Mind the Net: Parental Awareness and State Responsibilities in the Age of Grooming

Abstract

In the digital environment, grooming—classified as a communication-based risk—has shown a steadily increasing frequency in recent years. In Hungary, increasing attention has been directed to the protection of children’s rights in the digital space in alignment with ensuring their online safety, with both parents and the state playing crucial roles in ensuring a safe digital presence. Within this context, the state bears a particular responsibility to educate not only children but also parents. This study explores how public policies and institutional programs in Hungary address the prevention of grooming and the reactive management of this harm through parental awareness. It examines existing measures aimed at expanding knowledge related to prevention and response, based on a qualitative analysis of the normative foundations of the state’s educational obligations and the relevant academic literature. The study relies on questionnaire data collected from parents of children aged 7 to 18 to examine the effectiveness of state measures and parents’ perceptions of them. The findings of the empirical research may support the development of state-led parental education programs and identify current gaps. As such, it can play a guiding role in shaping the direction of a future, large-scale investigation.

1. Introduction

In our forthcoming paper, we examined the concept of grooming as defined in the academic literature (Meggyesfalvi 2023; Baracsi 2024; Lanning 2018; Burgess and Hartman 2018), and within international, European Union, and domestic legal frameworks. This analysis revealed that online grooming is a deliberate and targeted behavioural pattern categorized as a contact risk affecting children, wherein an adult gradually builds a relationship of trust with a child through digital communication tools to prepare for an unlawful act. The phenomenon is known even from the pre-internet era; however, it is undeniable that the opportunities provided by the digital environment now serve as catalysts for those seeking to entrap children (Dorasamy et al. 2021). Grooming clearly violates the child’s right to protection against sexual exploitation and abuse. Furthermore, considering the holistic interpretation of children’s rights and in connection with other possible motivations for grooming—such as financial gain or data collection—it may involve the infringement of additional rights (Kaviani Johnson 2023) and the realization of other associated, cross-cutting risks (Livingstone and Stoilova 2021).

A high degree of latency is likely in grooming cases, and some form of grooming behaviour often appears in the context of child sexual abuse (CSA) offences (Winters et al. 2024). In such cases, the prevention of grooming may directly support the prevention of criminal acts. As Johnson points out, the terms ‘CSAM’ (Child Sexual Abuse Material) and ‘CSEM’ (Child Sexual Exploitation Material) are increasingly prevalent in academic discourse, replacing the term ‘child pornography.’ This shift reflects a more accurate representation of the materials’ true, abusive, and exploitative content, and avoids the implication of ‘pornography’ (Johnson 2025). Consistent with Johnson’s reasoning, we primarily employ the term ‘CSAM’ throughout this study, except when describing regulatory frameworks and sources (e.g., in reports) that still utilize the term ‘child pornography’.

As a digital risk, grooming can lead to serious consequences even in the offline world if it progresses into actual harm. Grooming can be considered a form of harm that may have long-lasting negative effects on a child, potentially impacting the individual throughout their entire life. Wolfe and Doyle examined the adult symptoms of trauma in survivors of childhood sexual abuse in relation to the tactics used by perpetrators during grooming. Their findings show that the method of grooming—such as threatening or violent behavior, verbal coercion, or manipulation through drugs or alcohol—plays a significant role in the severity of trauma symptoms (Wolf and Pruitt 2019). According to Helen C. Whittle et al. the effects of online grooming are not only reflected in the child’s self-image but can also impact family relationships, friendships, academic performance, and the child’s relationship with the internet (Whittle et al. 2013). Grooming should not be seen as an isolated phenomenon, as it negatively affects the child’s well-being and overall quality of life (Ortega-Barón et al. 2022). Furthermore, as part of the grooming strategy—whether in an online or offline environment—the perpetrator may deliberately isolate the child from their family members and friends (Ringenberg et al. 2022). Secrecy is also a central element of the grooming process, as victims often attempt to keep the events hidden due to feelings of shame, as highlighted in one of the case studies by Smith et al. (2023).

Beyond the harm caused to the child, grooming can also affect the child’s family and broader environment. The phenomenon is particularly dangerous because, to gain access to the child and achieve their goals, the perpetrators may infiltrate the trust of the child’s immediate surroundings—whether that be the family or an institutional setting. Moreover, as McAlinden pointed out in the early 2000s, perpetrators of grooming sometimes attempt to manipulate members of the criminal justice system as well. Grooming, therefore, can influence both the micro and macro environments, and has the potential to undermine trust as a social construct (McAlinden 2006). By gaining the trust of the community, perpetrators can often ensure that people believe their words over the victim’s, thereby withholding the support the victim needs (Craven et al. 2006).

The protection of children’s rights in the digital space constitutes a global challenge. The Alexander McCartney case alone illustrates that grooming often poses a threat across national borders—and even across continents (The King V Alexander Mccartney 2024). Therefore, the protection of children in the digital environment must not only be interpreted at the national level, but also considering supranational legal obligations—internationally and, in the case of Hungary, within the European Union context. Both international and EU legal frameworks impose obligations on states to ensure the protection of children’s rights in the digital sphere. State involvement in this area can manifest at several levels in practice. First, it may target the state’s own institutional system and public sector actors. Second, it may address children and their immediate environment, including parents, childcare and educational organizations, and members of the child protection signalling system. Third, regulation and responsibility also extend to private sector actors, particularly digital service providers. The protection of children’s rights in digital environments can only be achieved through an integrated, multi-stakeholder approach, in which the state acts not only as a regulator but also as a coordinator and supporter (Kovács-Szépvölgyi 2024). In addition to the state and market players, individuals—especially children and their parents—also have an important role to play in ensuring children’s online safety (The Lancet Digital Health 2024). Parents are not in an easy position and often feel unsure or powerless when trying to prevent the risks that may threaten their child’s safety online. To support families effectively, government and institutional strategies must offer targeted, evidence-based resources, particularly to help parents recognize more hidden risks such as online grooming (Patterson et al. 2022). Parental awareness and mediation play a decisive role in the prevention of online risks and harms (Whittle et al. 2014). Accordingly, this study focuses on state-level measures aimed at strengthening parental awareness. We do not examine the practices of children’s services; however, it should be noted that the institutional perspective on the risks of the digital space is also not negligible (El-Asam et al. 2021).

While this study focuses mainly on parental awareness, it’s important to recognize that grooming is often carried out by adults who are already part of a child’s trusted circle. In most cases, the perpetrator of grooming in offline environments is someone familiar to the child—family friends, relatives, teachers, or community members—including, as Shappley and Walker point out, family acquaintances or religious leaders (Shappley and Walker 2024). Winters et al. found that grooming by strangers constituted less than 10% of cases, with the majority involving family members (Winters et al. 2024). The concept of grooming first emerged in academic literature based on observations that those who commit child sexual abuse tend to use specific, calculated tactics—often described as “luring”. These strategies have been documented as far back as the 1970s and were developed to gain access to children and manipulate them over time (Lanning 2018). However, the detectability of grooming is complicated by the fact that these interactions, to an outside observer, often appear to be normal, accepted child-adult interactions (Jeglic et al. 2023). Winters and Jeglic further highlight that grooming-related behaviours are also a component of sibling sexual harm (SSH) (Winters and Jeglic 2023). When it comes to educators, research by Jeglic and Winters (2025) highlights a clear connection between grooming and sexual abuse. Their findings show that, in most cases, the educators involved were active in youth organizations—and notably, about one-third also served as coaches. This makes it even more important for professionals working in schools and caregiving settings to recognize the warning signs of grooming and know how to respond (Jeglic and Winters 2025). Besides children, teachers, and caregivers, law enforcement personnel should also be educated about grooming (Dolev-Cohen et al. 2024). The role of the criminal justice system, particularly that of the investigative authorities during the investigation phase, is crucial in effectively combating grooming. Therefore, it is essential to provide case study–based training on the phenomenon of grooming for members of investigative authorities as well (Smith et al. 2023).

2. The State’s Role in Enhancing Parental Awareness, Particularly Regarding Grooming

Ensuring the upbringing and development of children is primarily the responsibility of parents; however, it is also an obligation for states to take necessary measures to protect children—including supporting parents and other child educators (UNCRC, Article 3 and 18). Children’s rights can be interpreted within a unique, tri-polar legal relationship (child–parent–state) (Lux 2018), the dimensions of which are supplemented by new challenges in the digital space.

For the adaptation of this tri-polar legal relationship into the digital space, the theoretical framework of cyberfare state models provides conceptualization and facilitates the understanding of the nature of state measures. These models, which are primarily related to cybersecurity, apply different approaches (Kelemen 2024). The smart total control model employs strong, centralized control and complete surveillance according to Kelemen. This is demonstrated, for instance, through the limitation of parental decision-making rights, as illustrated by the example of Chinese video game regulation (Xiao 2022). In contrast, the cooperative cyberfare state model emphasizes respect for parental autonomy and the reinforcement of digital competencies. Numerous transitional forms exist between these two models, and increasingly, democratic rule-of-law states are also adopting more decisive state actions, potentially limiting parental decision-making competence—for example, the amendment to Australian social media regulation, coming into force in December 2025 (Carah et al. 2025). At the same time, during age restriction, attention must be paid to the normative and emancipatory principles derived from evolving capacities (Livingstone and Sylwander 2025). In states following the cooperative model, states have a dual task concerning parents for the purpose of protecting children in the digital space. On the one hand, they need to provide preventive support to parents—for example, through educational programs and awareness-raising campaigns—and on the other hand, they must ensure the possibility of response in cases where endangerment or harm has already occurred.

The title is not merely eye-catching; its underlying message is that individuals (especially parents) must actively “Mind the Net”. This encompasses awareness, vigilance, the recognition of risks, and the implementation of appropriate protective measures. This proactive, individual participation is linked to that model of the cyberfare state that build upon the active role of citizens, rather than solely on state control. The state provides the necessary tools, education, and legal framework, but individual responsibility and active involvement (the parental “Mind the Net”) are essential for the system’s effective operation. This study precisely examines this partnership: the state’s responsibility in education and the level of parental awareness. The “Mind the Net” concept moves away from a model where the state fully assumes the protective task and restricts individual liberties.

Policies aimed at raising parental awareness are less intrusive and give parents greater freedom of choice than strict, restrictive regulations. The latter—restricting access and activities and imposing sanctions for noncompliance—are often criticized on the grounds that they violate children’s rights, parents’ rights, or allow excessive interference by the state and its agencies, while failing to address the real risks and harms (Carras et al. 2021). In contrast, initiatives aimed at raising parental awareness focus on harnessing the power of parental mediation through education, enabling families to make decisions directly, supported by dialogue between parents and children, without unnecessarily draconian state intervention (Dorasamy et al. 2021; Kamar et al. 2022; Tintori et al. 2023). Policies aimed at parental awareness are generally more politically neutral. They do not prescribe strict controls or sanctions and are therefore more acceptable across a broader political spectrum incorporating flexibly across diverse legal and cultural contexts, appealing to regions that value either state involvement or personal freedoms (Sani et al. 2021), (Elgharnah and Ozdamli 2020). These policies may be attractive to jurisdictions that support both state intervention and liberal tendencies, as they avoid the debates about state overreach and personal freedom that often accompany strict legislation. This neutrality can facilitate broader acceptance and implementation of the policies, as they are less likely to provoke strong ideological opposition.

The states’ obligation to protect against risks may also stem from supranational regulations. In international law, the protection of children’s rights is ensured by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN General Assembly 1989), whose Articles 19 and 34 lay down the right to protection against violence and sexual exploitation, related to grooming (Kaviani Johnson 2023). The preamble of the Optional Protocol on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography refer to challenges generated by the internet and other developing technologies regarding child pornography (Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography 2000). General Comments No. 13, 20, and 25 of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child already refer to grooming as a source of danger in the digital environment, highlighting children’s vulnerability and the importance of prevention. General Comment No. 13 helps States parties interpret the child’s right to freedom from all forms of violence. It extends this interpretation to violence occurring in the digital environment and through ICT tools, within which grooming appears as preparation for sexual activity (Committee on the Rights of the Child 2011). General Comment No. 20 also touches upon young people’s right to information and identifies preparation for sexual exploitation in the digital environment—grooming—as a risk (Committee on the Rights of the Child 2016). Finally, General Comment No. 25, when examining children’s rights in the digital environment, mentions grooming in a narrower sense, emphasizing the special protection of vulnerable and defenceless children (Committee on the Rights of the Child 2021).

Within the regional human rights protection system, the Council of Europe’s (2018) Recommendation classifies grooming—the solicitation of children for sexual purposes—among harmful online behaviours and prescribes awareness-raising and educational obligations for states towards children, parents, caregivers, and educators. The concept appears as a synonym for solicitation and holds a central place in the Council of Europe’s Strategy for the Rights of the Child (2022–2027) (Council of Europe 2022), which integrates child protection within the framework of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, the European Convention on Human Rights, and the Sustainable Development Goals. Grooming specifically appears in relation to children’s right to protection against violence, in the areas of awareness-raising and safe technological access. Article 23 of the Lanzarote Convention—not explicitly names grooming—the official English version of the convention uses the term solicitation of children for sexual purposes—and obliges States Parties to criminalize online grooming (Council of Europe 2007).

At the European Union level, regulations concerning child protection addressed the phenomenon of grooming early on: a multi-annual community program decision referred to it as preparation for sexual harassment, emphasizing the role of information points aimed at informing parents and children (Decision No 1351/2008/EC 2008). The Directive on combating the sexual abuse and exploitation of children and child pornography uses the term “solicitation” for contact made with sexual intent (Directive 2011/93/EU 2011). Two ongoing legislative procedures pay particular attention to protection against grooming (Parti and Szabó 2024). The proposed regulation would include child solicitation within the scope of online child sexual abuse, obliging service providers to automatically filter such content in interpersonal communications (EU COM(2022) 209 final 2022/0155(COD) 2022). The proposed directive addresses grooming (also “solicitation” in the English text) in the context of sextortion (EU COM(2024) 60 final 2024/0035(COD) 2024). The harmonization effort within the EU would affect criminal law protection against grooming. In June 2025, the European Parliament adopted the draft legislative resolution on the proposed directive. Recital 43 emphasizes the importance of prevention targeted at parents.

The European Strategy for a Better Internet for Kids (BIK), adopted in 2012, aimed to create a safe internet in the EU by addressing multiple policy areas. It broadly focused on making the internet a safe place for children through the regulatory environment. BIK was revised in 2022, and the European Commission adopted the BIK+ strategy. BIK+ comprises three pillars: (1) ensuring safe digital experiences and protecting children from harmful and illegal online content, (2) enhancing digital empowerment, and (3) ensuring active participation. Although pillar (1) does not specifically name measures targeting parents, parental involvement in BIK+ can be seen in the context of protection against harmful and dangerous content. The role of parents can also be highlighted in relation to pillar (2). This encourages digital empowerment and underlines the need for several media literacy campaigns targeting parents (BIK+) (European Commission 2022).

In this regard, parental education holds particular importance, as parents play a fundamental role in empowering children digitally and promoting their safety. Raising parental awareness is essential not only for prevention, but also for providing an appropriate response when incidents occur. In terms of parental mediation and attitudes, the approach taken toward risks and harms is crucial. Parents who recognize and understand the severity of risks and harms are more likely to implement preventive measures (Helsper et al. 2024).

This study examines how Hungary, considering its obligations under international and European Union law, engages in state-level initiatives to raise parental awareness regarding grooming. Furthermore, it investigates the extent to which parental awareness is emphasized as a preventive measure in the analysed policy documents. Finally, the study assesses the perceived effectiveness of these efforts based on a non-representative empirical survey.

3. Materials and Methods

We used a combined approach in this study, mixing guided qualitative policy analysis with a questionnaire-based empirical survey. The reason for this approach was our intention to evaluate the findings of the questionnaire in the broader context of existing policy frameworks.

3.1. Guided Qualitative Policy Analysis

Within the guided qualitative policy analysis our research aimed to examine the current legislative framework, comprising both soft and hard laws, at the international level (including universal and European regional levels), European Union law, and the Hungarian domestic framework. The primary objective was to understand how online grooming is addressed within this legislation, assess the clarity of related terminology, and explore the roles of general prevention and parental prevention as outlined by these frameworks.

The selection of materials was based on prior knowledge of the literature (Kaseb and Milovidov 2021), (Kaviani Johnson 2023), (Kovács-Szépvölgyi 2024), (Parti and Szabó 2024) and information on current EU legislative processes relating to child protection and the digital environment. Altogether, this analysis covers 17 documents—ranging from soft to hard law—across the three legal domains discussed: international law, European Union law, and national (domestic) law. The international-level documents are presented in Section 2, while the national framework includes two Hungarian instruments: Act XXXI of 1997 on Child Protection and the Digital Child Protection Strategy.

During the analysis, we used a deductive coding framework based on four predefined questions: (1) Does the document contain the term “grooming”? (2) Does the phenomenon of grooming appear in the content? If so, what terms are used to describe the phenomena of grooming? (3) Does the document discuss the role of prevention? (4) Does parental prevention appear, and if so, in what form?

All documents were read in their entirety, and keyword searches were also performed to identify relevant sections. The data was recorded manually in a matrix-based structure in Microsoft Excel, categorized according to the four questions. This systematic and transparent method enabled a comparative analysis of how grooming and related preventive measures are presented in different legal and policy documents. Although we did not use special qualitative analysis software, the matrix-based approach ensured the repeatability and traceability of the results (the methodological process of the guided qualitative content analysis is shown in Figure 1).

3.2. Survey Data

The study employed an exploratory design with the aim of gaining insight into Hungarian parents’ perceptions, experiences, and expectations regarding online grooming, online safety, and institutional support. The survey was reviewed prior to data collection by a subject-matter expert—specifically, the researcher who developed the Cyberfare State model referenced in this study—thereby strengthening the content validity of the instrument.

The survey was designed to explore six main thematic domains, in addition to collecting basic demographic information (including gender, age, level of education, type of settlement, and region of residence). These domains included: (1) knowledge and awareness of online grooming, (2) personal experiences with suspicious online interactions, (3) parental attitudes and perceived preparedness, (4) mediation practices used within the family, (5) awareness of institutional support services, and (6) expectations toward state and institutional involvement. Each domain consisted of both closed-ended and scaled items to capture parents’ experiences, practices, and perceptions related to online grooming and safety. While the questionnaire was structured around these six thematic domains, the Section 4 presents the findings through five analytical subsections—(Section 4.1) Risk Awareness Among Parents, (Section 4.2) Risk Awareness Among Parents of Children Who Have Already Been Victims of Grooming, (Section 4.3) Parental Education, (Section 4.4) Parental Mediation, and (Section 4.5) Parental Opinion Perception—which reflect and synthesize these themes. This analytic structure was developed to connect individual-level survey data with broader policy and institutional contexts. To provide insight into the structure and focus of the survey instrument, a few sample items are presented here. Respondents were asked whether they had ever heard of or were familiar with the concept of online grooming. Another item explored their direct experience, inquiring whether their child had ever been approached online by a stranger attempting to establish contact or gain trust. The questionnaire also included a closed-ended question assessing awareness of key institutional actors, such as: “Have you heard of the Internet Hotline (www.internethotline.hu, accessed on 22 January 2025) as a reporting and support service?” Additionally, several Likert-scale statements measured parents’ attitudes and perceived preparedness, such as: “I feel that I have enough information to prepare my child for the risks of online grooming.

The introductory section of the survey clearly stated that participation in the research was anonymous and voluntary. In accordance with the General Data Protection Regulation (EU 2016/679), no data were collected that would qualify as personal data under the Regulation. All responses were recorded in a fully anonymous manner and could not be traced back to individual participants. Only basic demographic variables were collected (e.g., age group, gender, level of education, region, type of settlement), and their combination did not allow for the identification of respondents. No signatures or personal identifiers were collected. The study posed no physical or psychological risk to participants. All data were stored on a secure, password-protected cloud-based platform accessible only to members of the research team. To ensure transparency and accountability, the identity of the researchers was clearly indicated at the beginning of the survey, and a direct contact email address was provided to all participants.

Participants were free to discontinue the survey at any point, and responses from incomplete or abandoned surveys were not accessible to the researchers. Due to the anonymous nature of the data collection, it was not possible to withdraw submitted responses retroactively. Before starting the survey, participants were required to accept an informed consent statement without which access to the questions was not permitted. The text of the consent was as follows: “I declare that I am over 18 years old, I voluntarily participate in this research, and I consent to the use of my answers for research purposes.”

The data were collected online between February and April 2025, and 202 Hungarian parents—all raising children between the ages of 7 and 18—completed the survey. The questionnaire was completed by parents of children living in conventional family households. For parents, we set the criterion that they must have a child aged between 7 and 18. The selection of the first age was determined in accordance with the Digital Parenting research (NMHH 2021), while for the age of 18, we based it on the legal definition of a child. We reached participants mainly through schools and social media groups. The data itself is not publicly accessible. Participation was voluntary and anonymous. Respondents provided their online consent before completing the questionnaire. The data were stored securely, with access granted only to the research team, and no personally identifiable information was collected. Before administering the questionnaire, a pilot test was conducted with 10 parents to ensure the clarity and relevance of the questions. Based on the feedback received during the pilot testing, minor modifications were made to the wording.

The survey included multiple-choice items, Likert scales, and a few open-ended questions, which allowed us to look more closely at the content of individual responses. For our analysis, we focused on educational background, geographic region, and type of settlement—whether someone lived in the capital, a county seat city, a town, or a village. Part of the quantitative data collected during the research was processed using SPSS Statistics software (Version 30.0).

Our main aim was to get a sense of how familiar parents are with online grooming, and to understand what kinds of preventive and reactive tools they already use—whether that’s knowledge, attitude, or practice. The evaluation of the results considers the findings of two representative—not grooming-specific—surveys conducted in Hungary (NMHH 2017, 2021), in addition to data published in the annual reports of the Internet Hotline, which operates under the National Media and Infocommunications Authority.

4. Results

Based on the guided qualitative policy analysis, it can be concluded that the term “grooming” appears explicitly in 12 documents, while it does not occur in 5 documents. However, several of those still refer to the phenomenon using alternative language or indirect descriptions. The phenomenon of grooming is described in 12 documents, partially in 2, implicitly in 1, and is entirely absent in 2. The phenomenon is most commonly described using expressions such as “online solicitation of children for sexual purposes”, “manipulative behavior”, or “harmful online contact.” These descriptions tend to be more frequent in documents focusing on child protection in digital environments.

All 17 documents analyzed address prevention in some way. Preventive measures include regulatory tools, public awareness and education campaigns, user empowerment—particularly for children and parents—as well as responsibilities attributed to platforms and states. Parental prevention and awareness appear explicitly in 12 documents. These include training for parents, digital literacy programs, targeted campaigns, and the involvement of parents in broader child protection strategies. An additional 2 documents refer to the parental role partially, 2 indirectly, and 1 does not mention it at all.

Hungary has ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, along with its first two optional protocols, and the Lanzarote Convention. Furthermore, as a member of the European Union, EU regulations also impose legislative obligations on the state to protect children and their rights. In Hungary’s domestic legal framework, the constitutional protection of children rests on Article XVI (1) para. 1 of the Fundamental Law (Fundamental Law of Hungary 2011), stating that every child has the right to the protection and care necessary for their proper physical, mental, and moral development. Act XXXI of 1997 on the Protection of Children and Guardianship Administration (1997) declares the child’s right to respect for human dignity, protection against physical, psychological, and sexual abuse, neglect, and informational harm. A range of legal acts addresses risks and harms related to the information society and their various forms of appearance; there is no single consolidated legal act that would comprehensively regulate the protection of children in the digital environment. Moreover, the term grooming does not appear as a generally used concept in the Hungarian legal environment. It is mentioned only in a government resolution (Government Resolution 1838/2017 2017) and the explanatory memorandum of the Criminal Code (Explanatory Memorandum of Act C of 2012 on the Criminal Code 2012), where it is referred to as a colloquial term. The most common Hungarian equivalents for the phenomenon are online luring and sexual ensnarement, while the Digital Child Protection Strategy uses the term online pedophilia to describe behaviour similar to grooming (Government Resolution 1488/2016 2016).

The main objective of the mentioned Digital Child Protection Strategy is to protect children from harmful internet content, methods, and risks, as well as to prepare children and their environment for conscious internet use. The Strategy rests on three pillars (awareness and media literacy, protection and safety, application of sanctions and provision of assistance). In all three aspects, the SWOT analysis of the strategy reveals shortcomings concerning parental involvement. It is important to note regarding the strategy that its implementation is not monitored by the state. In Hungary, only the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights conducted a comprehensive review of the child protection framework in the digital environment, as detailed in Report AJB-686/2022, encompassing developments up to and including 2021 (Commissioner for Fundamental Rights 2022).

In Hungary, one of the most important and indispensable roles in creating strategies and campaigns to curb the phenomenon of grooming is played by the National Media and Infocommunications Authority (hereinafter: NMHH). Since 2011, the NMHH has maintained its internet information and assistance service, the Internet Hotline (hereinafter: IH) unit, as part of its public service provision, operating to promote safe internet use as a public interest objective. The framework for the IH’s legal status is defined by Act C of 2003 on Electronic Communications (2003), which states that the IH’s tasks include the protection of minors, increasing awareness, and curbing violent, inciting, or otherwise abusive internet content. Within the framework of the IH, the NMHH monitors and analyses internet phenomena that endanger minors’ safe internet use—with the involvement of organizations competent in child protection and crime prevention—and conducts informative activities related to these (Balla et al. 2023).

The IH’s procedure is report-based; besides private individuals, its collaborating foreign partner hotlines within the INHOPE can also send notifications through their operated system if they observe the sexual exploitation of children with Hungarian involvement in the online space. It is important to distinguish the IH’s report-based investigative procedure from administrative and judicial proceedings, it cannot mandate content removal, nor can it conduct investigative actions. The IH can draw attention to the fact of an infringement, and then the service provider itself decides on the steps to take to remedy the infringing situation. The IH’s general processing deadline is also shorter—5 days, or 1 working day in cases of suspected child pornography and public prosecution offenses—than the NMHH’s administrative processing deadline (Balla et al. 2023).

The following section presents the findings of the questionnaire-based research, focusing on parents’ knowledge of grooming, their perceptions of the education available to them, their mediation practices, and their general attitudes.

4.1. Risk Awareness Among Parents

For the purposes of regional analysis, we followed Hungary’s current statistical regional division, which aligns with the European Union’s NUTS 2 classification. Since 2018, the former Central Hungary region has been split into two separate regions: Budapest and Pest. This results in a total of eight regions used in this study: Budapest, Pest, Central Transdanubia, Western Transdanubia, Southern Transdanubia, Northern Hungary, Northern Great Plain, and Southern Great Plain. Regarding parental perception of grooming in Hungary, broken down by region, it can be established that the proportion of respondents who have both heard of and can define the term is highest in the Budapest region and Western Transdanubia. In the Southern Great Plain and Southern Transdanubia, it is more common for individuals to have heard of the term but are unable to precisely define it. In Northern Hungary, while half of the respondents have heard of and are familiar with the phenomenon, a significant 28.6% have not heard of it at all. Similarly, in the Northern Great Plain, the proportion of those completely unfamiliar with the grooming phenomenon is also higher at 28.2% (

Table 1. Awareness of the Term ‘Grooming’ by Region (Percentages).

Region	Heard of It and Knows Its Meaning (%)	Heard of It, But Cannot Precisely Define (%)	Has Not Heard of it (%)	Total Respondents (N)
Budapest	54.50%	34.10%	11.40%	44
Southern Great Plain	28.60%	57.10%	14.30%	7
Southern Transdanubia	33.30%	66.70%	0.00%	6
Central Transdanubia	40.00%	22.90%	37.10%	35
Western Transdanubia	52.60%	36.80%	10.50%	19
Pest	38.70%	38.70%	22.60%	31
Northern Hungary	47.60%	23.80%	28.60%	21
Northern Great Plain	30.80%	41.00%	28.20%	39

).

Residents of the capital city, Budapest, generally exhibit a higher proportion of familiarity with the grooming phenomenon. Specifically, 51.1% of respondents from Budapest could define its meaning, while 34% had heard of it but could not provide a precise definition. Consistent with expectations, a notably lower proportion of residents in county seat cities/towns demonstrated familiarity, with 44.4%/37.90% able to define it and 42.20%/34.80% having partial awareness. In contrast, villages showed a higher proportion of respondents (31.8%) who had not heard of the grooming phenomenon at all, compared to other settlement types (

Table 2. Awareness of the Term ‘Grooming’ by Type of Residence (Percentages).

Type of Residence	Heard of It and Knows Its Meaning (%)	Heard of It, but Cannot Precisely Define (%)	Has Not Heard of It (%)	Total Respondents (N)
Capital City	51.10%	34.00%	14.90%	47
County Seat City	44.40%	42.20%	13.30%	45
Town	37.90%	34.80%	27.30%	66
Village	38.60%	29.50%	31.80%	44

).

Although data on parents’ educational attainment were collected, the analysis of this variable remained descriptive due to the over-representation of respondents with higher education. As a result, the sample is not suitable for drawing reliable conclusions regarding the relationship between educational attainment and awareness. Consequently, the study does not attempt to explore this relationship in depth. Nevertheless, the data already suggest that even among highly educated parents, knowledge of legal child protection instruments is generally limited. This is further elaborated in the sections below (

Table 3. Awareness of the Term ‘Grooming’ by Educational Attainment (Percentages).

Educational Attainment	Heard of It and Knows Its Meaning (%)	Heard of It, but Cannot Precisely Define (%)	Has Not Heard of It (%)	Total Respondents (N)
Doctoral Degree (PhD)	75.0	25.0	0.0	4
College/University Degree	44.1	35.4	20.5	75
Ongoing Higher Education Studies	42.9	57.1	0.0	7
Higher Education Vocational Training, other Professional Training	37.5	25.0	37.5	16
Secondary School Leaving Examination	16.7	33.3	50.0	12
Vocational Qualification (Certificate)	50.0	50.0	0.0	2

).

9.9% of the surveyed parents indicated a complete lack of sufficient information to recognize the signs of online grooming. Concurrently, 27.2% and 23.3% respectively reported perceiving themselves as typically possessing adequate information. An additional 9.9% stated they felt entirely sufficiently informed to recognize online grooming.

Nearly half of the respondents perceive themselves as possessing sufficient information to equip their children for the risks of online grooming. Conversely, 7.4% indicated a complete lack of sufficient information to prepare their children for these dangers (

Table 4. Parents perceive they possess sufficient information to recognize the signs of online grooming and parents perceive they possess sufficient information to prepare their children for the risks of online grooming.

Category	Recognize Grooming Signs [n (%)]	Possess Sufficient Information to Prepare Their Children [n (%)]
Not at all characteristic	20 (9.9%)	15 (7.4%)
Mostly not characteristic	27 (13.4%)	35 (17.3%)
Rather not characteristic	33 (16.3%)	36 (17.8%)
Rather characteristic	55 (27.2%)	49 (24.3%)
Mostly characteristic	47 (23.3%)	49 (24.3%)
Entirely characteristic	20 (9.9%)	18 (8.9%)

).

4.2. Risk Awareness Among Parents of Children Who Have Already Been Victims of Grooming

Among the surveyed parents, 19 respondents (9.4%) indicated that their child had been subjected to grooming behaviour. Conversely, 58 respondents (28.7%) reported being unaware of such an incident occurring with their child. An examination of familiarity with the grooming phenomenon among those whose child had experienced online grooming (n = 19) reveals that, as anticipated, a higher proportion of this group (52.6%) understood the meaning of grooming. Furthermore, a substantial proportion of those who definitively reported no occurrence of online grooming with their child also understood its meaning (45.6%). Among respondents who expressed uncertainty about the occurrence of such cases, there was an equal distribution of those who knew its meaning, those who had only heard of it, and those who were entirely unfamiliar with the grooming phenomenon.

4.3. Parental Education

Sources of educational content regarding online safety and grooming are diverse. The majority of respondents (41.6%) encountered relevant information or campaigns on social media platforms, specifically concerning available support for children who become victims of online grooming. Online or print media were indicated by 35.1% of respondents, while radio programs and podcast discussions were also reported at a notable rate (26.2%). Conversely, only 15.3% reported receiving information via posters displayed within their child’s educational institution. The least frequently encountered sources of information or campaigns included influencer campaigns (3.5%), street posters (6.4%), and the gyermekaneten.hu—information website, operated by the NMHH (4.5%).

Parental perceptions regarding the adequacy of online educational materials and digital safety resources exhibit a notable divergence. Specifically, 24.3% of respondents rated these materials as rather adequate, while 22.3% deemed them rather inadequate. Furthermore, only 8.4% considered these materials to be entirely adequate (

Table 5. Parents consider the online educational materials and resources pertaining to digital safety, available to them, to be adequate.

Category	Frequency	Percent = Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Not at all characteristic	26	12.9	12.9
Mostly not characteristic	39	19.3	32.2
Rather not characteristic	45	22.3	54.5
Rather characteristic	49	24.3	78.7
Mostly characteristic	26	12.9	91.6
Entirely characteristic	17	8.4	100.0
Total	202	100.0

).

The questionnaire included an item assessing respondents’ familiarity with the Internet Hotline as an online reporting platform for cases of online grooming (

Table 6. Familiarity with the Internet Hotline as a Reporting Platform: Regional Distribution.

Region	Percentage of Familiar Individuals (%)	Number of Familiar Individuals (N)
Budapest	22.6	7
Central Transdanubia	12.9	4
Western Transdanubia	19.4	6
Pest	19.4	6
Northern Hungary	12.9	4
Northern Great Plain	12.9	4

). Analysis of the responses revealed that only 15.3% of all respondents (n = 31) were familiar with the platform. Regionally, familiarity was highest in Budapest (22.6%), followed by Western Transdanubia and the Pest region (19.4% each).

4.4. Parental Mediation

A substantial majority of respondent parents (68.8%) reported having discussed with their child what actions to take if a stranger attempts online contact or how to recognize the signs of online grooming. Furthermore, an additional 25.2% explicitly plan to initiate this discussion, presumably due to the child’s young age.

Regarding parental communication frequency, 22.3% of surveyed parents reported regularly discussing online safety and the risks of grooming with their child. Concurrently, an additional 27.2% and 20.3% rated this statement as rather characteristic or mostly characteristic, respectively.

42% of parents reported that they regularly discuss with their child/children the imperative of not sending images or personal information to any individual (known or unknown) that they would not wish to be publicly disseminated.

A significant proportion of respondents (60.4%) reported that they regularly discuss with their child/children the importance of disclosing any potentially dangerous situations to them or to a trusted adult.

A relatively high proportion (52%) of respondent parents use a supervisory tool or application to monitor their child’s online activity, and an additional 22.3% plan to use one. In this regard, we examined the relationship between parents’ participation in digital safety training and the use of parental control tools. A total of 46 parents participated in such training, among them, 27 use parental control tools, 13 do not, and 6 plan to use such tools in the future. Additionally, 78 individuals use such tools without having previously attended on a training (

Table 7. Regularly Discusses Online Safety with Their Child/Children: Grooming Risks, the Importance of Not Sharing Personal Information or Images, and Reporting Potentially Harmful Situations to a Parent or Trusted Adult.

Category	Regularly Discusses Online Risks [n (%)]	Discusses Image Sharing [n (%)]	Discusses Dangerous Situations [n (%)]
Not at all characteristic	16 (7.9%)	14 (6.9%)	6 (3.0%)
Mostly not characteristic	20 (9.9%)	8 (4.0%)	4 (2.0%)
Rather not characteristic	25 (12.4%)	22 (10.9%)	10 (5.0%)
Rather characteristic	41 (20.3%)	36 (17.8%)	21 (10.4%)
Mostly characteristic	55 (27.2%)	36 (17.8%)	39 (19.3%)
Entirely characteristic	45 (22.3%)	86 (42.6%)	122 (60.4%)

).

4.5. Parental Opinion Perception

Respondents evaluated two separate statements regarding the responsibility of schools and parents in providing information about online grooming. The results show a clear emphasis on parental responsibility: 44.6% of respondents strongly agreed that it is primarily the parents’ duty to inform their children. In contrast, views on the school’s role were more divided: 25.7% agreed that it is mainly the school’s responsibility, while 29.7% saw this as less characteristic, and 18.3% considered it not characteristic at all.

Only 6.4% of respondents consider the educational and preventive information provided to their children in educational institutions regarding the grooming phenomenon and other digital risks to be entirely adequate. Concurrently, 37.6% perceive this information provided to their children as entirely inadequate (

Table 8. Parents consider the educational and preventative information provided in schools regarding the grooming phenomenon and other digital risks to be adequate for their children.

Category	Frequency	Percent = Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
Not at all characteristic	76	37.6	37.6
Mostly not characteristic	40	19.8	57.4
Rather not characteristic	35	17.3	74.8
Rather characteristic	26	12.9	87.6
Mostly characteristic	12	5.9	93.6
Entirely characteristic	13	6.4	100.0
Total	202	100.0

).

30.2% of respondents absolutely do not believe that social media platforms take sufficient measures to prevent online grooming. Similarly, 25.2% and 24.3% responded that they mostly do not, and rather do not believe, respectively, that social media platforms take sufficient measures of this nature (Table 8).

At the end of the questionnaire, a total of 81 responses were received in the optional open-ended question section, with 40.1% of respondents feeling the need to express their opinion on protecting children against online grooming. Based on the analysis of these responses, several suggestions can be highlighted, categorized around school and parental education, and digital safety awareness. Most respondents emphasized the importance of school education and prevention programs. Many highlighted the need for interactive, video-based, or simulation-based presentations, and suggested awareness campaigns to raise awareness of digital dangers. The involvement of experts, such as the police, and civil organizations in school education also frequently emerged. Furthermore, they deemed it necessary to emphasize digital awareness and online safety in teacher training. Among the responses, it was suggested that expert organizations should be involved in school programs as part of sex education, as knowledge of healthy intimate relationships can help children recognize the boundaries of digital interactions. Several respondents emphasized the importance of parental education, as parents often lack awareness regarding their own internet use. The creation of a trusting atmosphere in the home environment also frequently emerged as a suggestion, emphasizing the importance of trust within the family and honest communication. In addition, some respondents highlighted the importance of trust with adults outside the family. Strict parental control and the use of security software were also mentioned in some responses as additional possible protective measures.

5. Discussion

The aim of this discussion is to synthesize our findings and outline the key takeaways concerning parental awareness and state support in the prevention of online grooming in Hungary. Emphasis will be placed on identifying critical areas that require intervention in order to enhance parental awareness within the framework of a cooperative cyberfare state model.

Based on the policy analysis, it can be concluded that the term “grooming” is not uniformly defined across the various levels of policy documents. More recent EU documents and strategies tend to define the phenomenon with greater precision and in a technology-specific context, whereas older, typically hard-law instruments (e.g., the Lanzarote Convention) tend to describe it indirectly or subsume it under broader legal concepts. Prevention as a public policy goal is consistently present, particularly in regulatory frameworks that relate to the digital environment. However, the level of detail in preventive measures varies while some documents outline specific procedures and programs, others remain at the level of general normative statements. Parental prevention is not consistently integrated into regulatory frameworks. The most detailed provisions are found in documents that focus explicitly on digital child protection or the comprehensive realization of children’s rights. Support for parents typically appears in the form of digital skills development, awareness-raising campaigns, and parenting guidance materials.

5.1. Bridging the Knowledge Gap: The Critical Role of Parental Education

The part of the cooperative cyberfare state model concerning individual participation is not yet sufficiently strong in Hungary. The aim of state educational programs would be precisely to fill this gap, so that parents truly engage in parental mediation with a ‘mind the net’ approach. The education of parents, the clarification of concepts (and even their elevation to a normative level) can strengthen the individual’s (so parent’s) role in the cooperative cyberfare state model (Kelemen 2024). The term “grooming” does not appear in Hungarian legal regulation, and the terminology is not uniform. Therefore, it is suggested to use the term “grooming” instead of Hungarian translations. This inconsistency may contribute to the low level of parental awareness concerning the phenomenon.

Based on the survey, significant differences are observable in the familiarity with the content of the term “grooming” across regional and residential breakdowns. Among parents living in the capital and western regions, there is greater awareness, while in villages and eastern regions, there is a significant lack of information. This observable deficit in education, based on parents’ opinions, concerns the prevention programs available to their children in public education and public schooling institutions in connection with grooming. Although the majority of parents stated that they regularly talk with their child about online dangers, the proportion of those who do not, or rarely, conduct preventative conversations with their child remains high. Most parents consider their child’s preventive education their own responsibility, but state support is not necessarily adequate. State support as an initiator and driving force for learning and development opportunities is crucial.

Most parents consider educating their children about prevention to be their own responsibility, however, this is not necessarily coupled with adequate support from the state. There is a demand from parents for professionally based school prevention and information campaigns. This finding is consistent with the expectation articulated by Smith et al. in their case study (Smith et al. 2023). This confirms that parents are open to expanding their knowledge, but institutional support is required for this. Through awareness, online risks faced by children can be reduced, and if they occur, their management becomes more effective. Therefore, it is crucial for the state to support such initiatives, or even act as an initiator and driving force to provide learning and development opportunities. Based on responses to questions measuring parental confidence, more than half of parents feel confident re-garding the risk of online grooming. At the same time, nearly a quarter of these parents would not be able to clearly define the concept of grooming—understandably in their own words—or are unfamiliar with the phenomenon. Parental confidence may also lead to underestimating the likelihood of the risk occurring in relation their child (Kuldas et al. 2024).

The questionnaire-based research indicates the necessity of examining awareness among parents, so that the state can fulfil its supportive role in the prevention and harm management of grooming. State regulation and intervention alone are not sufficient, developing the awareness of legal subjects, especially parents, is also essential. In the case of parental knowledge regarding the occurrence of grooming risk, there is a danger that the parent may not actually know whether such contact has occurred, and there is also a chance that the child may not share their experience related to this more serious risk with the parent (Geržičáková et al. 2023).

5.2. Enhancing Awareness of Support Mechanisms: Promoting Available Resources

The awareness of the IH reporting platform operated by the NMHH is low among parents, which may limit the effectiveness of the legal aid service, thus it would also be advisable to promote the IH with clear messages to parents. The IH is, in fact, striving for this, regularly publishing news about educational activities on their website, for instance, through district nurse services, podcast, and campaigns. The National Media and Infocommunications Authority also carries out extensive educational activities. The IH’s 2024 campaign, running under the slogan “Dare to ask for help!”, aimed to encourage parents, like children, to dare to ask for help. As part of this, they primarily attempt to reach parents through various online platforms, complemented by articles and interviews appearing in the press and on radio to facilitate a more comprehensive and in-depth exploration of the topic. With the aim of strengthening digital awareness, the NMHH’s podcast dedicated a special season last year to children’s online safety, with the goal of providing practical advice and examples on the subject.

It should also be noted that since 1 July 2024, public education institutions are obliged to ensure that children, students, and their relatives have access to the contact details of the IH (Act XXX of 2024 on the Amendment of Certain Laws for the Protection of Children 2024). The effects of the poster campaign may not yet necessarily appear in the questionnaire, as it has only been mandatory to display posters in public education institutions since September 2024. Additionally, it should be noted that the study did not present the NMHH’s complete online child protection portfolio.

Regarding grooming—and indeed, in relation to several risks and harms appearing in the digital environment—the awareness of available alternative legal aid services remains at a relatively low level. However, the research results clearly indicate that a significant portion of parents feel it is their own responsibility to inform their child about the dangers of online grooming. While some small-sample research has indicated contrary findings (e.g., Ayyash et al. 2024), the results of our questionnaire-based research are certainly encouraging: it shows that parents have the intention towards more conscious and careful digital parenting and recognize that the key to prevention lies in open and honest communication with children. This parental attitude can provide a solid foundation for future prevention and education campaigns, parent training, and initiatives aimed at developing digital awareness.

The part of the cooperative cyberfare state model concerning individual participation is not yet sufficiently strong in Hungary. The aim of state educational programs would be precisely to fill this gap, so that parents truly engage in parental mediation with a ‘mind the net’ approach. The education of parents, the clarification of concepts (and even their elevation to a normative level) can strengthen the individual’s (so parent’s) role in the cooperative cyberfare state model (Kelemen 2024).

From an awareness and mediation perspective, it is a positive sign that approximately half of parents use some form of parental control application, but participation in educational programs is low. Lack of supervision can increase a child’s exposure to risk; therefore, the implementation of technical tools may be advantageous from this perspective (Chiu and Quayle 2022).

5.3. Strengthening School-Based Prevention: Institutional Support for Parents

In education related to online risks, schools are unable to adequately support parents. This observable deficit in education, based on parents’ opinions, concerns the prevention programs available to their children in public education and public schooling institutions in connection with grooming. There is a demand from parents for professional school prevention and information campaigns, confirming their openness to expanding knowledge with institutional support. Most respondents emphasized the importance of school education and prevention programs, suggesting interactive, video-based, or simulation-based presentations and awareness campaigns. The involvement of experts like the police and civil organizations in school education was also frequently suggested. It was deemed necessary to emphasize digital awareness and online safety in teacher training. Some respondents suggested involving expert organizations in school programs as part of sex education, as knowledge of healthy intimate relationships can help children recognize the boundaries of digital interactions.

According to the Commissioner for Fundamental Rights, there is a great need for young people to receive education that enables them to navigate the media world safely (Commissioner for Fundamental Rights 2016), and furthermore, as stated in the 2022 report, childhood is currently inherently digital, and assisting children and their parents acting on their behalf in accessing legal protection is a priority state task (Commissioner for Fundamental Rights 2022). Not only children, but also the affected parents, teachers, and schools are not sufficiently aware of the actual risks and dangers associated with the digital environment, nor how to manage them, i.e., the authorities competent to act in case of harm to children in the online space. This is confirmed by the conducted questionnaire-based research, and the non-representative research can provide important information regarding parental perception of prevention.

5.4. Addressing Discrepancies in Risk Perception: Aligning Parental and Child Perspectives

Among those who completed the questionnaire, 19 indicated that their child had fallen victim to grooming. 28.7% of parents indicated that they were not aware of any attempt to groom their child online, but they could not definitively state that such an incident had not occurred. An examination of familiarity with the grooming phenomenon among those whose child had experienced online grooming (n = 19) reveals that, as anticipated, a higher proportion of this group (52.6%) understood the meaning of grooming. Furthermore, a substantial proportion of those who definitively reported no occurrence of online grooming with their child also understood its meaning (45.6%). Among respondents who expressed uncertainty about the occurrence of such cases, there was an equal distribution of those who knew its meaning, those who had only heard of it, and those who were entirely unfamiliar with the grooming phenomenon.

Regarding the trend in the number of reports to the National Media and Infocommu-nications Authority’s Internet Hotline legal aid service, the report indicates that in 2023, most reports related to the online sexual abuse of children fell within the child pornography category, accounting for 42% of all reports (n = 2047) (NMHH IH 2023). In 17% of the examined reports, meaning every 6th report in that category, it is presumed that the recordings were extorted from the child through online grooming (NMHH IH 2023). The Internet Hotline first published a report for the year 2022. Of 2758 reports, 55% concerned child pornography; precise data regarding grooming are not available, but the report emphasizes the increasing number of cases. At the time of writing this study, the report for the year 2024 had not yet been published by the NMHH Internet Hotline. Concerning representative research associated with the NMHH, the 2020 Digital Parenting study indicates that compared to the 2017 survey, the proportion of 11–16-year-old children (with n = 2000 respondents in both surveys) who were attempted to be contacted online by strangers increased. The research also included a time-series comparison of situational questions concerning various risk elements, which encompassed a question related to the grooming phenomenon. However, the results here do not show a significant increase between the two time points. It is presumed that the unfamiliarity with the concept of grooming and the high latency surrounding the phenomenon may have contributed to the low proportion (NMHH 2021).

A report published in 2025 examines the implementation of BIK+ objectives among member states. The consultation process that formed the basis of the report involved 133 parents from 17 EU member states, including Hungary. While grooming was not among the risks and harms identified by parents, they expressed a demand for education provided to them. Interestingly, children participating in the study did express concerns about grooming. The report highlights that parents’ legal awareness regarding relevant regulations is considered low. Specifically, Hungarian parents expressed reservations about the possibilities of removing content harmful to children and the effectiveness of reporting. Knowledge related to handling specific risks and harms or supporting children in such situations is low. Awareness of national organizations responsible for children’s online safety is relatively low among parents. Exceptions were primarily countries where these organizations—typically mediated by schools—paid increased attention to public engagement and attitude-forming activities. Parents expressed concerns about their own digital media literacy and their need for clear advice and recommendations. Relatively few parents feel prepared to discuss children’s rights in the digital space with their children (O’Neill and Dopona 2025).

5.5. Leveraging Technology and Regulation: State and Market Player Responsibilities

From an awareness and mediation perspective, it is a positive sign that approximately half of parents use some form of parental control application, but participation in educational programs is low. Lack of supervision can increase a child’s exposure to risk; therefore, the implementation of technical tools may be advantageous from this perspective (Chiu and Quayle 2022). Regarding the technical aspects of prevention, it is noteworthy that states, recognizing the necessity of online child protection, may also prescribe specific obligations for market players, the Digital Services Act (DSA) serves as a prominent example of this approach within European Union legislation. In Hungary, internet access providers are mandated to offer free filtering software according to the Act C of 2003 on Electronic Communications (2003). The Child Protection Internet Roundtable is an advisory, opinion-forming, and proposal-making body to the President of the NMHH. Its purpose is to facilitate the adoption and enforcement of legal provisions ensuring the healthy development of minors concerning media content and information accessible via electronic commercial and electronic communication services. Furthermore, it is tasked with initiating measures that enhance the media literacy of minors and their parents. The Roundtable is authorized to issue recommendations and statements promoting the compliant conduct of media content providers, electronic commercial service providers, and electronic communication service providers. Notably, the Roundtable has issued recommendations concerning filtering software, however, the recommendations do not create obligations for market players (Recommendation of the Child Protection Internet Roundtable on Warning Signs and Filtering Software to be Applied in Cases of Internet Content and Services Harmful to Minors. Decision No. 10/2018 (XI. 28.) of the Child Protection Internet Roundtable 2018). In this area, the state seeks to support parents in the voluntary adoption of parental control software through obligations imposed on market players.

5.6. Limitation of the Research

A limitation of this study is that our empirical research focused exclusively on the perceptions of parents raising children, whereas, as highlighted in the introduction, groomers often originate from the child’s circle of acquaintances or even their family. Therefore, a direction for future research could be to assess the knowledge regarding this phenomenon among early childhood educators, pre-school teachers, school teachers, or the employees, leaders, and even volunteers of organizations interacting with children—for instance, sports associations. Approaching this from the perspective of child protection, such research is particularly important because members of the child protection referral system are mandated to report child endangerment. These members can only effectively fulfill this obligation if they are sufficiently informed and knowledgeable about the harms prevalent in the digital environment.

A limitation of the survey research is that the sampling cannot be considered representative, thus the generalizability of the results is limited. The data were based on self-reported information from the parents’ questionnaire survey, which naturally carries the risk of bias, for example, due to socially desirable responses, and it may happen that parents do not accurately assess their own awareness. The term ‘grooming’ is used with numerous definitions in common language and scientific research, and it lacks a legal definition, which could have made it difficult for respondents to understand the key concept. In the questionnaire, however, after the question regarding the familiarity with the term, we explained it to the respondents using the NMHH’s definition (which, based on our previous research, can be interpreted as a broad definition) so that they could answer the subsequent sections with this understanding. Another limitation of the study is that the sample had an over-representation of parents with higher educational attainment. Consequently, the sample is not suitable for drawing reliable conclusions on the relationship between educational attainment and knowledge level.

5.7. Future Path for the Research

In-depth interviews with parents, children, educators, and professionals could complement the questionnaire-based research. This qualitative approach may provide a more nuanced understanding of risk assessment and its management, including the effectiveness of state mechanisms that support prevention and parental awareness. Direct engagement with children may be particularly important, as the study has demonstrated a noticeable difference between parental and child risk perception. The effectiveness of existing programmes aimed at enhancing parental awareness could be further assessed through longitudinal studies.

Given the perceived differences based on region and place of residence, future research could explore geographical variations. This may contribute to the development of more targeted and refined prevention strategies tailored to specific regional needs. In addition, the policy analysis highlights that the regulatory and policy environment increasingly recognizes the role of programmes and measures aimed at raising parental awareness in addressing risks and harms in the digital environment. However, the development of a targeted and responsive preventive action plan requires a deeper understanding of parents’ current knowledge and awareness levels. To support this, future research should include representative or large-scale empirical studies that account for parents’ educational background and socioeconomic status. Moreover, international comparative research may also be valuable to explore best practices from other countries around parental awareness and grooming prevention. Such findings could inform the development of more effective and evidence-based policy responses.

In future research, it would be advisable to examine how the concepts of online safety and parental awareness can be more effectively integrated into legal and policy frameworks. This would not only involve enhancing parents’ digital literacy and awareness, but also exploring what psychosocial or technological forms of tailored support can assist them in appropriately responding to their children’s online safety needs. As highlighted by current literature, such support must consider families’ diverse values, beliefs, and parenting practices in the context of digital technology (El-Asam et al. 2022). There is a need for future research to explore how legal and policy frameworks can enable more effective tailored support for parents, so that online safety education and awareness-raising efforts can better respond to diverse challenges—such as low parental educational attainment, social disadvantage, or children’s disabilities and special needs. This includes examining how institutional actors—such as schools, healthcare providers, and child protection authorities—can coordinate and deliver support in a way that is both targeted and accessible to families most in need.