Intergenerational Transmission of Domestic Violence in Peruvian Families: A Qualitative Study

Abstract

Domestic violence is a public health problem that has important consequences for the physical, mental and social well-being of individuals and their families, leading to negative effects on future generations, which are exacerbated or inhibited by individual, social and cultural factors. This qualitative study aimed to explore the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence in Peruvian families. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with an adolescent, a mother and a grandfather from nine families. Data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. The analysis revealed the importance of traditional gender norms, machismo and marianismo, in intergenerational transmission. Other important subthemes in maintenance were irritability, social learning, alcohol consumption and economic dependence. On the other hand, support networks, overcoming trauma, knowing how to choose a partner, education and separation were subthemes identified as protective factors and, finally, religious beliefs were associated with contradictory effects, since they can perpetuate violence or serve as a protective factor against violence. The implications of these findings are discussed and a proposal based on the socioecological model of domestic violence is elaborated, covering the four levels: individual, relationship, community and societal.

1. Introduction

Domestic violence is a major public health problem (Pinna 2016; Garcia-Moreno et al. 2006; Shields et al. 2020) and has serious repercussions on the physical, mental and social well-being of individuals and families (World Health Organization 2011). The consequences of violence can last a lifetime and have adverse effects on generations to come (Agüero et al. 2022; Berktaş and Eryurt 2025; Franklin and Kercher 2012). Previous studies (Bartoli et al. 2024; Bazo-Alvarez et al. 2024; Chernyak et al. 2020) have found intergenerational associations between parental exposure to adverse childhood experiences and poorer childhood health in their children (Lê-Scherban et al. 2018). This means that exposure to stressful situations, such as violent experiences, could transmit negative effects to future generations.

Latin American countries have a propensity towards violence (Croci 2023). Compared to other regions of the world, the figures for violence are high in its different types and forms (Flake and Forste 2006; Imbusch et al. 2011). Comparing crime figures and victimization surveys during the years 2004–2014 (Jaitman and Anauati 2020), the dark figure for gender-based violent crimes is estimated to be between 92% and 95%, compared to 63% and 80% in developed countries. The World Health Organization states that one in four women between the ages of 15 and 49 have experienced physical or sexual violence by their partner in Latin America (World Health Organization 2021). Benavides et al. (2019) explain that the inadequate functioning of protection systems could be a factor influencing the perpetuation of the phenomenon of intimate partner violence.

Latin America is one of the regions with the greatest cultural heterogeneity in the world and is characterized by high levels of political and social violence, evidenced by corruption, crime and political instability in its countries (Flake and Forste 2006). Exposure to violence is associated with the continuity of violence across generations (Valentino et al. 2012; Bendezu-Quispe et al. 2024; Chernyak et al. 2020; Bott et al. 2022). Living in a violent environment causes the individual to believe that violence is a normal and acceptable behavior, i.e., it desensitizes the person to the consequences of his behavior (Uslucan and Fuhrer 2008). Unfortunately, one of the countries with the highest prevalence of domestic violence is Peru (Ames et al. 2018; Kohrt et al. 2015).

Intergenerational transmission not only includes domestic violence, but also encompasses different dysfunctional patterns of behavior such as coping strategies, drug use, deviant behavior and psychological distress (depression, anxiety and stress) (Gomis-Pomares et al. 2023). Thus, it is not only the cycle of violence that is transmitted, but also a series of individual, social and cultural conditions that favor the maintenance of the cycle of violent behavior (Kim 2012). The intergenerational transmission of domestic violence involves biological, psychological, social, political, legal, educational, economic and cultural factors in its origin and maintenance, and it is necessary to study this phenomenon in various contexts. Research should address the circumstances that allow it to occur and the variables that interact in this intergenerational cycle. At an ontological level, the transmission process includes conditions that predispose and inhibit violent behavior, so it is possible to understand it as the simultaneous accumulation of risk and protective factors, which, when identified, can increase or reduce the occurrence of violent behavior (Uslucan and Fuhrer 2008). Ghoshal et al. (2023) conducted a systematic review on protective and risk factors for intimate partner violence and concluded that protective factors are more context-dependent, while risk factors are more generalizable, especially for low- and middle-income countries. Specifically in Latin American countries, previous studies indicate that there are two factors of great relevance for this cycle to continue. These factors are a legacy of social violence and rigid gender norms (Flake and Forste 2006).

Latin America has a history of social violence since its origins, spanning events from before the Spanish conquest to the present day, which is exacerbated by the economic, social and political conditions of its countries (Bendezu-Quispe et al. 2024). Due to the different forms of violence experienced throughout history by Latin American countries, the concept of intergenerational trauma has gained greater relevance for the study of violence (Cerdeña et al. 2021; Graf and Schechter 2024; Taccini et al. 2024). Violence is so common it has become normalized, leading to these harmful patterns being passed down through families.

Gender norms are closely related to two concepts, machismo and marianismo (Gibbons et al. 2020; Stevens 1973), that, as a common factor, give greater value to the masculine rather than the feminine (Fuller 2012). Machismo is a concept that describes Latino masculinity and encompasses the belief that men should be masculine, strong, protective and independent, but should also be aggressive, unemotional and sexually aggressive (Flake and Forste 2006). However, machismo can be seen as an expression of men’s insecurity about their own virility (Fuller 2012). Meanwhile, marianismo refers to the veneration of the Virgin Mary (Rondon 2003) and follows the model that women should follow her example of purity and be able to endure any suffering that is caused by men (Flake and Forste 2006; Stevens 1973), embracing values such as virtue, passivity, self-sufficiency and prioritizing others over the self (Rondon 2003; Lara-Cinisomo et al. 2019).

Studies on the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence have addressed the phenomenon from both quantitative and qualitative approaches. However, few studies have examined the mechanisms of intergenerational transmission of violence (Agüero et al. 2022). In the literature review, it was found that most studies on the intergenerational transmission of family violence have followed a quantitative approach, where it is common to observe the use of primary and secondary data from longitudinal studies, in addition to the evaluation of explanatory models through the application of multiple regression techniques or structural equation modeling (Agüero et al. 2022; Mora 2013; Alvarez et al. 2010; Adams et al. 2019; Anderson et al. 2018; Bradley and Tanwar 2022), taking the characteristics of the fathers and mothers as predictor variables, and the appearance of violent behavior in the children as the dependent variable. In this regard, Haselschwerdt et al. (2019) carried out a systematic review of studies on the intergenerational transmission of violence, finding that these studies are characterized by their great variability and the lack of complexity of the methodology used. This means that there are important limitations in this type of study for understanding the phenomenon of intergenerational transmission of family violence. In qualitative studies, more attention is paid to the mechanisms of how this cycle of violence is established, maintained and broken, especially against intimate partners and against children and adolescents (Antle et al. 2020; Domoney and Trevillion 2021; Ronzón-Tirado et al. 2017).

Despite the abundant research on family violence, not much is yet known about culturally appropriate interventions in different social groups (Alvarez et al. 2021). In general, in low-income countries, there is a higher prevalence compared to high-income countries (Sardinha et al. 2022), and the evidence indicates that these differences are not purely economic, but that each country has its own social and cultural characteristics that exacerbate or inhibit them (Bacchus et al. 2024). There is a knowledge gap in the application of effective treatments to break the cycle of family violence in populations in Latin America and the Caribbean (Tsapalas et al. 2021); this is due to the characteristics of the region and the fact that the phenomena of violence imply that acceptable parental practices towards a child are different from one country to another and have repercussions on the probability of experiencing abuse (Wadji et al. 2022). Domestic violence is a serious problem in Peru, so to effectively address it, it is crucial to understand its risk factors specific to the Peruvian context (Perez-Vincent and Carreras 2022). This includes identifying both risk factors and protective factors. Therefore, the present study aims to explore the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence in Peruvian families.

1.1. Study Settings

Peru is a Latin American country located in South America with three natural regions (the coast, the highlands and the jungle). It is a multicultural country, with a strong Spanish influence and maintains cultural and religious traditions related to the Catholic religion.

Domestic violence in Peru, in its different forms, is widespread and deep-rooted throughout the country (Miljanovich et al. 2010; Caira-Chuquineyra et al. 2024). It is estimated that 51.5% of women have experienced violence (Bazo-Alvarez et al. 2024). In general, domestic violence in Peru is more prevalent in the jungle and highlands (Miljanovich et al. 2010), and in the southern regions of the country, women are more vulnerable to violence (Bazo-Alvarez et al. 2024). The present study was carried out in the city of Arequipa, which is located in the highland region and in the southern part of Peru. Arequipa is one of the regions with the highest rate violence against women (Castro et al. 2017).

1.2. Theorical Frameworks

There are theories to explain the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence, among which the theory of social modeling stands out (Bandura 1973), which points out the importance of vicarious learning and how behaviors are repeated according to the effectiveness of the imitated behavior (Uslucan and Fuhrer 2008). Another commonly mentioned theory has to do with behavioral genetics, which explains that the intergenerational cycle can be explained, at least in part, by shared genetics between parents and children (Spatz and Wilson 2015) and epigenetic effects during infant development (Tremblay and Côté 2019). There are also theories that focus more on the individual, specifically on his traits; this theory has a psychopathological approach. The transmission of violence is attributed to the personality traits of the parents, which were developed during their childhood, and that these are activated once they are parents (Uslucan and Fuhrer 2008). The theories described above have important limitations, so studies on domestic violence currently employ the socio-ecological model of domestic violence (CDC 2024).

It is not possible to identify a single factor that explains violent behavior. Violence is a complex phenomenon and results from the combination of personal, situational and sociocultural factors that coexist at different levels (Heise 1998). Understanding how these factors are related to violence is one way to prevent it. This study uses the socio-ecological model of domestic violence (CDC 2024), a theoretical framework that studies the interactive effects of individual and environmental factors that influence attitudes and behaviors (Tekkas Kerman and Betrus 2020). Four levels are considered: individual, relationship, community and societal. By studying them, it is possible to understand the different risk and protective factors against domestic violence (CDC 2024). At the individual level, biological and personal history factors that increase the likelihood of violent behavior are identified. At the relationship level, there are close relationships that could increase the risk of experiencing violence. At the community level, the environments where social relationships occur are analyzed, and the aim is to identify the characteristics associated with becoming a victim and a perpetrator. And finally, at the societal level, the social factors that contribute to creating a climate in which violence is encouraged or inhibited are analyzed, including the social and cultural norms that support violence as an acceptable way of solving problems (CDC 2024). Cummings et al. (2013) explain that it is important to develop context-specific socio-ecological models, as this will enable researchers, professionals and policy makers to make evidence-based decisions to address the problem of domestic violence.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Research Design

A descriptive qualitative study using the reflexive thematic analysis design (Braun and Clarke 2006) was conducted. The social constructionist paradigm was used. The main premise is that people construct the meaning of their reality through the social interaction of the individual with others, and that this is manifested through discourse. That is, the individual constructs the meaning of his or her experiences through interactions with other people, and the researcher must try to make sense of (interpret) the meanings of others about the world (Creswell 2013).

2.2. Study Participants and Sampling

Nine families participated, of which one son or daughter (adolescent), one adult (mother) and a grandparent were interviewed (n = 27). Purposive sampling was used, where a psychologist who works with families at risk pre-selected participants, then informed them about the study and invited them to participate. Parents were informed about the study and invited to participate.

The inclusion criteria were families who agreed to participate and families with three generations in the household. As exclusion criteria, it was considered that none of the participants reported a psychiatric or sensory diagnosis or had difficulties in oral communication. Adolescent participants were 5 women and 4 men, whose ages ranged from 12 to 18 years (M = 13.9), mothers’ ages ranged from 40 to 49 years (M = 41.8) and grandparents were 7 women and 2 men, ranging in age from 54 to 79 years (M = 66.4).

Table 1. Characterization of the participants.

Family	Identifier	Sex	Age (Years)	Education	Occupation
Family 1	Adolescent 1	Male	12	High school student	Student
	Mother 1	Female	43	Higher education	Administrative Assistant
	Grandparent 1	Female	79	Incomplete secondary education	Homemaker
Family 2	Adolescent 2	Female	12	High school student	Student
	Mother 2	Female	38	Higher Technical Education	Homemaker
	Grandparent 2	Female	54	Incomplete primary	Farmer/Homemaker
Family 3	Adolescent 3	Female	12	High school student	Student
	Mother 3	Female	43	Higher Technical Education	Seamstress
	Grandparent 3	Female	60	Incomplete primary	Farmer
Family 4	Adolescent 4	Male	18	University student	Student
	Mother 4	Female	49	Higher education	Homemaker
	Grandparent 4	Female	70	Secondary education	Independent worker
Family 5	Adolescent 5	Female	14	High school student	Student
	Mother 5	Female	39	Higher education	Homemaker
	Grandparent 5	Female	72	Secondary education	Independent worker
Family 6	Adolescent 6	Male	14	High school student	Student
	Mother 6	Female	40	Higher technical education	Independent worker
	Grandparent 6	Male	79	Incomplete secondary education	Unemployed—Retired
Family 7	Adolescent 7	Female	13	High school student	Student
	Mother 7	Female	41	Secondary education	Independent worker
	Grandparent 7	Female	61	Secondary education	Independent worker
Family 8	Adolescent 8	Male	16	High school student	Student
	Mother 8	Female	41	Secondary education	Independent worker
	Grandparent 8	Male	65	Secondary education	Independent worker
Family 9	Adolescent 9	Female	14	High school student	Student
	Mother 9	Female	42	Higher education	Independent worker
	Grandparent 9	Female	58	Primary education	Independent worker

presents the characterization of the participants.

2.3. Study Interviews

A semi-structured interview guide was prepared for each group of participants (adolescents, mothers and grandparents). To draw up these guides, a categorization matrix was used covering the following topics: perception of domestic violence, risk factors and/or triggers of domestic violence, intergenerational transmission of domestic violence, factors that break the cycle of intergenerational transmission and social support and coping strategies. These guides were reviewed by two specialists in cases of family violence and were evaluated through pilot interviews with a family.

The interviews were conducted simultaneously for all three family members, and were conducted in different spaces, to ensure privacy and care for the participants. A team of interviewers was formed, consisting of the research team and seven external interviewers. All were psychologists with at least one year of experience in clinical interviewing. Interviews lasted from 23 min to 1 h and 55 min (adolescents: 23 min–66 min; mothers: 47 min–1 h and 55 min; grandparents: 48 min–1 h and 32 min). All interviews were conducted in private in a quiet area. The interviews were audio-recorded.

2.4. Ethicals Aspects

The study was financed by the research fund of the Universidad Católica de Santa María (UCSM). The project was reviewed and approved by the Vice Rectorate for Research (28048-R-2021). The study was conducted according to the guidelines of the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Institutional Research Ethics Committee of the Universidad Católica de Santa María (protocol code 281-2024).

Participation was voluntary and based on informed consent and assent. Participants were provided information about the study’s objective, risks and benefits, as well as the confidentiality of the data collected. Finally, authorization was requested to record the interview. Considering the potential risk of emotional distress involved in the study, the following mitigation measures were taken; interviewers were trained in the implementation of a crisis action plan, which included an emotional support protocol and information on how to respond in cases of domestic violence. This protocol included relaxation and breathing techniques, sensory distraction and active listening, which the interviewer was to apply in the event of adverse responses during the interview process, avoiding potential risks and the onset of any process that could lead to revictimization in participants. In addition, the interviewers provided useful information on what to do in cases of domestic violence and distributed materials on domestic violence care services to all study participants.

In recognition of their time and potential inconvenience, families were offered financial compensation of PEN 100.00 (approximately USD 30) for their participation. The payment was given to the mother of each family at the conclusion of the three interviews. This payment did not generate coercion or influence responses or decisions in the study. To protect the identity of participants, a code was assigned based on the order of the interviews (family 1, adolescent 1, mother 1 and grandparent 1).

2.5. Data Analysis

A reflexive thematic analysis was applied using the Atlas.ti program, version 24. Hybrid analysis with abductive logic (Reichertz 2014) was used, which involves the association between what is extracted inductively with a theoretical frame of reference, in such a way that empirical data are integrated with existing theoretical knowledge. The analysis began with the construction of a categorization matrix based on a review of the literature, followed by familiarization of the data through the transcription of the interviews, reading and the generation of initial quotes. The transcription was carried out in two stages, the first using the Transkriptor application (https://transkriptor.com/es/, accessed on 2 December 2024) and in the second, the transcripts were reviewed manually. Next, the coding was carried out using the open and thematic coding application. Subsequently, the categorization was carried out, which includes the detection of the most relevant topics or categories. Finally, a report was prepared summarizing these findings and was validated by the research team.

3. Results

Three main themes have been identified: (1) factors contributing to the perpetuation of intergenerational violence, (2) protective factors for the intergenerational transmission of violence and (3) religious beliefs.

3.1. Theme 1: Factors That Contribute to the Perpetuation of Violence Across Generations

These factors predispose subjects to develop violent behaviors, as well as to have a greater predisposition to be victims of violence. They include risk factors that favor the emergence and maintenance of the cycle of intergenerational violence.

Machismo and marianismo refers to gender norms, which indicate the sociocultural expectations of men’s and women’s behavior and imply a hierarchical order in the relationship between men and women. It is noted that these norms are acquired through socialization and differences in the upbringing of men and women. The quotes show the idea that men should be masculine, not perform household chores, and that they are possessive of women, leading to aggressive behavior.

“… My mother has always been like that, for men, yes, the best, in clothes, in food, in everything, in treatment, in attention, everything, but not for us … I have lived in a very macho upbringing, that women are the ones who cook, wash, clean, do and men don’t, they don’t cook, they don’t clean, they don’t…so at that age I was already starting to complain, why should I do and my brother not?”

(Mother 4)

“Yes, we were afraid of him [his father]. I was very afraid of him because we already knew that my father is very macho, he is still macho. He was very jealous and he was very aggressive. I remember that once he broke my mom’s nose around this time, more or less, he broke her nose.”

(Mother 9)

Quotes related to marianismo have also been identified, where women have to endure and suffer mistreatment by men, especially if it is to protect their children, in addition to having a passive role towards the life that she assumes corresponds to her place within society.

“… I went to a psychoanalyst and the psychoanalyst told me that I had already been raised as a little lady. You have been a little lady … I have always been quiet and obedient, but I don’t know if it’s because I wanted to do it or because I already had the chip that I had to do it.”

(Mother 1)

“… My mom, for example, was one of those people who allowed and forgave a lot, I think she forgave because mom never left home, she was always with my dad, but now that I am a mom, I always said to my mom: Mom, why don’t you leave him? Why do you let yourself be beaten so much? …”

(Mother 3)

Under the socio-ecological model, it can be seen that this subtheme encompasses the interaction between various levels, beginning with the societal level, where these cultural norms on how men and women should behave are established from childhood, and have important repercussions on the other levels. At the individual level, they manifest themselves in the establishment of beliefs and attitudes that encourage adherence to rigid gender roles. This can lead to inequality of power in the relationships that people maintain and justify: at the community level, tolerance of violent behavior.

Participants reported the great importance of role models in the repetition of violent behaviors. Having witnessed episodes of violence at an early age is linked to the later occurrence of violence. This is observed in the mother’s account of her child, as well as that of grandparents with mothers.

“… I think that sometimes when he [his son] gets violent and angry, I tell him, don’t be like your dad, I don’t want you to be like him …”

(Mother 1)

“… family violence comes from violent people who have had that treatment in their homes, they are children of violent parents, I think that’s where it comes from and from education, culture and the situation, the environment where they have been raised, especially because as the saying goes, hang out with wolves and you will learn to howl and it is a reality …”

(Grandparent 6)

This modeling favors the repetition of dysfunctional patterns in families on an intergenerational basis. These behaviors comprise the cycle of violence experienced by the previous generation and repeated, including maladaptive responses to violent behavior.

“… And that’s why I say that, violence destroys you … You can continue to replicate it, because right now that is happening with my sister. I tell my sister, even though she has seen everything that has happened, my mother sometimes allows her partner to treat her badly. I tell her, but why do you allow, I tell her, look he is not your son’s father, why do you have to allow him to treat you badly, I tell her and she doesn’t give me an answer, she don’t tell me why …”

(Mother 9)

Under the socio-ecological model, this subtheme analyzes the interaction between different levels, particularly the relationship and community levels. Experiences of abuse or violence have an impact on the learning of violent behavior patterns, as well as on the learning of dysfunctional behavior patterns. This leads to affected relationship dynamics, increasing communication problems and the normalization of violent behavior, perpetuating the cycle of domestic violence.

Irritability is a trait manifested by the aggressor that is characterized by a tendency to get upset and have explosive responses to mild situations or situations that do not warrant such exaggerated responses.

“… my mom would grab us ‘what did I tell you?’ or something like that, by the chops or the hair, she would grab us, but my mom didn’t hit us like my dad, my dad when he got bitter because if his intention was to disappear us, he would grab his belt …”

(Mother 3)

“… It was when I was about 8 years old. I don’t remember how old I was, but we had a water cylinder in my house. And I imagine my dad said something to me, and I grabbed a rock and threw it at him and it landed on his knee and that was it. Yes, I remember my dad came but furious, he grabbed me, he carried me and put me headfirst into the cylinder, that’s what I remember. And that remains, those two things marked my life …”

(Mother 8)

Under the socio-ecological model, irritability focuses on the individual and relationship level. Irritability is a trait that increases the probability of violent behavior, having a close relationship with anger and impulse control. In addition, it has an influence on the way the subject relates to others, increasing conflicts and communication problems that foster the occurrence of violent episodes, perpetuating the cycle of family violence.

An additional important subtheme was the use of violent parenting practices, motivated by the need to correct behaviors considered “inappropriate”. In families where violence was more frequent, these practices were observed to be more violent and disproportionate to the inappropriate behavior.

“… Sometimes my sister doesn’t do her activities at home and my mom hits her with her hand and my sister starts crying and my mom starts yelling profanities …”

(Adolescent 4)

“… And all of a sudden I am mistreating them, right? But I say if I don’t correct them, when they are older, what will happen? and I say I am doing them wrong, I mean, that is the dilemma I have right now, isn’t it? That’s what would be happening to me …”

(Mother 1)

“… the kids don’t even want to run errands or anything and sometimes a little whip would do … that happened to my son who is a doctor … he has finished his primary and secondary school there and in secondary school is where he is corrected, but at that time, the director proposed a teacher, who had been the director’s teacher, she was an old lady, a lady who had her whip, she gave them her whip, but she was a very strict teacher, so that almost all of my son’s graduating class are professionals …”

(Grandparent 6)

Violent disciplinary methods were more common when applied in environments that approved of them. Even family members themselves encouraged them and perceived them as effective in raising children.

“… Now that I live with him [her partner], I always hear him talking to me, he tells me why you don’t hit your children, he tells me you should hit them, they are very spoiled, he says …”

(Mother 8)

Under the socio-ecological model, this subtheme is mainly located at the relationship, community and societal levels, since these practices are encouraged by close social groups that perceive violent behavior as a way of correcting minors, normalizing violence in parenting. Violent parental practices are perceived as positive factors, and are even perceived as necessary, for the correct formation of the child. It is interesting to see how the use of violence is justified, which shows how deeply rooted these parental practices are in the interviewees.

Alcohol consumption is another relevant subtheme, as it is considered a risk factor for violence. It is presented as a trigger for violence and is often related to social reunions. It was also linked to the risk of sexual violence from family members.

“… Because every time he drank, he became aggressive [her father]. He would get violent or hit her [her mother], at the carnival parties he would get violent, he would drink, that party was for them to have fights and yes, yes, it scared me, it made me afraid. But my mom put up with all that … And, that’s why I was afraid of those carnival parties, because I was afraid of what happened to my mom, that she had her nose blown off, I was afraid, I was afraid that carnivals would happen, it could happen because it was drunkenness, sure that it would happen, no, we were afraid because my dad was very aggressive …”

(Mother 9)

“… I can’t be at peace with that aspect, because it’s been going on since I was a child, as I already told you, and I’ve practically grown up with it and before it was worse because my uncles would come drunk and make noise, for example I was afraid to go out to the park and my uncle came drunk…”

(Mother 2)

Alcohol and violence involves the interaction of the individual, community and societal levels. The community and societal levels are mentioned because alcohol is a substance that is present in social gatherings and is considered a social disinhibitor. However, the abuse of alcohol predisposes the appearance of violent behavior by reducing the subject’s impulse control. The accounts emphasize how alcohol consumption is associated with aggressive behavior and the occurrence of traumatic events.

Economic dependence was found to be a factor that prevents women from leaving a violent relationship, since they do not have the economic resources to take care of themselves and their children.

“… There are women who put up with him because of the economic situation, if I separate, who is going to give me money? …”

(Grandparent 6)

“… One part is that the wife often puts up with the husband because she doesn’t have labor independence, because if she had labor independence, she would throw him out, because I don’t need him …”

(Grandparent 1)

“… But the one who earned the most was my father. And so that my siblings could study, could have what they needed. My mom said that’s why she stayed with him …”

(Mother 9)

It is related to traditional gender roles, where men are identified as the providers and women have a supporting role. In this category, it is observed that women endure physical and psychological violence because they have limited resources for financial autonomy and depend to a large extent on the economic resources that men can provide. This subtheme mainly covers the relationship, community and societal levels. Here, sociocultural factors stand out, and are related to rigid gender roles that limit women’s activities, especially in the development of work activities that avoid economic dependence. This is aggravated when the mother has the belief that without the economic support of the partner, the children will be affected, so the mother assumes that she must remain in the violent relationship for the sake of the children.

3.2. Theme 2: Protective Factors of Intergenerational Transmission of Family Violence

These factors reduce the risk of violence in family members and interrupt the cycle of violence across generations.

The first subtheme found was support networks, which comprise the group of people who provide support to victims of domestic violence. Their purpose is to guarantee the well-being and safety of those affected. One of the main ones is the victim’s own family, as well as the professionals in charge of care, as well as social groups, such as the police and the church, who provide psychosocial support to those involved.

“… We all watched everything my dad hit her [her mother] and if we protected her, he would beat us with a whip…”

(Grandparent 3)

“… but I told her, let’s go, let’s go mom and I told her once and my mom didn’t want to. That’s why now I say why my mom would suddenly hold on because she had nowhere to go. My mother doesn’t have a family. So suddenly for that reason, no, I say that’s why she would hold on…”

(Grandparent 9)

“… Well, now I learned about the complaint, but they don’t pay attention to me either …”

(Grandparent 2)

The lack of a support network can have counterproductive effects on the victim and maintain the cycle of domestic violence. Likewise, distrust towards the institutions that should protect the victim reduces the effect of support networks. This subtheme is one of the most important in breaking the cycle of family violence. Here, we can see how the relationship, community and societal levels interact. At the relational level, it can be seen how parents and children are an important part of the way in which support is provided to the victim. On the other hand, at the community and societal levels, distrust of the institutions that provide support services in these cases leads to hopelessness, normalizing violent behavior. The victim’s support networks should be considered in interventions that seek to break the cycle of family violence.

Overcoming trauma implies personal reflection on traumatic events can have an effect on breaking the cycle of intergenerational violence. The person understands the importance of communication in overcoming the trauma, expressing what they think and feel, preventing the cycle of violence from repeating itself.

“…not following in the footsteps of my family, not being like this, to value life more for my mother, my brothers, my children, more for life because I say it is a miracle that I am still alive with everything that I went through…”

(Mother 2)

“… Now I have overcome a lot, a lot, but I have not gone to any psychologist, on my own, talking to one person with another person, they have raised my morale, … suddenly that has also made me change, it has made me react and the truth is that now I am calm… I dedicate to myself… they ask me why haven’t you found a partner, because I prefer to be alone than to be controlled…”

(Grandparent 4)

Under the socio-ecological model, this subtheme encompasses the individual and relationship level. At the individual level, the personal history of domestic violence can trigger trauma, which promotes the emergence of dysfunctional patterns of behavior, and which are manifested when the person relates to others, especially with the partner and children. In the quotations, it can be seen that overcoming trauma can occur through a deep reflection of the traumatic events experienced and the individual decision not to repeat the cycle. Overcoming trauma has enriching effects on the person, allowing him/her to develop individual resources to increase his/her well-being. According to the above, it is pertinent to evaluate the presence of trauma when working with these cases, so that more personalized and effective interventions can be made to break the cycle of family violence.

A subtheme that emerged from the analysis was knowing how to choose a partner. It includes the importance of knowing how to choose a romantic partner. The focus is on knowing the family history of the partner, especially if they are men. This was more important in the interviews with the grandparents.

“… Although the man is violent, that is why before getting married he should try to see the quality of the man he is going to be with, or the woman too, because if you are getting involved with a possessive man, with a woman who is also violent, it is already noticeable from the moment you are in love, if you are going to have problems just being in love, what will it be like when you are married and have rights with your husband? …”

(Grandparent 6)

“…The upbringing, the example of the parents and when a man or a woman is going to marry someone, they should also look at what her mother and father are like, that will give them a better answer of what they will be like in the future, if their future, for example, if their partner sees that their father hit their mother, or their mother was a bit stubborn and difficult, then that is where the bad example comes from…”

(Grandparent 5)

Under the socio-ecological model, this subtheme is mainly at the relationship level. Knowing how to choose a partner plays an important role in controlling the occurrence of violence. It is interesting to note that grandparents are the ones who attach most importance to this category. Although choosing the right partner has a preventive effect, it also has a counterpart, since if a partner is chosen and is violent, a revictimizing effect could appear, indicating that it is the victim’s fault.

Another relevant subtopic was education. It refers to how the educational formation of women and men functions as a protective factor against violent behavior. The interviewees associate academic degrees as factors that prevent the occurrence of violence. They also associate training in schools as being educated in values and the achievement of goals through education.

“… Almost all my sons-in-law are professionals and I told her that this was not for a prepared person, to put her hand, that is what words were for, the mouth to be able to speak and understand if my daughter was making a mistake, then correct her, but through words …”

(Grandparent 4)

“… I would describe it as a family that is very much based on study and that they believe that…they have the mentality that without studies you cannot go far …”

(Adolescent 4)

“… We have made sure that my children study even in posh schools, where they are taught values and it seems to me that the main thing is to teach values to the children and treat them so that with their ability as boys they can get ahead…”

(Grandparent 6)

This subtheme demonstrates the interaction between the individual and relationship levels. Interviewees placed great importance on education as a factor related to personal growth and the inhibition of violent behavior. Furthermore, it was found that educational attainment was associated with the idea of acquiring values that would allow for better relationships with others. This was especially important for grandparents, who, in a biased way, emphasized the education of men so they could have greater control and develop their communication skills with their partners. This finding could be linked to the existence of social systems that reinforce the idea of gender inequalities, assigning more important roles to men and more secondary roles to women.

Separation was a subtheme that emerged from the analysis. It was found to be a drastic measure to get away from the violent situation. Separation occurs when the person considers that there is no other way out or improvement in the relationship. By separating, the person can foster greater independence and self-confidence.

“…my mom one day grabbed and said: now, there is no more solution, we are leaving this house, and she grabbed her little things and our godparents grabbed their little truck and loaded all the little things into the truck and we left…”

(Mother 3)

“…That’s why I decided to end the relationship that is not going to happen anymore. I said, I’ve already given him so many chances, so many times…”

(Mother 8)

“…the separation was very useful for me, and well, it was a process to make me realize that I can do it on my own…”

(Mother 1)

This subtheme addresses the interaction between the relationship and community levels. Separation is a drastic measure to interrupt the cycle of violence. However, it is possible that separation generates new problems, such as lack of economic resources and the possibility of maltreatment after separation. In this sense, separation requires support networks to minimize the possible negative effects, especially on the victim, who may be vulnerable in this situation. In addition, it is necessary to have institutions that can protect her and give her the support she requires, with the aim of breaking the cycle of family violence.

3.3. Religious Beliefs

The last theme found was religious beliefs. Religious beliefs were associated with traditions involving violence, especially penance.

“…on Good Friday I would fast that day. That day I used to grab the whip ‘San Martincito’ and I didn’t even know why, I would get up at four in the morning, and there I would get beated up with the chicote. Three times, he made me pray, he made me pray, he made me ask God for forgiveness. That is where my father punished me for all the bad things I had done during the year, he took me out for this, for this, for this, for this…”

(Grandparent 7)

Religious beliefs were also related to obtaining support for coping with violence-related problems. These beliefs give the victim hope that things will get better in the way the family relates to each other.

“… I am aware that God has had something much better for me and now I feel calmer in spite of all the problems … That there is a God who loves, that everything that happens is because something better is going to happen … I used to be depressed and I would go to sleep, I was bad in spite of all the support I received. On the other hand, the community has made me see that I should look at my family and be thankful for what I have…”

(Mother 1)

“…There was a lady who helped me and who told me: “Ask the Lord on your knees, ask the Lord to change your husband…”

(Grandparent 3)

“… because of what happened with my mother. Because of what I had to live through, well, no, but… But thank God I have been able to excel. Everything is fine with my children, everything is fine…”

(Grandparent 9)

This subtheme shows the interaction of all levels of the socio-ecological model. At the community and societal level, religion, specifically the Catholic religion, is a factor of great importance in Peruvian society. Its influence is felt throughout a person’s life and governs the way the subject behaves. On an individual and relational level, religious beliefs serve as a support to endure violent situations and give hope that things will improve in the future. However, it is possible that religious beliefs, especially when they are rigid in relation to marriage and family, may cause the victim to experience more violence to avoid separation. This subtheme has been separated from the rest because more attention should be paid to it when establishing interventions in the Peruvian context, as these may be mediated by the effect of the subject’s religious beliefs.

4. Discussion

The present study aimed to explore the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence in Peruvian families. During the analysis, three main themes were identified: factors that contribute to the perpetuation of intergenerational violence, protective factors of intergenerational transmission and religious beliefs. According to the theoretical framework used, social and cultural factors are of great importance when studying the phenomenon of family violence.

Gender roles play a relevant role in victims and perpetrators of family violence (Alfitri 2020; Alvarez et al. 2021). Themes related to machismo and marianismo were found in the interviews analyzed. Especially when talking about rigid roles in Latin American countries, i.e., how a woman and a man should behave within the family and society. These role manifestations are consistent with previous theory and studies (Cerdeña et al. 2021; Isobel et al. 2021). Women assume caring and nurturing roles for men, and men must be strong, aggressive and macho. There is evidence that gender norms that promote men’s control over women increase the risk of violence (Alvarez et al. 2021). Rigid gender norms have been fostered, from early childhood experiences, by women, especially the grandmothers interviewed. It is interesting to see that this male dominance is reinforced by the role of women within Latin American societies.

Among the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of violence, social modeling stood out. Children observe models, their parents, how they interact with others and how they solve their problems and then imitate those observed behaviors (Bandura 1973). Children exposed to violence between parents may learn that violence is an effective and appropriate means to resolve conflicts with their partners (Ehrensaft et al. 2003), and once they become adults, repeat these patterns of behavior within their families (Berktaş and Eryurt 2025; Bendezu-Quispe et al. 2024; Bazo-Alvarez et al. 2024). Despite the wide acceptance of this theory, it has gaps, since learning by imitation alone fails to be a cause for the emergence of family violence. Although the cycle of violence seems quite clear, in general terms, it should be considered that most parents who have experienced violence in childhood do not use it in their own child rearing when they become parents (Spatz and Wilson 2015).

There is evidence for the mediating role of irritability between child maltreatment and aggression, especially for males compared to females (Xu et al. 2024). It is possible that these differences are due to the fact that irritability is predictive of anger, but only in individuals with higher impulsivity scores (Gröndal et al. 2023). When analyzing this category intergenerationally, it should be understood that it has biological (Haller 2020; Siever 2008) and environmental components in the emergence of aggressive and violent behavior (Tremblay and Côté 2019). Behavioral genetics asserts that the intergenerational cycle of violence is due, in part, to the transfer of inherited traits, attributing greater relevance to shared genetics. Furthermore it asserts that having experienced adverse childhood experiences has epigenetic effects on individual development, especially on the development of their brains and neurophysiological responses to stress (Spatz and Wilson 2015; Tremblay and Côté 2019). The explosive responses characteristic of irritability could be inhibited by the parenting the child receives.

It was observed that it is common to use physical and psychological violence as a punishment to correct “inappropriate” behaviors in children. There is evidence that child maltreatment experiences have the capacity to enable negative parental practices and prevent positive practices (Bott et al. 2022; Kong et al. 2021). When physical and psychological punishment is applied during childhood, the child understands that it is the normal repertoire of the parent’s behavior and that it serves to discipline the child (Uslucan and Fuhrer 2008). This can be exacerbated and generalized in other areas depending on the acceptability of violence in the social and cultural context of the subject (Xu et al. 2024).

Alcohol consumption is identified as a predisposing factor for family violence (Ramsoomar et al. 2021). In the interviewees’ accounts, it is stated that drinking behavior was associated with episodes of violence directed toward partners and children. There is evidence of intergenerational transmission of drug use (Gomis-Pomares et al. 2023; Meulewaeter et al. 2019; Neppl et al. 2020), but it appears that transmission operates differently in the case of alcohol and other substances. Gomis-Pomares et al. (2023) explain that these differences could be due to social and cultural factors, such as the legality of alcohol consumption and the punitive consequences of the consumption of other drugs. Another interesting aspect could refer to what is understood when talking about alcohol consumption, specifically when referring to high consumption (Castro et al. 2017). In different social spaces, this definition has important differences, so it is necessary to consider the sociocultural context in a particular way when studying alcohol consumption within the intergenerational transmission of family violence.

Women who are economically dependent on their partners are more likely to remain in the violent relationship, as the lack of money to support themselves or their children prevents them from leaving the relationship (Heron et al. 2022). It is curious that when analyzing women’s economic independence, specifically their employment status, inconsistent results are found on economic dependence as a risk factor (Castro et al. 2017; Heron et al. 2022). In this regard, in a systematic review of the factors associated, it was found that employed and unemployed women have a high risk of experiencing intimate partner violence (Ghoshal et al. 2023). This implies that the phenomenon of dependency must be studied within a specific socioeconomic context, as family violence is experienced differently in high- and low-income countries (Tekkas Kerman and Betrus 2020; Heron et al. 2022; Yakubovich et al. 2018) and to better understand it, more specific factors must be included to determine which factors increase the risk.

Family support, specifically in the defense of the victim, is important for the victim to be able to leave the cycle of violence. In general, informal support, which comes from family and friends, and professional support, which includes the social actors that must protect the victim and prevent these events from occurring, are considered (Heron et al. 2022). In the interviews, it was found that social support (family and institutional) was very important for escaping the cycle of family violence. However, institutional distrust was identified, specifically in the police, for the protection of the victim. In this regard, the judicial system in Latin America is characterized by inefficiency and high levels of corruption (Croci 2023); this has an impact on the victim’s perception of the institutions that should protect her.

Trauma is a relevant component for the cycle of violence and various pathologies to be transmitted intergenerationally (Isobel et al. 2021; Wadji et al. 2022; Meulewaeter et al. 2019; Hoskins and Kunkel 2022; Meyer et al. 2021); therefore, if the victim and/or the aggressor manages to overcome the trauma, the cycle of violence can be interrupted. However, overcoming trauma is a complex process, which has particular characteristics depending on the individual and his or her context. There is evidence that the post-traumatic effects of violence manifest themselves in different ways depending on the individual’s country (Bartoli et al. 2024), where the perception of violence influences how trauma is transmitted between generations, especially in Latin Americans who experience structural violence that makes them vulnerable to intergenerational trauma (Cerdeña et al. 2021).

An important category was “knowing how to choose a partner”. This suggests that the choice of partner has an important role in avoiding the origin of violence (Borras-Guevara et al. 2017). In the analysis, grandparents emphasized the importance of women and men knowing how to choose their partner well. This category has two characteristics, the first implies the prevention of the occurrence of violent behavior and the second involves a revictimizing effect, since if the person does not know how to choose his or her partner, it is her or his fault. The woman is blamed for not having made the “right choice” and is revictimized for her decisions (Nettleton 2011).

Another subtheme identified was education. It was found that educational training served as an impetus for personal and professional growth, and as an inhibiting factor in the emergence of violence. Education is identified as one of the most important protective factors against intimate partner violence (Ghoshal et al. 2023; Klencakova et al. 2023; Allen et al. 2024). The educational levels of the woman and her partner have repercussions on the emergence of violence (Tekkas Kerman and Betrus 2020; Yakubovich et al. 2018). In general, women with low educational levels are at greater risk of suffering violence (Castro et al. 2017), while, in some cases, educational levels of partners are protective factors (Ghoshal et al. 2023). Low levels of education reduce women’s resources, increasing the acceptance of violence and favoring the disparity between genders, maintaining these beliefs generationally.

Separation was found to be an important sub-theme for interrupting the cycle of violence. However, separation can be a trigger for the occurrence of other types of violence, known as post-separation abuse (Spearman et al. 2023), which includes phenomena such as coercive control against children (Katz et al. 2020), and that affects the fulfillment of parental role (Hardesty et al. 2016). For this reason, separation is considered to be a long-term process that entails risks and difficulties for the mental health of the actors involved (Hulley et al. 2023). Separation must go hand in hand with a strong informal and professional support network to minimize the risks of continued family violence.

The third theme identified refers to religious beliefs that may perpetuate or protect the generational transmission of family violence, by promoting norms that protect against family violence or norms that condone violence (Priest et al. 2024; Truong et al. 2022), contributing to the vulnerability of the victim or by giving greater power to the aggressor (Simonič 2021). In the analysis, it was found that religion can be considered as part of a strategy to deal with stressful situations, and that it gives the person hope that things will improve. This can be harmful, as it could influence the person to stay with the aggressor, due to the thought that the aggressor will change, leading the victim to endure violence in order to keep the family together (Heron et al. 2022; Zust et al. 2021). Religious beliefs do not determine the presence of violence, but their combination with other individual, psychological and sociocultural factors contributes to its persistence or prevention (Simonič 2021).

The socio-ecological model of domestic violence offers a robust conceptual framework for the design of comprehensive interventions, sensitive to the individual and sociocultural context of the people involved, with the aim of interrupting the cycle of violence. From the findings developed in this research, relevant implications for both professional practice and future research in the field are formulated.

At the individual level, intervention should focus on both aggressors and victims, with the aim of modifying dysfunctional behaviors, beliefs and attitudes acquired throughout the life cycle. In the case of aggressors, it is essential to work on the regulation of irritability through the development of self-control, emotional management and social skills, especially promoting non-violent communication. For victims, the intervention should include the exploration of traumatic experiences linked to the family of origin and the provision of psychological support for processing and overcoming them. It is also very important to foster their empowerment through the strengthening of social skills, especially assertiveness, which will allow them to generate more adaptive responses to situations of risk or conflict. It is also important to include risk factors such as alcohol abuse, in order to implement more comprehensive interventions. Finally, for both groups, exposure to positive role models that exemplify non-violent behaviors and healthy relationships is essential, contributing to the reconstruction of more functional relational patterns.

At the relationship level, actions are aimed at developing healthy relationships with the closest people, such as partners, children and parents, in order to strengthen emotional and social support networks. In the case of parents, it is essential to guide them in the development of positive parenting practices, characterized by the establishment of clear rules and communication based on respect and accompaniment. For victims, work should be undertaken on the early identification of signs of violence and on protection strategies, together with the strengthening of job skills that reduce economic dependence and facilitate autonomous decisions. Family therapy can also be a very useful tool for identifying and modifying dysfunctional patterns of communication and coexistence. In situations where the permanence in the relationship implies a risk, it is necessary to offer therapeutic and legal accompaniment during the separation process.

At the community level, the aim is to strengthen social and institutional support within people’s immediate environment, promoting an active community network to prevent and address domestic violence. To this end, the presence and accessibility of institutions that provide support should be increased, as well as improving public perception of their effectiveness, especially in the case of the police, so that victims feel safe when reporting. An essential aspect is the training and sensitization of strategic actors, such as health workers, teachers, police and civil servants, in the early identification, intervention and follow-up of domestic violence cases. It is also important to involve community leaders and religious authorities, especially in contexts such as Peru, where their social and symbolic influence can contribute significantly to the transformation of cultural norms that tolerate violence and the promotion of healthy relationships.

At the societal level, the aim is to question and transform cultural norms and social structures that perpetuate domestic violence and gender inequalities. It is essential to promote a change in the collective beliefs that normalize control, subordination of women and impunity in the face of violence. This requires the active participation of the State and its representatives in the revision and reform of ineffective laws, as well as in the design of public policies with a gender and human rights approach. It is also very important to challenge traditional gender roles, such as machismo and marianismo, which rigidly assign unequal roles to men and women. Through national awareness campaigns and programs, the inclusion of life skills in the school curriculum and the active participation of the media, progress can be made towards a culture of equality and non-violence.

It is worth mentioning that one aspect that should be considered in future research studies is the inclusion of intersectionality, not only covering gender inequalities, which are the most visible, but also including phenomena such as ethnicity, social class and sexual orientation, among others. Finally, the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence is a complex phenomenon that needs to be studied from an integral and multicausal perspective. Therefore, the socio-ecological model is a robust alternative to facilitating an understanding of the dynamics that sustain this problem. Actions must be integrated at all levels and must be sustained in the short and long term, which will make it possible to break the cycle of intergenerational transmission of domestic violence.

The study has the following limitations: first, the majority of participants were women (77.78%), especially in the role of the parent, all of whom were mothers. This could imply a bias in the results, due to the lack of interviews with adult men and thus have a more complete exploration of the intergenerational transmission of violence. The second limitation was the difficulty in finding families interested in participating in the study, especially because it deals with a complex topic such as family violence, which can be considered a taboo and generates cognitive and affective responses that people prefer to avoid. The difficulty in finding participants forced the team to take more time than planned to collect the data. Third, it should be noted that the participants had similar educational levels, mostly with secondary education, so there are limitations in understanding how this phenomenon occurs in people with lower levels of education, which as we have seen plays an important role, as a protective and risk factor, in the cycle of intergenerational transmission of violence.

5. Conclusions

The intergenerational transmission of domestic violence is a complex phenomenon that should be approached from a comprehensive and multicausal perspective. The present study found that the intergenerational transmission of domestic violence comprises a set of factors that predispose or inhibit the occurrence of violent behavior. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze it as the interaction between the individual, relational, community and social levels of the socioecological model, which can increase or reduce the occurrence of violent behavior.

In this regard, three themes emerged from the analysis: factors that contribute to the perpetuation of intergenerational violence, protective factors for the intergenerational transmission of family violence and religious beliefs. It was identified that rigid gender norms, manifested through machismo and marianismo, foster a hierarchical order between men and women that has been transmitted through socialization and differences in the education of men and women. Intergenerational transmission comprises a series of individual and sociocultural factors that interact in the cycle of violence. In the analysis, the following were highlighted as subthemes: social modeling, irritability, violent parental practices, alcohol consumption and economic dependence.

On the other hand, support networks were found to be a very important subtheme for the protection of intergenerational transmission. Informal and professional support serves as a factor that protects the victim and encourages the interruption of the cycle of violence. Support networks are especially important for overcoming intergenerational trauma and separation from the perpetrator. Other protective factors identified were educational level and knowing how to choose a partner. The latter has two effects: preventive and revictimizing. Finally, religious beliefs were associated with contradictory effects, which can either perpetuate or serve as a protective factor against domestic violence.

Based on the findings, an intervention proposal is developed that covers the four levels. At the individual level, it is essential to work with both aggressors and victims, promoting the development of socio-emotional and cognitive skills that foster non-violent relationships. At the relationship level, close ties should be strengthened and positive parenting practices fostered to contribute to protective family environments that are less prone to the reproduction of violent patterns. At the community level, the articulation of support networks, together with the training of key actors, will strengthen the capacity of the immediate environment to respond to situations of violence. Finally, at the societal level, it is essential to transform cultural norms and institutional structures that legitimize violence and perpetuate gender inequalities. A special mention should be made of the education system, which operates transversally at all levels and must be based on the development of values of equality, respect, and healthy coexistence with others. To break the cycle of domestic violence from generation to generation, it is necessary to act in an articulated and sustained manner at all these levels in order to achieve a more just, equitable and violence-free society.