K-Pop and Education Migration to Korea in the Digitalised COVID-19 Era

Abstract

This study examines the relationship between K-Pop and education migration to South Korea in the context of the global internet and the COVID-19 pandemic. It focuses on the phenomenon in which local Asian territories have been widely influenced by the Korean Wave, particularly K-Pop, even during the era of global communication and health risks. This research illuminates some intriguing aspects of the distinctive reception patterns of Korean Wave audiences, as well as their unique characteristics, such as innocence, transgression, and the nuanced dynamics of the fandom during that period. Furthermore, this research engages critically with controversial aspects of cultural politics, such as the transmission of the legacy of K-Pop and the centralisation of femininity more actively. This study concludes that K-Pop has recently been relocated to the conjunctures of mediated and overdetermined influences on students’ education migration to South Korea rather than acting as a direct power and reason for it, particularly in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and the rapid digitalisation of education.

1. Introduction

COVID-19 has sharply curtailed international interactions worldwide, leading to a steep decline in tourism. According to the U.S. Institute of International Education (Martel 2022), the number of international students in the United States the country with the largest such population dropped by 16 percent between 2019 and 2020. However, South Korea saw not a decrease but an increase during the same period. According to the 2021 Basic Education Statistics (Ministry of Education 2021), the number of international students enrolled in degree courses in South Korea in 2020 increased by 12.8% compared to 2019. What accounts for this divergence between the two countries, and why has the number of international students in South Korea increased despite the COVID-19 era? Many experts suggest that the increase in international students has been influenced by the global popularity of Korean content itself.1

The Korean Wave has developed significantly over the past 20 years. Notably, K-Pop is now a globally recognised term. However, there exist varying opinions on the origins of K-Pop. Kang (2020) posits that the launch of a magazine titled K-Pop Star in Japan in 2001 signalled the emergence of the term K-Pop. Furthermore, he pointed out that Japanese newspapers started using the term ‘K-Pop’ the following year, leading to its eventual inclusion in the Oxford Dictionary around the same period. In particular, the global sensation caused by PSY’s Gangnam Style in 2012 deserves mention for its role in broadening Hallyu’s global appeal.

Since Joseph Nye (1990) first introduced the concept of soft power, the non-coercive ability to attract people through cultural appeal, many countries have sought to strengthen their sociocultural influence. According to Brand Finance (2021), a famous British global marketing firm, South Korea is ranked 12th in soft power in the world and 10th in national branding. These statistics clearly illustrate the ascendancy of South Korea’s soft power. It is reasonable to surmise that the nation’s prominence in soft power has been significantly influenced by both its past and recent cultural icons, with BTS being a prime contemporary example (Chung et al. 2021).

Studies on the secondary effects of the Hallyu spread through media have been actively conducted so far2. The proliferation of K-Pop content has been identified as a key driver of the surge in tourism to South Korea. Further from this trend, the objective of this research is to explore the education migration patterns influenced by Hallyu by investigating the potential correlation between K-Pop and migratory trends. This research is expected to provide an in-depth study of how cultural exchanges work on national interests by examining how Hallyu affects transnational life and education migration factors.

In this study, the term ‘Education Migration’ is utilised not as a synonym for international student mobility, but rather as a broader concept that includes various forms of cross-border educational movement. The scope of this study is not limited to degree-seeking international students; it encompasses all forms of educational relocation, regardless of whether it is short-term, informal, or non-degree education. This study adopts an inclusive approach with the objective of examining how cultural affinity, particularly as manifested through K-Pop, can influence a diverse array of educational migration pathways.

2. Literature Review

Nye’s (1990) concept of “soft power” provides a useful framework for understanding how cultural appeal influences international student mobility, particularly in the context of education migration. In the contemporary global context, numerous nations are strategically leveraging their cultural assets to enhance their international reputation and attract foreign students (Roh and Yun 2019; Zehra and Lee 2020). Consequently, the phenomenon of education migration can be regarded as a sophisticated manifestation of cross-cultural interaction.

The growing influence of the Korean Wave and its cultural products has drawn substantial attention from researchers. J. Kim (2019) conducted a comprehensive review of research trends from 2011 to 2018, identifying 87 studies exploring themes such as societal impacts (37), cultural dimensions (27), economic factors (5), educational aspects (12), and fashion trends (4). Most research has focused on East Asia, with recent scholarship (2016–2019) addressing consumer preferences, gender portrayal, anti-Hallyu sentiment, and K-Pop artists’ social integration.

Oh and Lee (2021) expanded on these trends, categorising recent K-Pop research into four areas: K-Pop content, cultural exhibitions, BTS fandom dynamics, and industry developments. BTS and their fandom, ARMY, are particularly emphasised in this study. Their analysis highlighted two pertinent areas for this study: K-Pop’s consumer acceptance and its link to education. This focus aligns with the present research, exploring how K-Pop consumption influences education migration decisions, bridging cultural engagement with academic aspirations.

First, analyses of the acceptance of the Korean Wave have been extensively conducted. The Korea Foundation for International Culture Exchange (KOFICE) has conducted annual analyses of the Korean Wave (KOFICE 2020, 2021a, 2021b). Additionally, numerous studies have been conducted on the acceptance form and the impact of the Korean Wave by Kim and Ahn (2019), Roh and Yun (2019), J. Lee (2021), Y. Lee et al. (2017), Jang (2019), Choi and Jang (2020), and others. KOFICE (2021a) categorises the contact routes of the Korean Wave into three main categories: online/mobile platforms, TV, and CD/DVD/Video. A review of the 2021 report reveals that online platforms have become the dominant contact route for K-Pop, accounting for a substantial 82.0% of all contact routes, a figure that is significantly higher than that of television, which accounts for 31.6%.

Research on K-Pop reception employs various methodologies, including empirical surveys. Several studies have investigated global engagement with the Korean Wave. Choi and Jang (2020) examined K-Pop’s influence on perceptions of Korean society among Japanese university students. They found that exposure typically begins in adolescence and is significantly influenced by parental decisions. Surprisingly, digital platforms such as SNS and VOD, are preferred for accessing K-Pop content, contrary to initial expectations. G. Lee (2016) highlighted fan–celebrity dynamics, notably on Naver’s V app. Global audiences often build international communities through diverse media by engaging directly with celebrities and interacting within fan communities.

Jang (2019) noted that the BTS and ARMY3 formed a transnational cultural community that contributed significantly to knowledge expansion. This phenomenon functions as a conduit for cross-cultural communication and empathy, fostering mutual understanding. Moreover, BTS distinguishes itself from traditional idols by leveraging social media platforms. This aligns with Hong Seok-kyung’s analysis in “Hallyu to Exchange” (KOFICE 2020), which highlights BTS’s solidarity politics. The role of platforms such as Twitter and Weverse in cultivating collective identity among the MZ generation through fan clubs and interactive spaces underscores their pivotal role in cultural community formation. S. Kim (2021) further argues that such interactive platforms enhance intimacy with idols, a hallmark of the third-generation idol industry.

Moreover, a notable manifestation of the global embrace of the Korean Wave is the phenomenon of K-Pop Random Play Dance (KRPD)4. Resembling a flash mob, KRPD entails fans spontaneously performing choreographed sequences of K-Pop music, lasting from 20 min to three hours. This activity reflects an organic, decentralised engagement strategy, diverging from the traditional hierarchical organiser–participant dynamics and aligning with open cultural principles (O. Lee 2021). Participants assumed autonomous roles, fostering collaboration and solidarity, and emphasising the use of platforms like YouTube to connect with individuals across diverse cultures globally.

Building on these insights, we examine the relationship between Hallyu and education migration intentions. The Hallyu and K-Pop fandom phenomena attract a significant number of foreign visitors. As evidenced by government data (Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism 2020), the number of foreign tourists has increased annually, with the exception of 2015 and 2017. This growth can be attributed to the ripple effect of the Korean Wave (Y. Kim and Joo 2013; H. Lee and Yang 2012; Yoon et al. 2012; Bae et al. 2017). Nevertheless, there has been a paucity of research conducted on the topic of studying abroad in the context of the Korean Wave.

Kang and Go (2019) identify several key determinants influencing the decision to pursue studies in Korea, including geographic accessibility, institutional prestige, national visibility, educational quality, scholarship availability, social environment, safety, and a Westernised lifestyle. Additionally, the relationship between national image and overseas studies has been examined in the context of Hallyu (Van 2019; Zehra and Lee 2020). Zehra and Lee (2020) highlight how Korean popular culture, particularly music, shapes national perception and motivates international students. Further reports, such as Jang (2021) and Jongno Academy’s Haneul Education, indicate a 6.2% increase in foreign student enrolment driven by the Korean Wave’s broad cultural influence, spanning music, films, dramas, entertainment, and webtoons, underscoring its role in shaping the global academic mobility.

Roh and Yun (2019) explored the influence of the Korean Wave on national branding and its impact on foreign students in Korea, underscoring its pivotal role in shaping the country’s image. In particular, K-Pop has significantly enhanced national brands and fostered positive international perceptions. Kang and Go (2019) emphasised that national branding is critical in influencing individuals’ decisions to study abroad.

The Hallyu phenomenon, particularly K-Pop, not only fosters global fan engagement but also shapes international students’ decision-making processes. Local governments, the Ministry of Education, and higher education institutions actively leverage this cultural appeal to attract foreign students, as highlighted in a study by the Korea Institute for Local Administration in Sejong City. Notably, 5.88% of students cited Korean culture and peer recommendations as key motivators, emphasising the need for policies supporting Korean language education amidst the rising interest in its acquisition.

Previous research has focused primarily on economic impacts or descriptive phenomena, leaving gaps in understanding Hallyu’s influence on education migration (Shim and Choi 2019). That earlier Hallyu study concentrated on reporting the phenomenon’s economic effects, providing valuable but narrowly focused findings. However, this study lacks an international perspective. In particular, the study of economic effects is one of the most striking points among previous studies on this subject. Some studies mentioned soft power (K. Lee 2018; Chung et al. 2021) as an important point, and cultural exports are also an important research task.

This study aimed to further explore this relationship. K-Pop is widely regarded as a cultural phenomenon with the potential to enhance a country’s global visibility and has a significant soft power impact. This study aims to determine how K-Pop works directly and independently of national brand image by examining how K-Pop acts as a selection factor for Korean education migration.

3. Research Object and Method

3.1. Research Object

This study explores the intercultural relationship between the rising global prominence of K-Pop and the trend of studying abroad in South Korea during the COVID-19 pandemic and the digital era. It evaluates the cultural influence of K-Pop within the pandemic context, emphasising its digital dissemination amid restricted international travel and its role in shaping education migration within the Korean Wave phenomenon. This research addresses three critical questions: the factors underlying K-Pop’s heightened popularity during the pandemic, the cultural and economic dimensions of Hallyu contributing to its appeal, and the direct and indirect impacts of K-Pop on the increasing trend of studying in Korea. To address these issues, this study poses two key research questions. Investigating these allows us to assess whether K-Pop merely functions as a cultural product or as a significant driver of the diaspora, examining its broader implications for intercultural engagement and education migration.

RQ 1. How did K-Pop attract increased attention during the global crises?

RQ 2. How do these factors influence education migration to South Korea?

By examining these questions, this study attempts to uncover the relationship between the popularity of K-Pop and the growth of international students in Korea in the digital age, despite the risks posed by the COVID-19 pandemic.

3.2. Research Method

This study investigates the experiences of foreign students pursuing education in South Korea, focusing on their engagement with K-Pop as a motivational factor. Participants were recruited through the Daejeon Support Center for Foreign Residents, Facebook communities, and the personal networks of the researchers. Of the 30 individuals who expressed interest and provided preliminary information, 8 participants were selected based on referrals and their demonstrated affinity for K-Pop. We purposively selected participants based on their depth of engagement with K-Pop, assessed through detailed preliminary enquiries about their first exposure to K-Pop content, the duration and extent of their fandom participation, and their current involvement in fandom activities. This screening process ensured that the interviewees possessed sufficiently deep and sustained experiences with K-Pop, enabling a richer understanding of its influence on their education migration decisions. Data collection was conducted between 2022 and 2023 through in-depth interviews (see Appendix A)5. The participants’ rate reveals that the vast majority of international students in South Korea are from Asia, reflecting the overall demographic trends of the country. For instance, in 2023, 139,433 out of 152,094 foreign students in South Korea were of Asian origin (Ministry of Justice 2024).

In-depth interviews are a robust qualitative method for examining complex sociocultural phenomena, providing nuanced insights that are often unattainable through quantitative approaches (DiCicco-Bloom and Crabtree 2006). This method enabled researchers to explore participants’ lived experiences and uncover the intricate meanings shaped by specific contexts. However, this is not without limitations: generalisability remains a challenge, and researcher bias can influence both data collection and interpretation (Boyce and Neale 2006). Nonetheless, semi-structured interviews, which balance open-ended exploration with guided enquiry, are particularly effective for investigating subjective experiences, social interactions, and cultural phenomena that resist numerical representation (Cohen and Crabtree 2006).

In this study, the decision to use in-depth interviews reflected the need to address complexities that quantitative methods cannot fully capture. These include the interplay between cultural differences, social contexts, and personal motivations, which are key factors in understanding how listening to K-Pop inspires individuals to pursue education in South Korea. We supplemented our analysis with behavioural observations, video recordings to analyse body language, and pre-interview stimuli observations, video recordings for body language analysis, and pre-interview stimuli (e.g., K-Pop activity visuals) to evoke emotional and memory-based responses in participants.

A rapport-building phase, involving two weeks of online interaction, was employed to reduce social distance and foster familiarity between the researchers and participants. Pandemic-related restrictions necessitated the inclusion of remote participants facilitated by automated recording systems to ensure seamless integration and comprehensive data collection. This methodological approach underscores the study’s commitment to capturing the depth and complexity of participants’ experiences.

4. Research Result

The national backgrounds of all participants were diverse, with factors pertaining to these backgrounds exerting an influence on their conditions of life and acceptance of K-Pop. However, to ensure the validity and reliability of the coding of qualitative data, it was necessary to identify points of similarity. The analysis of the interviews identified three key points: the characteristics of K-Pop content, fandom transgression, and heritage of the Korean Wave.

4.1. The Innocence of K-Pop Content

‘Innocence’ is defined as the emotional authenticity, moral purity, and relative subtlety of K-Pop in comparison to Western pop music (Kim and Ahn 2019). Participants identified this quality as a significant factor in their initial and sustained engagement with K-Pop, particularly during the period of the pandemic, when many individuals sought less provocative forms of entertainment.

First, according to international students, K-Pop possesses prosocial characteristics that make it relatively less harmful, innocent, and morally acceptable in intercultural societies. Furthermore, the participants shared their diverse experiences and the impact of K-Pop on them.

“When I listen to Korean music, I think about the meaning a lot. I think that’s a challenge to music and want to interpret it. … It’s not that Korean music doesn’t curse, but it doesn’t come out every time. That’s why I like Korean music more.”

(Mick, interview by author, Philippine, 22 January 2022)

“What you do intuitively when people kiss you in a (Korean) drama. It was fascinating to do so because time stopped when showing that scene. I feel a lot of innocence. I think Confucian culture is in it. … I think K-Pop also had more refreshing and pure feelings than Korean singers.”

(Donna, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 29 January 2022)

“I think the biggest reason was that the music was very pure. They are very sincere about music, and they try to fit the masterpiece into music. So, it’s very different from Western music and Japanese music.”

(Doris, interview by author, Jeonju-si, 29 January 2022)

As shown in the interviews above, the participants who listened to K-Pop for the first time responded comfortably and were pleased with the minimal use of toxic or harmful language. Mick mentioned that while K-Pop may contain some inappropriate words, he believed that compared to Western or Filipino music, these words were rarely encountered. He further noted that despite its culturally modest nature, K-Pop music can be just as dynamic as Western pop music.

Second, our findings indicate that K-Pop provides audiences with a sense of directness and freshness. During the interview, Donna and Doris expressed that Korean narrative content appeared slightly more conservative in intimate and dating scenes compared to the foreign narrative content they had previously watched. This observation aligns with what was observed in K-Pop. Furthermore, Doris found that K-Pop artists appear more dedicated to their craft and more honest in their presentations than Western artists.

Our observations suggest that K-Pop creates a perception of innocence among international students, suggesting an affinity for Confucian values. Donna noted that Korean music and media often depict conservative family dynamics and promote easier family consumption compared to Western counterparts, due to adherence to contemporary social norms and visual presentation.

“Since I don’t know Korean, I liked the fresh, pure, and colourful music video at first. K-Pop music videos pay a lot of attention to the details … And the album is very colourful then like a Christmas card than western album. … I like exciting music. That’s why I think I found a realistic celebrity who is excited and handsome in Korean music and appears more in entertainment shows. In Italy, singers make mysteries by just singing. … But Korean celebrities feel friendly as they participate in entertainment shows better.”

(Donna, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 29 January 2022)

“When looking at K-Pop on a large scale, I think many things come out new and diversely. And these are seen as variety shows like Produce 101. The Philippines has only nine groups as P-POP. But I think K-Pop has more than 100 teams. … If you look at K-Pop idols now, they are born in 2002 and 2005. Those born in 1996 became old singers. When I see these young people, it feels a little newer.”

(Mick, interview by author, Philippine, 22 January 2022)

K-Pop projects a friendly image through its presence in various media (entertainment shows, dramas, etc) while giving fans the illusion of pure fantasy entertainment. In other words, one could say that the existence of an idol continues the story of the character beyond music.

Donna perceives K-Pop idols as embodying the allure of animated characters, which she finds appealing and indicative of her ideal persona. She delineates the archetypal K-Pop idol, underscoring the significance of “girl crush” charisma and the intercultural appeal of groups such as EXO. The participants in the study emphasised the positive impact of idols’ participation in entertainment programmes, noting that this is less common in other countries. In contrast, they suggested that this makes it more challenging for idols to connect with audiences in other countries.

Thus, K-Pop has aroused curiosity among overseas audiences as a new form of character with friendly content. It is not only the purity of K-Pop music that drives this trend, but also the diverse cultural complexities embedded in its content. For participants, the idols’ friendly image and the music’s lack of harshness contributed to their perception of K-Pop as gentle. Additionally, achieving empathy with the audience through these content characteristics can be seen as having a social impact on fans, to some extent.

“I especially like (BTS’s) Magic Shop, and I want to hear it because it was a song that changed my life. I had depression two or three years ago because of work and study, and I knew why I had to live since listening to that song. And that time I knew what I want to do.”

(Kate, interview by author, Osan-si, 2 February 2022)

“(The reason that I like BTS’s Spring Day) I think I like songs because the meaning of the song itself is good.”

(Jerry, interview by author, Myanmar, 29 January 2022)

“K-Pop idols have a worldview for each group. I think that is why I look for more. In the case of EXO, I think it’s better because all the music videos are meaningful.”

(Donna, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 29 January 2022)

“K-Pop deals with very interesting topics. It deals with Korean culture and issues, not just one person’s story, like POP. I think it’s good to make music that’s valuable to themselves.”

(Doris, interview by author, Jeonju-si, 29 January 2022)

The essence of K-Pop’s appeal lies not only in its innovation but also in the substantive content it conveys. It manifests in both societal and cultural implications, as well as its intended messages. For instance, lyrical narratives often delve into profound themes, resonating deeply with listeners like Kate, who found solace in BTS songs during challenging periods, prompting her desire to experience their live performances in person. This illustrates the potent ability of K-Pop to transcend language barriers and effectively communicate meanings. In an interview, Doris highlighted K-Pop’s thematic richness in addressing social issues over individual narratives, aligning with Kate’s observations and underscoring its collective-oriented focus.

The essence of K-Pop’s innocence transcends mere profanity, encompassing narrative depth and visual representation and fostering a positive fan-idol dynamic. Through appearances on shows and dramas, idols enhance their relatability by offering authentic glimpses into their lives that are aligned with contemporary cultural norms. This innocence potentially mitigated COVID-19’s depressive impact by providing emotional solace during the global lockdowns and social curtailments. Jin (2022) suggests K-Pop’s cultural accessibility through transnational discourse rather than intimacy, resonating with a transnational risk society context amid the pandemic. Thus, K-Pop’s inherent positivity potentially functions as a therapy amid global crises, offering emotional support to audiences experiencing pandemic-induced exhaustion. These content qualities played a pivotal role in elevating the nation’s global reputation during the pandemic. The accessibility of these content qualities from the comfort of one’s home underscores the escalating prominence of Hallyu fandom in a domestic context. This domestic engagement is closely tied to the digital proliferation and vibrant activity of the K-Pop fandom, as discussed in the second section.

4.2. The Transgression of K-Pop Fandom

The term ‘transgression’ is employed to denote the manner in which activities pertaining to K-Pop fandom have the potential to subtly challenge and redefine sociocultural norms via the medium of collective identity formation, active digital engagement, and performative expression (J. Lee 2021). The findings of this study, based on interviewees, indicate that the practices discussed promote new forms of intercultural dialogue and interaction, effectively overcoming traditional national and cultural borders.

ARMY (BTS), BLINK (Black Pink), and EXO-L (EXO) are names that represent K-Pop idol fandoms. The fandom phenomenon is a captivating and unique aspect within the realm of music. This is particularly intriguing as it is not commonly observed among Western pop artists. In this section, we explore the dynamics of communication methods and community culture within the K-Pop fandom and examine the influence of K-Pop fandom on studying in Korea.

Hong (2020) said that K-Pop’s fandom activities appear in the form of SNS, forming their own collective identity. These fandom platforms are often operated through the independent development of agencies. That is, HIBE (BTS) operates on Weverse, while SM, JYP, and FNC Entertainment use Dear U Bubble as a celebrity fandom platform6. Singers also use these fandom platforms in collaboration with them. For example, BLACKPINK uses Weverse. Let us delve deeper into the activities and behaviours of students and fans on these platforms.

“You can meet various idols on Weverse. Weverse allows fans to communicate with various people (fans) and chat directly with idols. It was a lot of fun.”

(Kate, interview by author, Osan-si, 2 February 2022)

“I have never communicated with an artist (in the app), but I have met with fans. Since they are from other countries, they could tell a small talk about their fan activities. Through the app, I sometimes feel that fans seem to have connected. That’s why we comfort and communicate with each other when we’re in a bad mood.”

(Doris, interview by author, Jeonju-si, 29 January 2022)

“I am subscribed to Young K. I do it to communicate with celebrities. The LYSN system is a one-on-one chat where the artist can check and reply to fan posts or messages. Of course, it is difficult for them to text one by one. Therefore, the same message is usually displayed. However, they have a text limit of three for each celebrity. To lift the restriction, you need to get a reply from the artist.”

(Diane, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 6 February 2022)

Fandom platforms such as Weverse and LYSN serve as pivotal conduits connecting fans with artists, transcending mere interest to foster direct engagement with the artists. Particularly crucial to international fan communities, these platforms have become indispensable for direct artist communication, effectively granting fans indirect stakes in artist content. Media platforms facilitate bidirectional communication between consumers (fans) and producers (artists). Notably, the advent of Direct Messages via social media has revolutionised fan-artist interaction, a capability unprecedented in previous generations of idol culture. Online fandom activities complement offline engagement, with the former serving as supplementary content.

“Philippine fan clubs are not official, but they have their own fan clubs. Therefore, we sometimes rent conventional halls and create booths for festivals. In 2011, I set up a booth for Girls’ Generation and engaged in various activities. … The biggest feature of Philippine fandom is that they work even when the singer is disbanded.”

(Mick, interview by author, Philippine, 22 January 2022)

“We even held a competition. We danced and sang cover songs as K-Pop fan activities. These are our normal K-Pop activities. We share Korean culture and enjoy it in various ways. One of these is what I run. So, I made small K-Pop cover song competitions and dance competitions and organised them.”

(Kate, interview by author, Osan-si, 2 February 2022)

“There weren’t many fan activities. There was a club that shared Korean culture. I shared singers and music with them. After the competition, we posted a video on Facebook. … In Morocco, I didn’t have K-Pop CDs or clothes like this, so I made it with my friends. I liked CNBLUE, so I made a T-shirt.”

(Tom, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 22 January 2022)

“In Italy, I saw students with K-Pop and BTS tattoos. A friend held a K-Pop party at a Random Play Dance. I helped with the party. I can’t dance, but I listen. 200 people came to the K-Pop party. There were only 50 people in the Korean department, but 200 came.”

(Donna, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 29 January 2022)

Fandoms also established their own K-Pop communities within their respective countries through offline activities, leading to the formation of various fan groups. Activities such as participating in the community, singing, and dancing to K-Pop cover songs were common regardless of the country. This collective phenomenon shares Korean culture and is a strong means of sharing new songs and albums.

It is important to note that fandoms do not share these things only in their groups. They also share their songs and videos on social media platforms such as YouTube. Donna shared her experience of organising a K-Pop party with her classmates during her time as a college student in her home country. She stated that many outsiders participated and were surprised by the turnout of many people.

O. Lee (2021) described the Random play dance (KRPD) event in the form of a flash mob to highlight parts of K-Pop. Lee Oh-hyeon also mentioned that it is an activity that forms cooperation and solidarity and that the spread of activity videos abroad online creates a transnational community. However, not only KRPD but also most K-Pop activities can be community activities that form solidarity through communication. For example, sharing experiences with others or creating events together. From the interview, we can see that K-Pop is something that is accomplished together in communities, rather than alone.

“In Korea, friends gave me gifts. … Myanmar fans also sent me money, which I used to buy gifts for the artists. I spent about twice a month.”

(Jerry, interview by author, Myanmar, 29 January 2022)

As boundaries between countries regarding K-Pop fandom activities have disappeared, it has become possible for fans to build friendships with other fans from various countries. This influence also led to activities being held in Korea, such as receiving birthday gifts from Korean fans after studying there. It also served as a means of building relationships between the country and its fans, as well as allowing fans to send gifts to other fans.

The COVID-19 pandemic led to a marked reduction in offline fandom activities. Nonetheless, a considerable number of fans have transitioned to online platforms, broadening their networks with enthusiasts from diverse backgrounds and locations. Consequently, there was a significant increase in fandom activities on social networking sites. These shifts transformed K-Pop’s presence on SNS into a hub for individuals from various nationalities, culminating in the creation of a transnational community of fans. While K-Pop interactions in earlier times were primarily confined to platforms such as YouTube and Facebook, the rise of specialised fandom platforms has further amplified this transnational phenomenon by offering real-time communication among fans.

4.3. Passing on the Hallyu Heritage

The Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism (2013) categorised the Korean Wave into four generations: First, Hallyu 1.0 refers to the 1990s when K-dramas first became known worldwide and marked the beginning of the Korean Wave. Thereafter, Hallyu 2.0 refers to the mid-2000s to the 2010s. Since then, K-Pop has made significant advancements. Most participants encountered K-Pop between Hallyu 2.0 and 3.07. Most of the international students interviewed became K-Pop fans in the early and mid-2010s, and in the late 2010s, the remaining interviewees became interested in K-Pop after entering university (See

Table 1. When did you become a K-Pop fan? (From participants).

Name	Mick	Kate	Tom	Jerry	Donna	Doris	Dawn	Diane
Since Year	2009	2016	2008	2016	2011	2020	2019	2012

).

The period when all students except Jerry, Doris and Dawn became fans of K-Pop is in line with the second half of Hallyu 2.0. Compared to the data from the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, this can be said to be a time when K-Pop and drama were already widespread to some extent. We observed that various manifestations of the Korean Wave produced interesting results.

“I always could see Korean Dramas on Philippine TV in the Philippines. Korean dramas were dubbed in the Philippines, so I watched those things. So, it was very easy to access Korean dramas and K-Pop.”

(Mick, interview by author, Philippine, 22 January 2022)

“I got a scholarship to go to Korea. I was drawn to Korean fashion, dramas, and food. However, I started watching Produce 101 and became interested in Korean music. I knew SHINHWA and bought their albums, but I didn’t engage with their fans.”

(Jerry, interview by author, Myanmar, 29 January 2022)

“I had a South American friend in high school. At that time, Korean dramas were popular in South America. That is when I first saw Queen Seon-deok. … If you do not listen, it is bullying. I kept listening to K-Pop.”

(Donna, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 29 January 2022)

“I first got interested in December 2011. My cousin, who lives in Taiwan, was already a fan of K-Pop and played some K-Pop for me. … The first piece of music I heard was Big Bang’s ‘Hands Up’. I watched a lot of music videos on YouTube and realised that this is K-Pop.”

(Diane, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 6 February 2022)

The initial engagement with K-Pop varied significantly among the interviewees and was influenced by their cultural background and generational differences. For instance, exposure to Korean dramas during schooling, influenced by familial, peer, and societal contexts, is pivotal. Donna, who was introduced to Korean dramas by culturally diverse friends during her academic years, immersed herself during a period marked by heightened popularity. Reflecting on this, she noted, “Korean dramas were already popular within our cultural milieu”, suggesting her generation’s exposure to the Korean Wave. Similarly, Diane, who received K-Pop recommendations from relatives in Taiwan, exemplified the genre’s global dissemination and intergenerational appeal. This underscores the efforts to facilitate cross-cultural dialogue through K-Pop’s broad outreach.

The Korean Wave phenomenon has been significantly influenced by parental and generational factors. For example, Mick, an interviewee from the Philippines, illustrated how consecutive broadcasts of domestic dramas and K-dramas have naturally led parents to engage with Korean media. This exposure prompted individuals such as Jerry, who enrolled in Korean language studies, to be influenced by their parents’ viewing habits. Jerry noted her subsequent interest in K-Pop and Korean dramas, shaping her decision to pursue education in South Korea. Such experiences highlight the diverse pathways through which individuals encounter K-Pop music. Remarkably, the preceding generation’s embrace of Hallyu stimulated interest in South Korean culture and motivated aspirations for international study. Jerry’s case, notably, underscores the gradual immersion into K-Pop fandom, warranting scholarly attention.

“Myanmar does not have a university selection system like Korea. I just entered based on my grades and got into the Korean Language department. My parents liked Korean dramas, so I went to the Korean language department.”

(Jerry, interview by author, Myanmar, 29 January 2022)

Looking at Jerry’s case a little more, it was a case in which she became interested in K-Pop after entering the Korean language department due to her parents’ interest in Korean dramas. In addition, during the interview, she said that after she had gone to college, she became interested in K-Pop through her seniors and friends and even decided to study in South Korea. This can be viewed as a prime illustration of the interest displayed by parents and friends in Hallyu, demonstrating that K-Pop and Hallyu themselves cultivated a fascination with South Korea. It is also thought that these cases are communicated as common interests among generations.

Moreover, characteristically, most of the students who participated in the interviews enjoyed Korean content and its narratives. In particular, there were numerous instances of individuals initially encountering K-dramas and subsequently discovering K-Pop.

“I listen to ballads and other artists’ songs, but I think stress is why I’m doing fan activities now. It is hard to do graduation work, but I listened to NU’EST songs while leaning on one singer. I watch dramas from the beginning, even though the singer I support is not the main character. Sometimes, I watch it at a restaurant. TV ratings are sometimes counted, and apps come out late.”

(Jerry, interview by author, Myanmar, 29 January 2022)

As such, we can examine derivative consumption, such as watching programmes with favourite celebrities. This also provides a positive image of South Korea’s tourism. This phenomenon creates a consensus that it is a country that you want to visit along with your parents and other groups.

“My parents recommended Korea for me to study abroad. They knew that I liked K-Pop and suggested it. I used to like K-Pop, but I had not thought about studying there. When I decided on Korea, I didn’t hesitate because it was my favourite country.”

(Diane, interview by author, Daejeon-si, 6 February 2022)

From the above, we can identify common factors motivating people to come to South Korea for travel or study. However, Diane enjoyed K-Pop and did not consider South Korea as a study destination. Rather, Diane’s interest in K-Pop arose from her parents’ generation. She mentioned that both factors were sightseeing the history of South Korea and studying abroad based on her parents’ influence. She said her parents recommended it because they knew she was interested in K-Pop, and she also adopted it positively. This could be seen as an example in which communication between generations is reversed.

This phenomenon departs from traditional retro culture. One perspective suggests that as individuals age, they tend to adopt their parents’ interests, implying that K-Pop has evolved into a cultural and societal force. The historical narrative of the Korean Wave has been examined from diverse viewpoints, often portraying it as a generational phenomenon resembling emergent cultural paradigms, echoing the concepts of cultural hegemony (Williams 1977/1993, cited in Cho et al. 2024). This illustrates how the Korean Wave has transcended generational boundaries. A comparison can be drawn with the resurgence of trot music in South Korea amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Formerly perceived as outdated, Trot was linked to niche programming for older audiences but has now garnered wider appeal post-pandemic, particularly among younger viewers, indicating a retro resurgence. This transformation underscores K-Pop’s enduring cultural impact across Asian generations.

The Korean Wave’s influence on overseas study has predominantly impacted women, as evidenced by participant demographics (three men and seven women) and the 2021 KOFICE survey, in which women comprised 52.1% of the Hallyu enthusiasts. Female popularity extends beyond music to beauty (25.6%), gaming (13%), and fashion (11.8%), reflecting gender-specific cultural trends distinct from global educational biases. Key drivers include economic growth, the educational fervour associated with one-child families, and the feminist aspirations of younger generations.

Economic advancements in Asian countries have notably increased women’s access to education. Statistics from the Ministry of Justice (2021) show that female students account for most foreign education migration. As of 2023, the total number of international students in South Korea reached 152,094, with female students constituting the majority at 85,755, compared to 66,339 male students. Notably, Asian students dominated these figures, accounting for 139,433. Within this group, female students numbered 78,050, significantly surpassing the number of male students (61,383) (Ministry of Justice 2024). This demographic trend highlights the sustained and gendered influence of the Korean Wave, reinforcing its ongoing role in shaping the educational aspirations of young Asian women. Tan (2013) attributed this to concentrated parental investments in single children under China’s one-child policy, which fostered greater financial, temporal, and emotional support for educational aspirations. This is exemplified by Diane, whose decision to study in South Korea combined parental encouragement with an affinity for K-Pop.

The rising interest among young women studying in South Korea aligns with feminist perspectives. Students like Jerry from Myanmar pursue education in South Korea to develop professional skills, such as those in the fashion industry while seeking self-empowerment and career advancement. Similarly, Vietnamese female students cite Korea’s education standards and societal opportunities as motivating factors (Bae and Park 2020). Jerry’s case underscores the influence of parental admiration for Korean culture, emphasising the interplay between cultural exposure and education decisions.

These trends signify a shift in gender roles and femininity, moving beyond traditional expectations to embrace new paradigms in Korean society (Cho et al. 2024). South Korea’s academic appeal, bolstered by its cultural and educational reputation, positions it as a preferred destination for women seeking to integrate into the global academic community and leverage East Asia’s educational excellence to advance their careers. From a gender and feminist theoretical perspective, the predominance of female international students aligns with broader discussions of gendered mobility and cultural agency (Bae and Park 2020; Zehra and Lee 2020; Cho et al. 2024). These studies suggest that K-Pop and the broader Korean Wave create cultural spaces that empower young Asian women to renegotiate gender norms and pursue education migration as a form of identity formation and self-realisation.

5. Conclusions and Discussion

This study investigates the impact of the Korean Wave, particularly K-Pop, on the decision-making process of international students choosing to pursue higher education in South Korea, especially during the global COVID-19 pandemic. While K-Pop may not serve as a primary catalyst, exposure to Korean cultural elements significantly expanded student perspectives and reduced obstacles to studying abroad. The pandemic-driven surge in digital engagement deepened cultural immersion. As a globally recognised phenomenon, the Korean Wave represents diverse intercultural experiences and enhances South Korea’s appeal as an academic destination. This study underscores the critical role of social perception in shaping students’ choices. Through in-depth interviews with current and former international students in Korea, this study identifies the key factors contributing to this trend, offering insights into the broader impact of cultural globalisation on education mobility.

International students perceive K-Pop’s sound and storytelling as less aggressive and potentially less harmful than Western music, particularly during periods of global uncertainty. Its lighter and more accessible approach to social issues resonates with artists and fans through shared cultural activities and their engagement with fandom. This dynamic was especially pronounced during the COVID-19 pandemic, as digital platforms became essential for global connectivity. Interviews indicated that international students typically encountered K-Pop through online platforms and localised interactions in their home countries. Platforms such as Weverse, LYSN, and YouTube have been pivotal in fostering artist-fan interactions, nurturing transnational communities, and reinforcing cultural solidarity during periods of instability (O. Lee 2021).

As K-Pop has developed into a global cultural phenomenon, it has fostered intergenerational unity and a shared appreciation of the Korean Wave. Interviews highlighted parallels between international students’ engagement with Hallyu and that of their parents, emphasising its role in the resurgence of Korean cultural influence. This phenomenon has encouraged parental support for studying in South Korea among Chinese students. Additionally, the increasing number of Asian women pursuing education in Korea reflects their journeys of self-discovery and identity formation. This trend, driven by cultural affinity and anticipated benefits upon repatriation, underscores Korea’s growing appeal as an academic destination, particularly amid the eastward shift in global academic mobility and broader trends of de-globalisation.

This study concludes that, in recent years, K-Pop has increasingly emerged as a significant yet indirect influence on students’ decisions to study in South Korea, although it does not directly serve as the sole determinant or cause of such decisions. The fact that K-Pop leads to studying in Korea can be described as an interesting phenomenon that ultimately leads to the fields of education and migration, as well as to the global complexity of the post-digitalised COVID era. In particular, the cultural influence of K-Pop, also known as the Korean Wave, has contributed to the formation of consumers’ cultural identities, effectively establishing a form of social heritage. This phenomenon shows that the increasing popularity of K-Pop has not only led to an increase in public interest in visiting the country but has also focused on the details of a burgeoning popular cultural phenomenon in the country itself.

This study emphasises the transformative role of K-Pop in shaping cultural identity and social heritage by linking it to education migration. Future research should explore how the amplification of cultural phenomena during global crises influences migration patterns and intercultural engagement in increasingly interconnected societies.