Understanding the Situation in Turkey Through a Gender Lens

Abstract

Turkey, a country with a unique blend of traditional and modern lifestyles, has made significant progress in promoting gender equality and is recognized as a pioneer in advancing women’s rights in the region. However, despite these advances, gender inequalities persist in various respects. This study aims to examine gender perception in a Turkish sample. Employing a cross-sectional and descriptive research design, the study was conducted with 1053 literate participants aged 18 and above who volunteered. Data were collected using a Demographic Information Form and the gender perception scale. The findings suggest that gender perception in Turkey is shifting toward a more egalitarian perspective, reflecting a departure from traditional norms. Several key factors were identified as contributors to this transformation, including education level, employment status, urbanization, socio-economic background, and geographical region of residence. These variables play a critical role in shaping gender perceptions and fostering societal change. By analyzing and contextualizing the results, this study offers valuable insights into the ongoing evolution of gender norms in Turkey. It underscores the importance of continued efforts to promote gender equality and serves as a foundation for future research on the sociocultural dynamics influencing gender perceptions.

1. Introduction

Contemporary discourse suggests a shift toward more egalitarian gender perceptions among men and women, but research findings tell a different story. Studies have consistently demonstrated that men tend to maintain traditional gender roles, whereas women are more inclined toward egalitarian perspectives (Brewster and Padavić 2000; Van De Vijver 2007; Katz-Wise et al. 2010; Ikkatai et al. 2020). These findings underscore the persistence of gender disparities in various societies, despite increasing awareness and advocacy for gender equality. A similar trend is observed in Turkey, where traditional societal structures and deepening socio-economic challenges continue to shape gender perceptions (Yılmaz 2004; Bayat 2018; Acar 2019). Turkey’s complex socio-cultural landscape plays a crucial role in shaping gender norms, influencing how men and women navigate their roles within society.

Turkey is a nation marked by significant racial, religious, linguistic, and cultural diversity, positioned at the intersection of Asia and Europe. Due to its geopolitical significance, Turkey has been a focal point of constant migration and socio-political transformations, particularly influenced by recent conflicts and mass displacements in its northern and southern neighboring regions. These demographic shifts, combined with entrenched cultural norms, have significantly impacted and diversified gender perceptions across different societal groups. The influence of historical traditions, religious beliefs, and regional customs continues to shape gender roles, often reinforcing patriarchal structures that limit women’s participation in various domains. While urban centers may exhibit more progressive gender attitudes, rural areas often adhere to more conservative views, highlighting the diversity of gender perceptions within the country.

Women in Turkey continue to face systemic barriers to workforce participation, with labor force participation rates significantly lower than those of men. Similarly, political representation remains disproportionately skewed, with women holding only a small fraction of decision-making positions in government and policy-making institutions. The education sector also reflects gender disparities, as cultural expectations often dictate career choices and educational opportunities, particularly for women in conservative communities. Moreover, gender-based violence remains a critical issue, with high rates of domestic violence and femicide drawing national and international attention. Despite efforts to combat these challenges and to promote gender equality, such as equal opportunities in access to education, birth incentives for working women, family social support programs, the adoption of Law No. 6284 on the Protection of the Family and the Prevention of Violence Against Women to combat violence against women, the establishment of family courts, increasing the penalties for honor killings, the introduction of the principle of “Positive Discrimination” for women in the Constitution, increasing the number of female representatives in local and general administration, and the establishment of the Commission on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), progress remains slow due to deeply ingrained cultural and structural barriers and significant inequalities persist in various areas (Ecevit 2021; Ailenin korunmasi ve kadina karşi şiddetin önlenmesine dair kanun 2012).

The World Economic Forum’s 2024 Global Gender Gap Report highlights that no country has yet achieved full gender equality. Turkey ranked 129th among 146 countries, reflecting the ongoing structural and cultural barriers to achieving gender parity (Global Gender Gap Report 2024). As emphasized in global assessments, gender inequality remains a universal issue, and Turkey is no exception. These findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive policies and cultural shifts to address gender-based disparities effectively. At its core, gender perception is not merely an individual belief but a socially constructed phenomenon that evolves over time. It is shaped by cultural traditions, life practices, and societal expectations, ultimately becoming normalized within everyday interactions. Over time, these perceptions influence social structures, reinforcing gender-based norms and inequalities. Understanding the evolution of gender perceptions is crucial for addressing persistent inequalities and fostering a more equitable society. By examining how gender is perceived, constructed, and institutionalized, this study contributes to the broader discourse on gender equity and the social transformations necessary for achieving a more inclusive and egalitarian society. Future research should focus on the interplay between policy interventions, cultural narratives, and societal changes to develop more effective strategies for dismantling gender-based barriers and promoting gender equality in Turkey and beyond. In this study, the future of society, individuals and countries from the perspective of gender perception, the situation in Turkey, the direction in which it is moving and the factors that may affect it were investigated.

2. Theoretical Framework

The concept of “gender” was first introduced by Ann Oakley (1972), who argued that gender is not the sole determinant of women’s oppression. Gender is defined as the social roles, responsibilities, behaviors, positions, expectations, power dynamics, privileges, rights, and opportunities deemed appropriate for men and women within a given society, as shaped by culture, traditions, education, religion, and other institutional influences. The process by which society assigns these roles and expectations is known as social construction. Gender, therefore, represents an identity that is socially learned, imposed, and reinforced through various mechanisms (Ecevit 2021).

Theories on gender differences in human behavior have sought to explain the persistent inequalities that manifest explicitly or implicitly across societies. The socio-biological theory posits that men and women encounter distinct challenges due to their innate characteristics, leading to the formation of differentiated gender roles (Buss 2018). In contrast, social role theory asserts that gender roles are acquired rather than biologically determined, shaped by learning and cognitive mechanisms. It argues that gender differences emerge because men and women adopt different social roles (West and Zimmerman 1987; Ridgeway and Smith-Lovin 1999). The interactional model, on the other hand, contends that gender-based behavioral differences are flexible and context-dependent (Deaux and Major 1987). Social learning theory further supports the idea that gender-related behaviors are learned through observation, as individuals internalize societal expectations regarding gender roles (Bandura 1977; European Communities 2006; Ataman 2009). Social dominance theory (Pratto et al. 2006) explores the formation and perpetuation of group-based social hierarchies, particularly focusing on the unequal distribution of political and social power between men and women (Klysing 2020). Meanwhile, Marxist analysis provides a different perspective by framing gender inequality as a function of women’s relationship with the economic system rather than their relationship with men. According to this view, women’s subordinate position is linked to their role in production rather than personal dynamics between genders (Hartmann 1979). Marxist feminism evaluates the oppression of women primarily within the framework of capitalist relations of production and the structure of private property and considers the unpaid exploitation of women’s labor, especially in the domestic sphere, as a fundamental element for the sustainability of the capitalist system (Eisenstein 1979; Mies 1986; Hartmann 1979). Socialist feminism, on the other hand, argues that the main source of women’s inequality is not only the economic structure but also their class position in combination with patriarchal social norms and cultural values. According to this approach, women are subjected to both class-based exploitation and patriarchal oppression. Women’s liberation is therefore only possible through the transformation of capitalism and the destruction of patriarchal structures. In this context, it can be said that socialist feminism analyzed women’s multi-layered oppression in a more comprehensive manner (Socialist Feminism 1972; Eisenstein 1979; Tong and Fernandes 2018). Jane Flax, one of the leading representatives of feminist post-modern thought, treats the concept of gender not as a fixed, universal, and unchanging category of identity, but as a historically, socially, and discursively constructed structure. According to Flax, the basic assumptions of modernity, such as rationality, universality, and objectivity, have reproduced patriarchal forms of knowledge by excluding women’s experiences. For this reason, feminist theory needs to move away from the claim of a singular and universal female experience and instead take into account differences, multiplicities, and the fragmented nature of identity. She emphasizes that gender is a socially constructed and non-fixed structure and that categories such as femininity and masculinity are shaped by discourse. This approach develops a critical stance against essentialism and emphasizes the multi-layered, fluid, and contextualized nature of identity (Flax 1990).

These diverse theoretical frameworks collectively highlight the deep-seated challenges related to gender inequality. Societies categorize individuals into various social groups, forming stereotypes based on collective knowledge, beliefs, and expectations (Kağıtçıbaşı 1999). Gender stereotypes, in particular, are predefined cultural constructs that dictate the characteristics and roles ascribed to men and women. These stereotypes both reinforce and result from ingrained societal attitudes, values, norms, and prejudices, making them a fundamental obstacle to achieving gender equality (Ecevit 2021). Gender stereotypes generate specific expectations for behavior, which serve as perceptual filters through which individuals interpret social interactions. Behaviors aligning with these expectations are perceived as normal, while deviations are viewed as anomalies. This dynamic perpetuates stereotypes, rendering them resistant to change and further entrenching societal gender norms. Consequently, behaviors associated with masculinity and femininity become independent of biological sex and vary based on cultural and social contexts (Basow 1992; Dökmen 2004).

From birth, cultural norms differentiate boys and girls, with girls often being subjected to negative attributions. This early socialization fosters an internalization of gender stereotypes, shaping individuals’ self-perceptions according to socially prescribed gender roles. As a result, men and women develop distinct sensitivities and experiences in interpersonal relationships (Quatman and Watson 2001; Güvenç and Aktaş 2006). Women, in particular, are socialized to monitor their behavior in accordance with societal expectations, a phenomenon that begins at a young age in Turkey. This social conditioning leads to a constant process of self-regulation, wherein women evaluate themselves through the lens of societal judgment. Consequently, women may struggle to express their authentic selves and instead conform to externally imposed standards (Arayıcı İyiaydın et al. 2012).

Gender also plays a critical role in shaping economic and social structures. Women contribute to all aspects of production, yet their participation is often undervalued or confined to specific roles. Gender roles encompass reproductive responsibilities, community engagement, and political participation, influencing individuals’ rights and responsibilities within society. As a result, women are typically directed toward the private sphere, while men dominate the public domain. This public–private divide reinforces gender hierarchies, particularly within the family unit. Within this structure, men exercise greater autonomy, making decisions according to their own preferences, whereas women’s agency is often limited by male authority. The marginalization of women in the public sphere further restricts their opportunities for economic and political advancement. One of the most pressing manifestations of gender inequality is violence against women. Gender-based violence is defined as acts of violence committed against individuals solely based on their gender (Akın and Aydemir 2007). This type of violence emerges as a result of gender roles, patriarchal structure, and power relations and threatens the lives of women in particular in multiple ways. Violence against women is considered an indicator of gender-based discrimination not only at the individual level but also at the social and structural level. For patriarchal or male-dominated structures, violence is a useful tool for men to use to intimidate, control, and punish women. Both victims and perpetrators of such violence exist across all social strata. The prevalence of violence against women in Turkey remains alarmingly high. According to the We Will Stop Femicide Platform’s February 2024 report, 36 femicides were recorded that month, while 17 additional cases were classified as suspicious. Data indicate that nearly four out of ten women in Turkey experience violence at the hands of men in their lives.

Efforts to address this pervasive issue are ongoing, with institutional structures in Turkey and various globally implemented initiatives to combat gender-based violence. In Turkey, numerous policy measures and interventions have been introduced to promote gender equality. However, systemic challenges persist, largely due to the intersection of socio-economic disparities and deeply entrenched cultural traditions. The continued influence of traditional gender norms hampers progress, reinforcing existing inequalities and sustaining discriminatory practices.

In conclusion, gender inequality remains a deeply rooted and multifaceted issue shaped by historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors. Various theoretical perspectives offer insights into the mechanisms that sustain gender disparities, ranging from biological determinism to social constructivism and economic analysis. Stereotypes and societal expectations play a pivotal role in shaping gender identities, often limiting individuals’ personal and professional development. The division of labor along gender lines further entrenches power imbalances, confining women to subordinate roles within both the household and the broader economy. Moreover, gender-based violence continues to be a significant barrier to achieving equality, highlighting the urgent need for comprehensive and sustained policy interventions. Addressing these challenges requires a holistic approach that not only targets discriminatory structures but also fosters cultural and ideological shifts toward genuine gender parity. Future research should explore the effectiveness of current policies, assess cultural resistance to gender equality, and develop innovative strategies for dismantling deeply ingrained biases.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Research Model

The research is a descriptive study that questions the current situation. A descriptive and cross-sectional research design was used (Tavşancıl 2014). Descriptive and cross-sectional studies are studies that describe a situation or event in a population over a certain period of time (Erdoğan et al. 2017).

3.2. Study Group

The study surveyed 1053 individuals from seven regions of Turkey (the Marmara region, Aegean region, Mediterranean region, Central Anatolia region, Black Sea region, Eastern Anatolia region, and Southeastern Anatolia region), with 21% of participants being male and 79% female. The age range varied from 18 to 41 and above, with 82% residing in metropolitan areas. An attempt was made to select provinces with high population densities from each geographical region. Additionally, 87% of participants and 77% of their spouses had attained higher education. In terms of socio-economic status, 76% identified as middle-class, while 51% were employed. Marital status data revealed that 38% were married, 27% had entered into a love marriage, and 31% preferred an official marriage. Furthermore, 82% of the participants reported living in a nuclear family structure.

3.3. Procedure

This study aims to examine gender perceptions and the factors affecting gender perceptions in seven geographical regions of Turkey. To achieve this, the research team conducted a literature review and developed an online survey comprising measurement tools. The survey was distributed via Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram. Participants provided informed consent and completed the measurement tools through an online platform (Google Forms, Google LLC). Ethical approval for the study was obtained on 2 May 2018 (Approval Number: 2018/64).

3.4. Data Collection Tools

The study utilized the gender perception scale and a Demographic Information Form.

3.4.1. Gender Perception Scale

The gender perception scale, developed by Altınova and Duyan (2013), is a widely used self-report instrument designed to measure individuals’ perceptions, attitudes, and roles related to gender. This scale consists of 25 items, each rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree,” with higher scores indicating a more positive and egalitarian perception of gender roles. The scale has been extensively validated and has demonstrated strong internal consistency, with a Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient of 0.872, ensuring its robustness in measuring gender perceptions. For the purposes of this study, a reliability analysis was conducted, yielding a Cronbach’s alpha coefficient of 0.87, confirming the scale’s reliability within the research context.

3.4.2. Personal Information Form

It is a form consisting of 14 questions that includes some demographic data (age, gender, education level, etc.) about the individuals who voluntarily participated in the study.

3.5. Data Analysis

A normality test was conducted to assess the distribution of the data, ensuring the appropriate selection of statistical methods for analysis. The results indicated that the data did not follow a normal distribution, necessitating the use of nonparametric tests. To analyze pairwise comparisons, the Mann–Whitney U test was employed, providing insights into differences between two independent groups. For comparisons involving more than two groups, the Kruskal–Wallis test was utilized, allowing for a broader evaluation of variations across multiple categories. Additionally, the Spearman Rank Correlation test was applied to examine the strength and direction of relationships between two continuous variables, offering a nonparametric alternative to Pearson’s correlation. Descriptive statistics, including measures of central tendency and dispersion, were also incorporated to provide a comprehensive overview of the dataset. All statistical analyses were conducted using SPSS 22.0.

4. Results

The first finding obtained as a result of the research is that the mean total score of gender perception of 1053 participants was 72.86 ± SD.

The answers given to the 25 propositions in the gender perception scale are among the other findings (

Table 1. Gender perception scale item answer distribution.

Proposition	Strongly Disagree		Disagree		Undecided		Agree		Strongly Agree
	n	%	n	%	n	%	n	%	n	%
Marriage does not prevent a woman from working.	6	0.6	10	0.9	17	1.6	191	18.1	829	78.7
A woman should only work if her family has financial difficulties.	542	51.5	321	30.5	58	5.5	83	7.9	49	4.7
Working women can also devote enough time to their children.	12	1.1	59	5.6	106	10.1	416	39.5	460	43.7
Women should not work after becoming a mother.	506	48.1	312	29.6	116	11.0	79	7.5	40	3.8
Women politicians can also be successful.	11	1.0	10	0.9	21	2.0	210	19.9	801	76.1
Women should not work after marriage.	680	64.6	240	22.8	51	4.8	55	5.2	27	2.6
Working life does not cause women to hamper their housework.	34	3.2	100	9.5	157	14.9	341	32.4	421	40.0
A working woman enjoys life more.	17	1.6	53	5.0	142	13.5	337	32.0	504	47.9
Women should always be protected by men.	335	32.1	274	26.0	145	13.8	158	15.0	138	13.1
A woman should not work if her husband does not allow it.	519	49.3	225	21.4	116	11.0	122	11.6	71	6.7
Women can be executives.	9	0.9	8	0.8	22	2.1	199	18.9	815	77.4
A working woman should give the income she earns to her husband.	492	46.7	284	27.0	146	13.9	106	10.1	25	2.4
A working woman is a better mother to her children.	47	4.5	103	9.8	263	25.0	326	31.0	314	29.8
Men should also do household chores such as washing dishes.	10	0.9	20	1.9	37	3.5	235	22.3	751	71.3
A husbandless woman is like a home without an owner.	592	56.2	220	20.9	97	9.2	88	8.4	56	5.3
Men should provide the income of a family.	465	44.2	283	26.9	109	10.4	124	11.8	72	6.8
Women should not open places such as businesses (such as cafes, markets, real estate agents) on their own.	653	62.0	232	22.0	50	4.7	71	6.7	47	4.5
The first duty of women is to undertake the housework.	568	53.9	234	22.2	86	8.2	104	9.9	61	5.8
A woman should not earn more than her husband.	589	55.9	246	23.4	90	8.5	71	6.7	57	5.4
The man should always be the head of the household.	508	48.2	240	22.8	98	9.3	121	11.5	86	8.2
The leadership of society should usually be in the hands of men.	578	54.9	242	23.0	88	8.4	97	9.2	48	4.2
Girls should be given as much freedom as boys.	15	1.4	33	3.1	50	4.7	223	21.3	732	69.5
In order for a woman to have her own rights, she must be able to oppose her husband if necessary.	33	3.1	62	5.9	94	8.9	288	27.4	576	54.7
The woman must be younger than her husband.	389	36.9	258	24.5	169	16.0	148	14.1	89	8.5
Men should make important decisions in the family.	606	57.5	243	23.1	82	7.8	75	7.1	47	4.5
Cronbach Alpha	:870
Total GPS	Mean		72.8632
	Median		69.0000
	Min.		29.0000
	Max.		125
	Percentiles		25–65.0000
			50–69.0000
			75–77.0000

).

The study’s findings reveal a generally progressive outlook on gender roles, particularly in the context of women’s participation in the workforce and political spheres. The overwhelming majority of respondents expressed strong support for women’s employment, challenging traditional patriarchal norms that seek to limit their professional and personal autonomy. Specifically, 96.8% of participants agreed with the statement that “Marriage does not prevent women from working,” reinforcing the idea that marriage should not be a barrier to women’s career aspirations. Similarly, 82% rejected the notion that “A woman should only work if her family has economic problems,” suggesting that employment should not be viewed as a necessity driven solely by financial hardship but rather as a fundamental right and personal choice.

In addition, 83.2% of respondents supported the idea that “Working women can also devote sufficient time to their children,” countering the traditional belief that employment negatively impacts a mother’s ability to care for her family. Likewise, 77.7% disagreed with the statement that “Women should not work after becoming a mother,” further emphasizing the rejection of outdated gender roles that confine women to the private sphere after childbirth. The study also highlights a strong endorsement of women’s political engagement, with 96% of participants affirming that “Women politicians can also be successful.”

This significant level of support indicates a broad acceptance of women’s leadership capabilities and a willingness to challenge gender biases in governance and decision-making roles. Similarly, 96.3% of respondents agreed with the statement that “Women can be managers,” further underscoring the belief that leadership and managerial positions should not be restricted by gender.

Moreover, 87.4% of participants opposed the idea that “Women should not work after marriage,” while 72.4% supported the statement that “Working life does not cause women to neglect housework.” Additionally, 79.9% agreed that “Working women enjoy life more,” highlighting a positive perception of women’s professional engagement. Interestingly, 58.1% rejected the idea that “Women should always be protected by men,” signaling a shift toward gender equality and autonomy. Furthermore, 70.7% opposed the notion that “Women should not work if their husband does not allow it,” reflecting strong resistance to male dominance over women’s employment choices.

Overall, these findings reflect a progressive shift in gender perceptions, supporting women’s empowerment, equality, and participation in both professional and political spheres. Due to its special position, Turkey has a very subjective structure in terms of gender perception. These findings show that despite the many socio-economic and political changes and transformations taking place in the country, the view of women in Turkish culture still exists, even if it is covered with a thick layer of dust. It is possible to see this even though there has been a serious erosion after Atatürk’s Turkey. When Turkish tradition is examined in the historical process, it will be seen that women and men are equal. This equality is most fundamentally manifested in the fact that men and women have equal rights in terms of human values. Women in Turkey have played an important role not only in social life but also in political life throughout history (Yılmaz 2004; Bayat 2018; Acar 2019).

The study’s findings offer valuable insights into evolving gender perceptions, highlighting significant shifts towards more egalitarian views while also identifying factors that continue to influence traditional attitudes. A particularly notable finding was that 73.7% of participants rejected the proposition that “A working woman should give her husband the income she earns,” indicating a strong opposition to financial dependence within marriage. This reflects a broader societal shift towards recognizing women’s financial independence and autonomy. Additionally, 60.8% of respondents agreed with the statement that “A working woman would be a better mother to her children,” suggesting that employment is increasingly perceived as enhancing rather than hindering women’s roles as caregivers. Attitudes toward domestic responsibilities also displayed a progressive trend. An overwhelming 93.6% of participants supported the statement that “Men should also do housework such as laundry and dishes,” highlighting a growing acceptance of shared household responsibilities and challenging the traditional notion that domestic chores are exclusively women’s duties. Similarly, 77.1% of participants dismissed the proposition that “A woman without a husband is like a home without an owner,” rejecting the outdated belief that a woman’s identity or worth is inherently tied to marriage.

Financial independence and women’s professional autonomy were also widely endorsed by participants. A significant 71.1% opposed the idea that “Men should provide the income of a family,” with only 18.6% supporting this traditional perspective. Furthermore, 84% of participants disagreed with the statement that “Women should not open businesses on their own,” reinforcing the notion that entrepreneurship and financial self-sufficiency are seen as viable and desirable options for women. Additionally, 76.1% rejected the belief that “A woman’s first duty is to undertake housework,” signaling a shift in expectations regarding gender roles in both the professional and domestic spheres. Attitudes towards financial earnings and leadership within the household also reflected a more egalitarian perspective. The idea that “A woman should not earn more money than her husband” was rejected by 79.3% of participants, illustrating growing acceptance of women as equal financial contributors. Likewise, 71% disagreed with the notion that “The man should always be the head of the household,” further challenging long-standing patriarchal structures within families. These findings indicate that rigid gender roles in financial and decision-making domains are gradually being replaced with more flexible, equality-driven perspectives. In Turkey, women’s increased participation in working life has transformed the traditional family order of segregated male–female roles into a more sharing structure. Women give birth to fewer children and share some of the responsibilities for childcare and domestic work with the institutions that provide these services (Henden Şolt 2018; Kızıldağ and Cin 2018; Konda 2019). From a holistic perspective, factors such as the increase in the level of education, economic necessities, social change and cultural transformation, women’s success in academic and professional fields, and the questioning of traditional notions and roles of masculinity are considered to be the main dynamics of this process.

Broader societal leadership and gender roles were also examined, with findings pointing to increasing support for women’s autonomy and leadership. A strong 77.9% of respondents opposed the idea that “Societal leadership should generally be in the hands of men,” signaling a rejection of male-dominated governance structures. Additionally, 90.8% of participants affirmed the statement that “Girls should be given as much freedom as boys,” highlighting a robust endorsement of gender equality in personal freedoms and opportunities. Furthermore, women’s autonomy in marriage and family decision-making received significant support. A total of 82.1% of respondents agreed with the statement that “A woman should be able to oppose her husband if necessary in order to have her own rights,” emphasizing growing awareness of the importance of women’s agency within marital relationships. Additionally, the traditional belief that “The woman should be younger than her husband” was rejected by 61.4% of participants, indicating a departure from conventional expectations regarding marriage dynamics. Similarly, 70.6% of respondents disagreed with the proposition that “Men should make important decisions in the family,” further challenging the notion of male authority within the household.

Beyond attitudes towards gender roles, the study also examined how various demographic characteristics influenced participants’ gender perceptions. Gender emerged as a significant factor (Z = −11.171, p = 0.000), with women displaying a more egalitarian outlook compared to men. This finding suggests that lived experiences and societal expectations shape how individuals perceive gender roles, with women being more likely to advocate for gender equality. It is not surprising that women, who are exposed to gender inequality in every sense and suffer the most, develop egalitarian perceptions more easily (

Table 2. Variables and gender perception Mann–Whitney U test results.

Variable		n	%	Median ± Std. (Min-Max)	Mean Rank Means of Ordinals	Sum of Ranks Total of Ordinals
Sex	Female	832	79.0	107.59 ± 14.09 39.00–125.00	580.94	483,342.50
	Male	221	21.0	92.15 ± 18.54 40.00–125.00	323.93	71,588.50
Z = −11.171; p = 0.000
Marital Status	Single	397	37.7	103.87 ± 16.24 40.00–125.00	515.12	204,504.50
	Married	656	62.3	104.63 ± 16.47 39.00–125.00	534.19	350,426.50
U = −0.986; p = 0.324

).

While age did not produce a statistically significant difference in gender perception (X² = 8.652, p = 0.013), the data indicated that younger participants tended to hold more egalitarian views. This suggests that gender perceptions may be evolving across generations, with younger individuals increasingly rejecting traditional norms in favor of progressive gender roles. Place of residence also played a crucial role in shaping gender attitudes. The analysis revealed that participants residing in urban areas exhibited significantly more egalitarian gender perceptions compared to those from rural areas (X² = 35.670, p = 0.000). This finding underscores the influence of environmental and cultural factors in shaping perspectives on gender, with urban settings providing greater exposure to diverse viewpoints, progressive social movements, and increased opportunities for women (

Table 3. A comparison of the variables and the mean scores of the gender perception scale.

Variable		n	%	Median ± Std. (Min-Max)	Mean Ranks Means of Ordinals
Age	18–25	509	48.3	103.58±16.37 40.00–125.00	510.38
	26–40	303	28.8	104.65 ± 16.92 40.00–125.00	538.16
	41 and over	241	22.9	105.59 ± 15.68 39.00–125.00	548.06
X 2 = 3.085; p = 0.214
Residence place	Metropolitan	862	81.9	105.56 ± 16.16 39.00–125.00	552.22
	District	152	14.4	100.13 ± 15.67 53.00–125.00	432.34
	Village	39	3.7	93.92 ± 17.75 54.00–125.00	338.45
X 2 = 35.670; p = 0.000
Level of education	Elementary school graduate	18	1.7	94.06 ± 14.26 39.00–125.00	312.86
	Secondary education graduate	116	11.0	96.89 ± 18.83 52.00–125.00	403.56
	Higher education graduate	919	87.3	105.49 ± 15.77 39.00–125.00	546.78
X2 = 31.941; p = 0.000
Place of Employment	Not working	515	48.9	103.46 ± 16.19 40.00–125.00	506.28
	Public	333	31.6	106.65 ± 15.16 52.00–125.00	568.03
	Private sector	205	19.5	102.84 ± 18.34 39.00–125.00	512.41
X2 = 8.931; p = 0.011
Geographical Region	Marmara region	146	13.9	106.61 ± 16.39 39.00–125.00	575.40
	Central Anatolia region	407	38.7	104.57 ± 16.09 53.00–125.00	529.61
	Black Sea region	188	17.9	102.61 ± 16.45 52.00–125.00	489.26
	Mediterranean region	134	12.7	106.89 ± 14.52 63.00–125.00	568.69
	Aegean region	58	5.5	106.69 ± 16.31 58.00–125.00	578.65
	Southeastern Anatolia region	71	6.7	101.44 ± 17.71 40.00–125.00	474.80
	Eastern Anatolia region	49	4.7	96.96 ± 18.58 64.00–125.00	406.37
X2 = 20.628; p = 0.002
Perceived socio- economic level	Low	110	10.4	100.46 ± 17.61 40.00–125.00	457.28
	Medium	802	76.2	104.36 ± 16.08 40.00–125.00	524.57
	High	141	13.4	107.32 ± 16.53 39.00–125.00	595.22
X2 = 12.935; p = 0.002
How the spouse is met	Single	657	62.4	104.65 ± 16.46 39.00–125.00	534.56
	Arranged	58	5.5	90.83 ± 16.61 53.00–125.00	285.03
	Marriage of convenience	50	4.7	102.88 ± 15.26 56.00–125.00	483.47
	Love marriage	288	27.4	106.63 ± 15.05 40.00–125.00	566.04
X2 = 42,918; p = 0.000
Matrimony type	Official wedding	325	30.9	102.48 ± 16.23 40.00–125.00	484.80
	Islamic wedding	72	6.8	109.88 ± 14.94 56.00–125.00	645.69
	Single	656	62.3	104.66 ± 16.47 39.00–125.00	534.88
X2 = 17,675; p = 0.000
Family type	Nuclear family	861	81.8	105.03 ± 15.98 40.00–125.00	538.83
	Extended family	113	10.7	99.07 ± 17.15 40.00–125.00	425.41
	Single-parent family	79	7.5	104.43 ± 18.27 39.00–125.00	543.36
X2 = 14.150; p = 0.001
Spouse’s education level	Single	534	50.7	104.29 ± 16.39 40.00–125.00	570.46
	Primary education	25	2.3	82.80 ± 21.62 39.00–125.00	224.30
	Secondary education	89	8.3	98.88 ± 16.77 56.00–125.00	420.16
	Higher education	405	38.5	106.95 ± 14.59 40.00–125.00	570.46
X2 = 44.056; p = 0.000

).

Education level was another critical determinant of gender perception (X² = 31.941, p = 0.000), with higher levels of education being strongly associated with more progressive and egalitarian gender attitudes. This highlights the role of education in challenging traditional norms, fostering critical thinking, and promoting gender equality. As individuals attain higher levels of education, they are more likely to question outdated societal structures and advocate for equal rights and opportunities (Table 3).

The study revealed a significant difference in gender perception based on employment status (X² = 8.931, p = 0.011). The analysis indicated that unemployed individuals tend to hold more traditional gender perceptions compared to their employed counterparts.

Gender perception also varied significantly across Turkey’s seven geographical regions (X² = 20.628, p = 0.002). The findings suggest that gender perception is more egalitarian in the western regions of the country, whereas a more traditional perspective prevails in the eastern regions.

Additionally, the study identified a significant relationship between perceived socio-economic status and gender perception (X² = 12.935, p = 0.002). The data indicate that as individuals’ perceived income levels increase, they tend to adopt more egalitarian gender perceptions, moving away from traditional views. The way participants met their spouses was also found to significantly influence gender perception (X² = 42.918, p = 0.000). Specifically, individuals who entered into arranged marriages exhibited more traditional gender perceptions. Similarly, the type of marriage significantly impacted gender perception (X² = 17.675, p = 0.000). The group averages confirmed the statistical accuracy, showing that individuals who had only religious marriages demonstrated more egalitarian gender perceptions. Furthermore, family structure played a crucial role in shaping gender perceptions (X² = 14.150, p = 0.001). The data revealed that individuals from extended family structures held more traditional gender perceptions, whereas those from nuclear and single-parent families exhibited more egalitarian views. Lastly, the education level of a participant’s spouse significantly influenced gender perception (X² = 44.056, p = 0.000). As the education level of the spouse increased, traditional gender perceptions declined, reflecting a shift towards a more egalitarian perspective.

5. Conclusions and Discussion

As a result of research conducted with participants from seven geographical regions of Turkey, it has been determined that gender perception is evolving in a more egalitarian direction. In order to reveal the transformation of gender perception in Turkey, a large number of studies conducted in the past years have been analyzed (Ecevit 2021; Kadir Has University Public Perception of Gender and Women in Turkey 2022; Konda 2019; Turkish Statistical Institute (TSI) 2015). Our study examines the change in gender perceptions in light of the current data; it analyzes the factors affecting this change on a homogeneous sample and provides a comprehensive and up-to-date perspective on the field. The mean score obtained from the gender perception scale was 72.86 ± SD, indicating a predominantly positive and egalitarian gender perception. Additionally, responses to statements concerning gender perception further support this finding. Notably, the gender perceptions of male and female participants from different geographical regions largely converged. This alignment serves as evidence that gender perception in Turkey is progressing toward egalitarianism.

The factors contributing to this shift are discussed below.

One of the most significant factors influencing gender perception is gender itself. The study revealed that women tend to have a more egalitarian perspective on gender issues. Given that women are disproportionately affected by gender inequality, it is not surprising that they develop egalitarian views more readily. Conversely, men demonstrated a more traditional perspective of being the head of the family, the primary economic breadwinner, the authority and decision-making mechanism, or the guardian of honor and dignity, which may be attributed to their preference for maintaining the existing socio-cultural hierarchy. This tendency can be explained by the persistence of hegemonic gender identities, which reinforce traditional structures. The findings of this study align with previous research in the field (Vefikuluçay et al. 2007; Valentova 2013; Kalaycı and Hayırsever 2014; Altuntaş and Altınova 2015; Pesen et al. 2016; Çuhadaroğlu and Akfırat 2017).

Another critical factor influencing gender perception is place of residence. The study found that individuals residing in urban areas exhibit more egalitarian gender perceptions than those living in rural regions. This finding suggests a positive correlation between urbanization and egalitarian gender perceptions. Cultural values are transmitted and reinforced through socialization processes that vary between rural and urban settings. Rural areas, where traditional norms exert stronger social pressure, tend to maintain rigid gender expectations. In contrast, urban environments, characterized by a diverse population and greater access to resources, provide women with more opportunities in terms of education, political participation, and economic independence. Economic and social transformation is faster in the city. The strengthening of the urban economy with the contribution of women makes women more visible in terms of their social identities. The fact that women who worked as unpaid family workers in the rural areas start working in the paid labor force after coming to the city makes women more economically independent and creates a position of empowerment in terms of gender identities. We can say that these data have an impact on the results obtained. However, although cities exhibit a relatively progressive stance in terms of gender perception, it should not be assumed that gender prejudices have completely disappeared. (Öngen and Aytaç 2013; Çuhadaroğlu and Akfırat 2017; Çiçek and Çopur 2018; Çifçi et al. 2022; Henden Şolt 2018; Akkaş 2020).

Education also plays a crucial role in shaping gender perception. The study found that higher levels of education are associated with more egalitarian gender perspectives. Similar findings in the literature suggest that education fosters gender equality by promoting awareness and encouraging critical engagement with traditional norms (Öngen and Aytaç 2013; Altuntaş and Altınova 2015; Kadir Has University Public Perception of Gender and Women in Turkey 2022). Education not only enhances individuals’ socio-economic standing but also facilitates the transmission of progressive gender attitudes. Furthermore, the educational level of one’s spouse significantly influences gender perception. As educational attainment increases, individuals are more likely to adopt egalitarian views, which in turn positively impacts family dynamics. A well-educated spouse contributes to higher levels of emotional responsiveness, attentiveness, and mutual respect within the household. These findings align with previous studies (Yang et al. 2000; Ersoy 2009; Uzun et al. 2017; Çiçek and Çopur 2018; Çifçi et al. 2022; Akkaş 2020).

Employment status was found to have a significant impact on gender perception. Unemployed individuals tended to exhibit more traditional gender views, while employed individuals displayed more egalitarian attitudes. Women have historically been active participants in both domestic and external labor markets, yet domestic labor remains largely unrecognized as economic work. The term “working life” generally refers to income-generating activities, which have traditionally been dominated by men (Yerkes 2010). Industrialization further entrenched this divide, relegating women to domestic spheres while men assumed the role of financial providers. The degree of women’s participation in the workforce varies across nations and is influenced by socio-cultural, economic, and educational factors. The fact that women are involved in working life does not mean that they share other responsibilities with their husbands or partners. In other words, women both work outside and have to fulfill other responsibilities such as housework and childcare. What is interesting here is that the husband’s or partners support for his wife in these matters is described as “help” because the perception of gender is coded in such a way that all work at home belongs to women. However, for people who share their lives, all responsibilities should be shared. As can be seen in this research, the increase in women’s participation in working life in Turkey has transformed the traditional family order, where the roles of men and women are separated into a more sharing structure (Fulcher and Scott 2007; Günay and Bener 2011; Henden Şolt 2018; Kızıldağ and Cin 2018; Konda 2019; Ikkatai et al. 2020).

Regional differences in gender perception were also observed. The study reveals that a more traditional gender perception prevails in the eastern regions of Turkey, while a more egalitarian approach is adopted in the western regions. Turkey’s geographical and cultural diversity has resulted in varying degrees of gender perception across its seven regions. Eastern Turkey, characterized by lower levels of urbanization, reliance on agriculture, and stringent socio-cultural norms, maintains a patriarchal structure in which women face significant constraints. Despite gradual changes, traditional cultural norms remain deeply embedded. This finding is consistent with prior research (Berktay 2004; Çiçek and Çopur 2018; Savaş 2018; Uz et al. 2018). However, a strict regional distinction in gender perception within Turkey is not clearly observable, primarily due to high internal population mobility. In western regions, where gender perceptions tend to be more egalitarian, the presence of individuals originating from eastern regions contributes to a dynamic cultural interaction. This mobility, influenced by factors such as education, urbanization, and labor conditions, leads to an acculturation process that shapes gender perceptions across regions.

Socio-economic status was found to be another determinant of gender perception. Individuals with higher socio-economic status exhibited more egalitarian gender perspectives. Socio-economic status encompasses income, education, and social standing, all of which contribute to shaping individuals’ attitudes toward gender roles. Prior studies have identified an inverse relationship between gender inequality and economic deprivation (Hökelekli 2006; Zeyneloğlu 2008; Bahadır and Koç 2010).

The manner in which participants met their spouses influenced their gender perceptions. Those who entered marriages based on personal choice exhibited more egalitarian views. Societies have historically developed norms regulating marital practices. In Turkey, arranged marriages remain prevalent, with 56.8% of marriages in 2021 falling into this category. However, among university-educated individuals, self-initiated marriages constitute 71.7% of unions. These trends highlight the impact of education on gender perception and marital autonomy. This finding aligns with the existing literature (Akın and Aydemir 2007; Kızıldağ and Cin 2018; Konda 2019; Kadir Has University Public Perception of Gender and Women in Turkey 2022).

The form of marriage also influenced gender perception. Participants in religious marriages exhibited higher levels of traditional gender perception. Turkey is a secular country and the vast majority of people are Muslim, predominantly Sunnis. Therefore, there are no individuals with different religious beliefs in our study group. Our evaluations on this issue are addressed in this context. Marriage is a fundamental institution in society, influenced by religious and cultural beliefs. In Turkey, official and religious marriage ceremonies are often conducted together. While this study did not explicitly focus on religious influence, its impact on gender perception is evident (Liv 2014; Turkish Statistical Institute (TSI) 2015; Sekam 2016; Canatan 2018; Toker and Korkmaz 2021). These findings are consistent with previous research (Konda 2019; Areda Survey 2021; Çifçi et al. 2022).

Family structure also played a role in shaping gender perception. Participants from single-parent households demonstrated more egalitarian views, whereas those from extended family households held more traditional perspectives. Single-parent family structures are family types consisting of a single parent and one or multiple unmarried children (Öztop et al. 2019). They are more often found in urban areas and are composed of educated and high-income individuals. Single-parent families are formed either as a result of the death of one of the spouses or as a result of divorce and are mostly composed of the mother and her unmarried children. Turkey’s cultural structure, with its strong emphasis on both individual and collective standards of gender perception, makes individuals highly sensitive to protecting their social position and reputation. This effort to maintain the traditional structure is particularly pronounced when a family member, especially a woman, is widowed or divorced. In such cases, the traditional structure acts as a “protective shield” to prevent possible negativities. It is thought that this situation is also supported by observations in life practices and reflected in the research results. Traditional extended families reinforce rigid gender norms, whereas modern nuclear families provide greater flexibility in gender roles (Aykan and Wolf 2000; Beşpınar and Beşpınar 2017). Turkey’s family structure incorporates both nuclear and extended family elements, making it a unique case study.

Overall, the study’s findings point to a shift in gender perceptions, with increasing support for gender equality across various domains, including financial independence, professional opportunities, domestic responsibilities, and leadership roles. However, the results also indicate that disparities persist based on gender, age, residence, and education level. These findings suggest that efforts to promote gender equality should prioritize education and awareness, particularly in rural areas, to further bridge the gap between traditional and egalitarian gender perceptions. By addressing these factors, societies can continue to progress toward a more inclusive and equitable future for all individuals, regardless of gender.

Over the last 20 years, the prevailing politics in the country has been controversial in terms of gender equality, perception and regulation of women. While the AKP pursued a neoliberal–conservative line in the first period of its rule, after 2010 it adopted a family-centered policy. The year 2025 was declared as the year of the family. In the 2000s, the government also carried out positive activities within the scope of the harmonization process with the European Union. However, since 2010, the government’s record on women, gender perception and rights has been full of weaknesses (Yakın Dönem Türkiye Tarihi Çalışma Grubu 2018).Despite the current government’s push for a theocratic transformation of society, it seems that it has not found a response from Turkish society in terms of gender equality. This is attributed to Turkey’s legacy of modernization and secularization, increasing levels of education and urbanization, international norms created by globalization processes, the strengthening women’s movement, and the heterogeneous structure of society. These factors may have strengthened women’s presence in the public sphere and their demand for equality by creating a social resistance against interventions against traditional gender roles. The results of the study are in line with the general situation in Turkey.

In conclusion, this study demonstrates that gender perceptions in Turkey are gradually shifting away from traditional norms toward a more egalitarian framework. While significant regional and socio-cultural variations remain, urbanization, education, employment, and socio-economic factors are driving this transformation. Future studies should further explore the dynamics of gender perception and its implications for policy and social change.