line with previous research highlighting the role of the internet, especially violent online games, in shaping behaviour (Fitzpatrick et al. 2023; Zhu et al. 2024; Zaky et al. 2023). Parents shared that their children could express agitation, frustration, and can also be mentally distracted and struggling academically; these are all symptoms of internet addiction, especially when internet use is limited or restricted for the child (Kuss and Lopez-Fernandez 2016)

Along with the psychological and behavioural challenges, children and parents identified physical health risks associated with frequent intent use and prolonged screen time. While children mainly reported concerns about vision impairment, parents observed issues such as obesity and loss of appetite. In terms of vision, it is estimated that half of the world population would suffer from myopia by 2050 (need for proximity for better vision). Screen time is one of the main predictors of such vison impairment (Holden et al. 2016). Obesity links with screen time are well documented in previous research, as suggested in a meta-analysis by Abbasalizad Farhangi et al. (2022). Screen time often restricts children from physical activities and may impact their eating habits.

4.4. Navigating Safety in a Digital Landscape of Uncertainty (Themes 4)

When navigating everyday risks, both parents and children reported different strategies, some children mainly blocking or reporting inappropriate content or behaviour and others seeking parental guidance. Although blocking and reporting harmful online encounters are essential online safety strategies, they are mainly reactive and hence insufficient as standalone measures. Such measures address risks after exposure, not before. This leaves children vulnerable to initial harm and its psychological effects. Children often lack confidence in reporting systems and may fear repercussions. Proactive strategies in the form of digital literacy education as well as platform accountability are also necessary for a safer digital environment (Bright et al. 2024).

Although some parents acknowledge that banning internet use is ineffective, the explained screen time management is key in combating risks along with shared parent–child experiences online. This view by parents is important, often cited in research as an effective approach. Sharing online experiences builds trust and helps children feel safer online. Open communication helps children recognise risks and seek prompt parental support. Along with screen time management, shared online experiences can promote healthier and safer internet use, minimising risks and harms (Livingstone and Helsper 2008).

Beyond control, children and parents feel school online safety education is inadequate. When taught, rarely and inconsistently, children reported that such education is brief, based on a set of warnings that rely on personal initiatives by teachers. There is a notable absence of formal, structured online safety programs in schools. Both groups have appealed for comprehensive online safety education, integrated into school curricula, ensuring consistent and thorough coverage of online risks and protective measures. This is consistent with European research findings, showing that many school programs are not driven by a standardised curriculum and are heavily influenced by teachers’ initiatives. This can result in gaps in students’ knowledge and skills for safer and more effective internet use (Livingstone et al. 2011).

Although schools share some responsibility, parents also acknowledge their need for formal training to keep up with digital risks and better support their children. Considering parent views, none of them have mentioned age-appropriate restrictions, which further highlight a gap in their skill.

With the advancement of internet and technology, parents acknowledge their own need for formal training to effectively guide and support their children in navigating the digital world. This is generally unavailable, and research indicates that many parents rely on their own initiatives and self-education. Many others also feel helpless and struggle with the knowledge and skills needed for effective engagement in their children’s online lives (Livingstone and Blum-Ross 2020). This diversity or divide requires targeted education and support programs to meet the needs of all parents.

To conclude, this discussion highlights the complex relationship between the use of the internet and the experiences of online risks and harms among Saudi children and adolescents as well as their parents. Overall, there is limited knowledge and awareness of online risks and harms and their emotional and physical consequences. Although fear of risks such as cyberbullying, harassment, adult content, and exploitation was shared, many other risks were not discussed. Internet addiction, isolation, and behavioural consequences were most prominent. These views are also limited; previous research has documented relationships with depression, anxiety, self-esteem, and many other emotional challenges. Child online safety is predominately reactive. Most importantly, participants acknowledge the lack of systematic online safety education. It is no surprise that children’s general awareness, perception, and online safety skills are limited. The National Framework for Children’s Online Safety on Saudi Arabia (2023) is a positive step, yet this initiative is unevaluated. Its outreach to parents and schools may be limited, as it does not adequately address potential digital divide among parents and children, and there are also concerns around children’s autonomy and privacy. Continuous evaluation and inclusive implementation are crucial for its success.

5. Practical Implications and Recommendations

To enhance online safety education in Saudi Arabia, there is a critical need to improve awareness among parents and children about online risks and harms through targeted campaigns. Integrating online safety into national educational policies is essential, ensuring schools include systematic and age-appropriate safety education in their curriculum. Such education must be continuous and adaptive to keep pace with evolving digital risks. Parental training programs should focus on improving knowledge of internet controls and fostering balanced guidance without excessive restrictions. Additionally, involving community and religious institutions can help disseminate culturally aligned safety practices. Finally, initiatives must be informed by research to address existing gaps, such as the limited emphasis on parental controls, ensuring their relevance and effectiveness.

This qualitative study and findings should be translated with caution; they represent the views and the experiences of participants and are not necessarily true about the general Saudi population. The researcher specialises in digital media and internet use among youth, and as a member of the same national context likely shaped both the framing of the research questions and the analysis. While this shared background facilitated trust, it may also have led to assumptions about the role of digital technologies. During interviews, there was resistance in adding depth: although participants have experienced some risky encounters, they were not able to elaborate in greater detail. This may reflect cultural norms around privacy, the influence of discomfort in verbalising certain experiences. The phrasing of sensitive questions, particularly regarding sexual content or risky interactions, may also have influenced responses. Future research could address this by employing a cross-sectional survey study, where participants could share their views and opinions in a more systematic way. The analyses were conducted by a single author to preserve the sincerity and sensitivity of the data. However, this approach carries potential risks, as the absence of triangulation or multiple coders may introduce blind spots or unconscious bias. Future qualitative research should consider team-based coding, triangulation of perspectives, or external auditing to strengthen the credibility and confirmability of findings.