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Article

Cultural Identity and Virtual Consumption in the Mimetic Homeland: A Case Study of Chinese Generation Z Mobile Game Players

1
Department of Sociology, Harbin Institute of Technology, Harbin 150001, China
2
Department of Sociology, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(6), 362; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060362
Submission received: 25 March 2025 / Revised: 28 May 2025 / Accepted: 29 May 2025 / Published: 9 June 2025
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Digitally Connected: Youth, Digital Media and Social Inclusion)

Abstract

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In the digital age, mobile games have become a new frontier for cultural identity and virtual consumption among Chinese Generation Z youth. With the development of the internet, users have gradually adapted to the coexistence of virtual and real identities, enriching the “small society” within games. However, virtual consumption and its underlying driving mechanisms have not received sufficient attention. Through interviews with 20 young people of Chinese Generation Z, this study argues that virtual consumption is not only about material consumption but also serves as a link between emotions and identity. In China’s increasingly atomised society, the idea of the “mimetic homeland” has become an essential interactive domain for Generation Z in the digital age. It offers individuals a dynamic space to engage with their cultural identity and sustain emotional resonance amid fragmented social conditions. In the “mimetic homeland”, game content, broadcaster charm, symbolic consumption, and player creation intertwine, allowing mobile games to create a diverse cultural identity mechanism. This mechanism rekindles players’ recognition of cultural identity and provides them with spiritual support. In mobile games, players continuously produce and consume cultural identity, using digital means to shape and spread spiritual consciousness symbols, ultimately achieving cultural identity commodification.

1. Introduction

As natives of the internet, Generation Z (typically referring to those born between 1995 and 2009) has grown up alongside the rise and development of the online community. According to the China Internet Network Information Center’s (2024) “Statistical Report on China’s Internet Development Status”, as of December 2023, the scale of Chinese internet users has reached 1.092 billion, with an internet penetration rate of 77.5%. Among them, the mobile internet user base is 1.091 billion, with young people aged 10 to 39 accounting for 47.6% of total internet users. The internet has been fully integrated into the lives of Chinese youth. In 2020, the number of mobile game players in China exceeded 666 million, and the massive user base in the mobile gaming market has made it not only a part of the economy but also an undeniable social phenomenon. Mobile games refer to game software that runs on mobile electronic devices such as smartphones and various tablets. Based on their rules and settings, they can be categorised into more than ten types, including action games, adventure games, role-playing games, and more. However, regardless of the game genre, the widespread coverage of the internet and the improvement in mobile performance have allowed players to play together, interact, and even simulate real-world scenarios in a virtual space. For Chinese Generation Z, virtual participation in mobile games has become a phenomenon worthy of in-depth study.
In the realm of virtual participation, the social attributes of users have long been a significant area of research. With the rise of the internet, individuals have increasingly navigated the interplay between their virtual and real identities, endowing cyberspace with the characteristics of a “community” in the Tönnies (2017) sense, resulting in a more diverse “small society” within mobile gaming environments. This “small society” often stems from young people’s virtual re-enactment of their idealised social structures, where the scenarios and roles within the virtual community are imbued by participants with emotional and symbolic significance. Such online spaces are metaphorically termed by scholars as a “mimetic homeland” (Liu 2024). Despite this evolution, the phenomenon of virtual consumption and its underlying driving mechanisms have not been adequately explored. Previous research has often treated virtual consumption as a mere extension of traditional markets, primarily focusing on consumer demographics and the consequences of their behaviours. This approach tends to infer the motivations behind virtual consumption based on observed outcomes, yet it overlooks consumers’ subjective experiences on one hand and fails to adequately connect virtual consumption with shifts in social structures and actors’ survival modes on the other. Consequently, existing research struggles to comprehensively grasp the factors influencing changes in gamers’ consumption intentions. As Ulrich Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (2001), whose risk society theory—or the theory of reflexive modernisation—points out, modern society is characterised by two key themes: the first is the environmental (or risk) theme, and the second is the individualisation theme. With China’s rapid economic growth and ongoing social transformation, individualisation and its attendant dilemmas in social relations have become increasingly pronounced. Some scholars further argue that the concept of “atomisation” and “atomised social environment” may offer stronger explanatory power for understanding the social interactions and emotional experiences of contemporary Chinese youth. This macro-level social mentality serves as a critical foundation for comprehending the pronounced reliance of China’s Generation Z on mobile gaming and virtual consumption (Bai 2021).
Therefore, by integrating Girard’s mimetic theory and Baudrillard’s concept of simulacra, this study introduces the notion of the “mimetic homeland” as a new digital cultural field. This concept helps explain how Generation Z players construct emotional identity and cultural meaning through symbolic interaction in mobile games—a perspective that has been underexplored in the existing literature. Through continuous and dynamic role-playing and scenario-building in this “mimetic homeland,” players gain real-world identity recognition and emotional empowerment, which can effectively, in turn, shape the actor’s real-world social behaviour and generate consumption motivations. Based on this framework, this paper primarily addresses three questions: 1. How do players establish connections between virtual game spaces and real-world spaces? 2. How do players construct real-world identity recognition and emotional empowerment through virtual activities in the “mimetic homeland”? 3. How do this identity recognition and this emotional empowerment drive consumption behaviour? Furthermore, it analyses how players are attracted by the sense of identification, ultimately becoming “digital labour” in the capital chain of identification and the virtual consumption group, and explores the complex relationship between cultural identity and virtual consumption.

2. Methods

2.1. Research Design

This study employed a qualitative descriptive approach to explore the interplay between cultural identity construction and virtual consumption among Chinese Generation Z mobile game players. Grounded in Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra, the symbolic consumption framework, and Collins’ interaction ritual chain model, the study focused on players’ identity practices through emotional interaction, role-playing, and social participation. The researcher adopted a participant–observer stance in various mobile game communities and conducted semi-structured in-depth interviews supplemented by participatory observation to gain insights into players’ subjective experiences and behavioural motivations.

2.2. Participants

A purposive sampling strategy was employed to recruit 20 participants born between 1995 and 2009. The sample was gender-balanced and professionally diverse, including university students, civil servants, corporate employees, and freelancers. All participants were active mobile game users, primarily engaged with titles such as Honor of Kings, Genshin Impact, and PUBG Mobile, which feature strong social components and virtual consumption systems. Contact was established via QQ groups, WeChat communities, and mobile game forums. Informed consent was obtained prior to participation. All participants agreed to be recorded. For privacy protection, interviewee IDs follow the format “Gender + Occupation + Initials”. Detailed information is summarised in Table 1.

2.3. Procedure

The researcher conducted an exploratory study on the virtual consumption behaviours and emotional interactions of Generation Z youth born between 1995 and 2009. Through purposive sampling, 20 mobile game players were selected, ensuring a balanced gender ratio and diverse occupations. From August 2023, the researcher joined various mobile gaming communities, such as those centred around Honor of Kings, using online platforms like QQ groups and WeChat as both a participant and an observer. By building close relationships with players, the researcher conducted 3 to 4 unstructured interviews with each participant, lasting 40 to 60 min per session. A semi-structured interview guide was developed around three core themes: (1) players’ motivations and behaviours in virtual consumption, (2) the relationship between virtual consumption and cultural identity, and (3) emotional experiences and psychological projections involved in constructing a “mimetic homeland” within games. Sample questions included: “Why do you purchase virtual items in games?”, “Do these consumption behaviors relate to your identity or emotions?”, and “Do you feel a strong connection to a particular character or community?”.

2.4. Data Analysis

This study employed thematic analysis to examine the interview data from 20 Generation Z mobile game players. Following the spiral model of qualitative data analysis proposed by Creswell and Poth (2016), the process involved data organisation, initial reading, open coding, thematic categorisation, and interpretation. NVivo 12 was used to facilitate the coding process, leading to the identification of central themes such as self-identity, digital role projection, and virtual community belonging. To enhance the reliability of the findings, the researchers conducted multiple rounds of peer review and collaborative discussion to ensure consistency and analytical rigour.

3. Analytical Framework: The Mutual Construction of the Virtual and the Reality

3.1. Mimetic Re-Enactment of Real Space

To explain how players construct connections between virtual game spaces and real spaces, we must first understand the embodied experiences and assigned meanings of virtual spaces for players. On this level, this paper will introduce the theoretical lenses of “virtual coexistence” and “mimetic homeland”.
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Virtual coexistence
The rapid development of technology has not only accelerated the flow of information, goods, and people but has also profoundly changed the way people experience and perceive the world. According to Lefebvre’s theory of spatial production, each era produces its unique spatial forms, and mobile games, as products of digital technology, are the typical expression of this era’s “virtual coexistence”, leading people into a highly realistic virtual coexistence scenario (Lefebvre 1991). China is a leading market for platform companies, second only to the US (Poell et al. 2025). The trend is vividly demonstrated in the virtual space of mobile games. Mobile games are no longer just tools for entertainment. Instead, they have become factories that directly produce and shape virtual spaces, providing players with unprecedented immersive experiences. The space is no longer a static “container” or “platform” but a virtual world full of vitality and possibilities. By controlling characters, completing tasks, and engaging in social interactions, players establish profound connections with the game world, creating a unique experience of virtual coexistence (Nardi 2010).
In the construction of mobile game scenarios, one can see the vivid practice of spatial dialectics: everyday practices and perceptions (le perçu), representations or theories of space (le conçu), and the spatial imaginary of the time (le vécu) (Lefebvre 1991). Everyday practices and perceptions are reflected in the interaction between players and the virtual space, such as exploring unknown areas, collecting resources, defeating enemies, etc. Representations of space are achieved through game design, art style, music, sound effects, and other elements that create a unique cultural atmosphere. The spatial imaginary of the time consists of the social relationships, character identities, and emotional memories constructed by players in the virtual world, surpassing the limitations of physical space to become spiritual support and belonging (Taylor 2006). In turn, considering questions of how one embodies—or not—the metaverse and how to best capture and analyse that information can make for rich explorations of contextualised experience (Girginova 2025). In the experience of virtual coexistence, players establish complex and close connections with the game world, other players, and game characters. This connection is not only evident in the interactive aspects of the game mechanism but also in emotional resonance and cultural identification.
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Mimetic homeland
The emergence of the “mimetic homeland” is a new form of digital living space that has gradually taken shape with the rapid development of internet technology and social–cultural changes. The concept of the mimetic homeland can be traced back to René Girard’s theory of “mimetic desire”, which critiques Freud’s “instinct-based theory of desire” and existentialist notions of “subjective autonomy” (Imran 2025). Girard posits that desire is fundamentally a triadic “subject–model–object” relationship rather than a traditional subject–object duality. In other words, Girard argues that human desire is not spontaneously generated but is constructed through imitation of others (the model). Building on this framework, researchers such as Domínguez et al. (2016) have observed analogous mimetic effects in studies on interactive narrative role-playing games, where players’ perception of their in-game avatars and decision-making behaviours exhibit imitation; regardless of explicit guidance, players instinctively emulate the roles they assume in virtual spaces, and this imitation, in turn, reconstructs the actors’ own desires.
This concept of imitation as a constitutive force in digital environments resonates strongly with Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra, particularly in his analysis of how symbolic systems evolve to replace material referents. Baudrillard outlines a progression in which representations move from reflecting reality to ultimately becoming detached from it, culminating in what he terms the “pure simulacrum”—a state where signs refer only to other signs and circulate without any connection to the real world (Baudrillard 2009). In this stage, meaning is generated not through reference to physical or historical reality but through recursive symbolic production. This theoretical lens enriches our understanding of the mimetic homeland as more than a site of emotional projection; it becomes a hyperreal space where identity, memory, and belonging are constructed through self-replicating symbols. Baudrillard’s theory of the “sign-object” further elaborates the symbolic nature of such virtual constructs. He emphasises that the value of objects in digital or consumer cultures lies not in their functional utility but in their symbolic significance (Baudrillard 1981). In this sense, the mimetic homeland functions as a symbolic artifact: its emotional and cultural value comes not from its spatial reality but from the shared codes and images that define it in the digital sphere. These signs do not represent a lost or idealised past but instead create a new, self-sustaining emotional reality through continuous imitation and circulation.
Against this theoretical backdrop, the concept of the mimetic homeland was first introduced in Chinese academia. On one hand, it refers to an idealised, media-constructed domestic space that stands in contrast to the material homeland, serving as a virtual projection of individuals’ real-world emotions. On the other hand, it underscores how the construction of and engagement with the mimetic homeland can reciprocally reshape real-world emotions and desires (Jian and Zhou 2021). Mobile games, as a typical representation of this phenomenon, construct places that transcend the boundaries of traditional cyberspace through their highly immersive experiences, complex social interaction systems, and rich cultural content. These places, though rooted in digital codes and servers, hold the same emotional value and sense of belonging for players as their real-world homes. They are not merely spaces for entertainment but are also essential stages for personal identity, community connections, and cultural practices. In the game world, players manage, build, and protect their virtual homelands, which often blend personal creativity, collective memory, and artistic imagination, becoming a new social–cultural phenomenon. Therefore, a “mimetic homeland” in this study can be defined as a digital living space created through personalised creation, social interaction, and cultural expression with the support of technology. It possesses a strong sense of belonging, emotional connection, and cultural identity for players. It transcends the limitations of the physical world, becoming a new domain where people spend their time, live, and place their emotional attachments, showcasing the new development of human living forms in the digital era.

3.2. Emotional Reverse-Nurturing from Virtual to Real Spaces

After constructing and immersing themselves in virtual spaces, players’ physical–psychological projections and emotional experiences within their mimetic homeland will persistently influence the real world. This impact extends beyond psychological and personality-related conceptual elements, further reshaping players’ identity construction, self-identification, and modes of social belonging as members of society. Such transformations, to some extent, affect how players assign meaning to virtual consumption behaviours within the cultural context of China’s “atomised” society. To further elucidate the real-world effects of virtual spaces on players and how these effects are actively reproduced by the actors themselves, this paper will introduce the theory of performative subjectivity and the interaction ritual chains theory.
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Theory of Performative Subjectivity
The theory of performative subjectivity was first proposed by Judith Butler. Butler and Trouble (1990) employ the concept of “performativity” to argue that there is no pre-existing subject; rather, the subject emerges as the result of a series of performative acts. While this concept originated in the analysis of gender, Butler later extended it to bodies, political identities, and racial identities. She rejects any notion of coercive identity formation, contending that the illusion of a “fixed and enduring reality” persists because the subject is produced through cultural frameworks that regulate attributes via imposed coherence. Thus, the subject is both produced through performativity and enforced by these structures. Butler and Trouble (1990) conceptualise the subject as a verb—a dynamic process wherein the subject remains fluid, perpetually subjected to social structures yet simultaneously resisting them. Consequently, no primordial social structure can achieve a definitive, static identity for the subject (Lan 2019); instead, identity is an ongoing process of reconstruction (Liu 2019).
If the concept of the “mimetic homeland” explains how players invest emotions in virtual worlds, then this performative-subjectivity-centred theory effectively addresses the question “What real-world transformations are occurring within the game’s actors?” Drawing on Alfred Schütz’s lifeworld theory, even virtual gaming activities inherently leave traces in the actor’s stream of consciousness, and these traces have already altered the player’s lived experience. From Judith Butler’s perspective, repetitive gaming—systematically imbued with subjective meaning and emotional value—constitutes a performative act that continuously shapes and generates the subject. Under the influence of atomised societal cultures and social structures, actors assign value concerns and emotional significance to game characters, narratives, and player interactions. The act of “play”, as a performative behaviour, pre-consciously projects these values into what Bourdieu (2017) termed “habitus”, thereby becoming the foundational basis for the subject’s construction of their real-world identity and self-image.
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Interaction Ritual Chains Theory
The theories of virtual coexistence, mimetic homeland, and performative subjectivity collectively outline a general framework of how players project real-world socio-cultural experiences into virtual games, and conversely, how their investment, immersion, construction, and gameplay reshape their real-life practices and cultural perceptions. These psychological mechanisms enable players’ virtual consumption behaviours to transcend the virtual space, retaining potential utility value in reality. However, a dynamic mechanism capable of continuously reinforcing players’ agency and subjectivity remains necessary; here, the theory of interaction ritual chains can further illuminate this process.
Durkheim’s theory of interactive rituals originated from his discussion of religion, where he emphasised that the physical gathering of a group is a key factor in forming social interactive rituals (Durkheim 1912). In the latter half of the 20th century, Collins further refined the framework of interactive ritual theory, proposing the concept of the “interaction ritual chain”, in which “group assembly” is a prerequisite for initiating interactive rituals (Collins 2004). Kemper (2016) also distinguishes between structural, situational, and anticipatory emotions. This theoretical model illustrates the components of interactive rituals, the relationships within interactions, and the outcomes of interactive rituals, as shown in Figure 1.
The model explains how participants in interpersonal interactions, driven by emotional energy, evoke their loyalty to the legitimate authority of the interactive group, thereby generating a collective ritual solidarity. This implies an indirect motivation that triggers and activates the interaction. The foundation and core of the ritual chain are interactive rituals. Interactive rituals refer to face-to-face human interactions occurring directly and locally within small scopes, which are the most common forms of ritual interaction among humans. Social atmospheres encompass shared focus, entrainment, and collective effervescence, but it is particularly the latter that produces “emotional energy”, a pleasurable feeling of group membership that motivates participants to repeat rituals (Collins 2004). Importantly, the symbols that groups use during expressions of collective effervescence become representative of these pleasures (Hill et al. 2022). In the virtual context of mobile games, various interactive rituals are designed to stimulate consumption, such as drawing virtual media images, enhancing skills, optimising recharge options, and displaying rankings. This study argues that these rituals link interaction with consumption, aiming to enhance players’ recognition of the virtual environment in the game, thereby encouraging continuous consumption.

4. Results

This section presents the empirical findings derived from interviews and participatory observation, focusing on how Chinese Generation Z mobile game players construct cultural identity and engage in virtual consumption within the mimetic homeland. The analysis is organised into three interrelated dimensions. First, “Virtual Coexistence and the Production of Space” explores how players embed themselves in immersive digital environments and reshape spatial relationships through gameplay, revealing the game space as a new site of cultural expression. Second, “Mimetic Homeland and the Projection of Psychological Needs” examines how players project their emotional and psychological demands into virtual spaces and how games serve as platforms for emotional belonging and agency restoration. Third, “Virtual Consumption and Identity Performance” investigates how symbolic consumption in and beyond the game reinforces individual and collective identities, highlighting the interplay between emotional investment, cultural reproduction, and player agency. Together, these three sections illuminate how cultural identity is not only constructed but also continuously reproduced and performed through virtual participation and consumption practices.

4.1. Virtual Coexistence and the Production of Space

In mobile games, characters often carry specific cultural symbols, values, and emotional memories, which are continuously reinforced and transmitted during the interactive process of the gameplay, creating vibrant and compelling virtual communities (Castronova 2005).
I don’t buy skins to get stronger. I buy them so others can see I’ve been playing for a long time or that I really love this character. It’s how I show who I am in the game”, said one player.
(MSWJS, male, 18, student)
Today, with the evolution of societal culture and the rapid advancement of technology, particularly the widespread use of mobile games, cultural identity is gradually shifting from a physical experience to a spiritual refuge in virtual spaces (Lehdonvirta 2010). Just as nostalgia in traditional societies is rooted in the soil of the physical homeland, cultural identity was closely linked to people’s real-life experiences throughout history, serving as a cornerstone of national, regional, and communal identity (Wang and Yang 2023). In the digital age, cultural identity has undergone a significant transformation from being rooted in physical experiences to becoming immersed in virtual spaces. As people live, interact, and learn, they populate and either maintain or change the institutions in the cultures in which they lead their lives (Hofstede 2015). As cultural identity shifts increasingly into virtual spaces, players have taken on a more active role in shaping what those spaces mean. By creating content, taking part in community discussions, and sharing their gameplay experiences, they contribute to the ongoing development of game culture. This reflects what Jenkins and Ito (2015) call “participatory culture,” where users are not only consuming media but also helping to build it.
Sometimes I draw fan art of my favorite characters and post it in gaming groups. People like and share it, and I feel like I’m part of that world—even though I’m not a developer”, said one player.
(FSZL, female, 22, student)
In mobile games, such participation strengthens players’ connection to the game world and allows cultural identity to be redefined and expressed in digital form. And much of the work that keeps gaming communities vibrant is performed voluntarily by players. Activities like livestreaming, making videos, moderating forums, or answering questions may not bring direct payment, but they play a key role in maintaining the life of the game. As Taylor (2015, 2018) points out, this kind of “digital labour” is often undervalued, yet it provides energy and content to the game while giving players a sense of recognition and belonging. In this way, virtual consumption becomes more than entertainment—it also becomes a form of cultural expression and identity building.
The construction of traditional cultural identity often relies on physical environments, such as historical sites, folk activities, and language customs. These elements collectively shape people’s sense of identity and belonging. However, in the simulated worlds created by mobile games, the subject–object relationship of cultural identity has fundamentally changed. Players are no longer passive recipients of culture. Instead, they become active creators.
I’m studying abroad, and I don’t have many people around me who speak Chinese. But when I log into a Chinese server, I hear familiar dialects. It makes me feel like I’m home again”, one player shared.
(MSWJS, male, 18, student)
In other words, the renewal of the space is intertwined with the building of cultural identities. Through the medium of mobile games, they not only consume the cultural symbols within the games but also, through interaction, communication, and co-creation, continuously shape and reinforce their own cultural identities (Lehdonvirta 2009). As a product of the convergence of new technologies and media, mobile games—with their unique immersive experience, rich interactivity, and high degree of customisation—make the virtualisation of cultural identity possible. In mobile games, players can traverse time and space, experiencing the cultural landscapes of different regions and eras; they can explore and communicate with players from all over the world, sharing cultural insights and emotional resonances. The cross-boundary cultural exchange blurs the lines of cultural identity, making it more diverse (Martin 2018). It is worth noting that the virtual coexistence created by mobile games also reflects the profound impact modern technology has on human emotional patterns.
I don’t just play the game—it feels like a familiar place. Every time I log in, it’s like coming home. Even if no one talks to me in real life, there’s always someone waiting to team up in the game
(MSQCY, male, 16, student)
We have a fixed raid every Friday night. After we finish, we stay on voice chat to talk about real-life stuff. It’s closer than some of my real-world friendships”, one participant explained.
(FWGJM, female, 25, company employee)
I met some friends in a gaming group, and now we’ve met in person. One of them even became my business partner”, said a player.
(MWZZX, male, 25, self-employed)
This blurring of digital and physical social ties illustrates how virtual coexistence is not escapist but constitutive of new modes of social integration. Through cooperation and competition, sharing and confiding within games, players establish virtual intimate relationships that transcend physical distances. To some extent, this compensates for the emotional voids in real life, creating a new social bond and offering innovative ways to reproduce cultural identity.

4.2. “Mimetic Homeland” and the Projection of Psychological Needs

In virtual gaming spaces, players’ consumption behaviours are not solely driven by functional needs but also serve as externalisations of emotion and psychological projection. The “mimetic homeland” constructed by mobile games offers Chinese Generation Z players an outlet for loneliness and a space for emotional expression.
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The Externalisation of Psychological Needs
As Krueger (2008) suggests, the theory of projective objects in social psychology emphasises that individuals project their inner emotions, needs, and fantasies onto external objects, and through interaction with these objects, they achieve emotional satisfaction. In the “mimetic homeland”, players project their psychological needs onto virtual items, characters, and specific game environments. These elements become carriers of the players’ emotions, reflecting their longing for a sense of belonging, identity, and social connection that is difficult to fulfil in real life. The “mimetic homeland” in mobile games is a space for entertainment and a carrier of players’ psychological needs. Through building, interacting, and role-playing, players can fulfil emotional needs in the virtual world.
In real life, I don’t have many people to talk to, but in the game, I have a pet. The first thing I do every day is feed it. When it looks happy, I feel happy too.”
(FWWYJ, female, 27, company employee)
This kind of emotional projection is not simply a form of entertainment; it is a conscious construction of emotional stability. Players redirect anxiety, loneliness, and helplessness onto virtual characters and items to gain comfort and substitute satisfaction.
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From Psychological Projection to Emotional Belonging
In the real world, the atomisation of society has led to a sense of alienation, making it difficult for individuals to establish lasting relationships or find interpersonal connections with people who genuinely understand them. Faced with this alienation and loneliness, the inner longing for belonging, identity, and emotional connections becomes the primary motivation driving players to turn to the virtual world (Turkle 2011). Mobile games, through their personalised virtual spaces and instant interactive social mechanisms, provide players with a “safe haven” for self-expression and emotional exchange.
Several interviewees mentioned that when they felt powerless or out of control in real life, the mimetic homeland offered by games became the only space where they had agency.
My parents keep pressuring me to take civil service exams. Real life feels suffocating. But in the game, I’m a powerful mage who can control the battlefield. It makes me feel like I’m not useless.”
(MSZSQ, male, 21, student)
Another participant said, “The game is the only place where I can say ‘no.’ In real life, I’m obedient. But in the game, I can switch characters, leave teams, and start over whenever I want.”
(FSWXD, female, 18, student)
This sense of “regained control” forms the emotional foundation of virtual consumption. Items, skins, and skills acquired through spending become psychological anchors for re-establishing order and regaining a sense of agency.
In mobile games, players actively use their agency to construct meaningful social experiences and fulfil psychological needs. Rather than merely seeking entertainment, many players deliberately engage with virtual environments to find emotional resonance and a sense of belonging. As traditional modes of social interaction decline due to structural and technological changes (Putnam 2000), mobile games provide a responsive and personalised alternative. Through real-time communication, shared gameplay, and the formation of interest-based communities, players establish networks that reflect their values, preferences, and identities. These self-initiated social ties offer emotional support, affirmation, and a sense of being understood—elements that form the affective foundation of the mimetic homeland.
Beyond social interaction, the mimetic homeland also serves as a site of self-realisation and creative expression, enabled by the player’s autonomous engagement. In simulation or sandbox-style games, players construct virtual environments—designing homes, landscapes, or entire worlds—that reflect their inner beliefs and aesthetic choices. This personalised creation process generates psychological satisfaction, a sense of control, and symbolic affirmation often lacking in everyday life. Furthermore, by forming alliances and participating in collaborative or competitive modes, players transcend geographic constraints and cultivate enduring relationships. Such interactions are not incidental but represent a conscious effort to navigate identity, emotion, and community through the affordances of the virtual world.

4.3. Virtual Consumption and Identity Performance

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Virtual Consumption as an Interactive Ritual
The sociological study of emotions is grounded in the fact that the majority of our emotions emerge, are experienced, and have meaning in the context of our social relations. For this reason, any description, explanation, or sociological understanding of a social phenomenon is incomplete, and therefore false, if it does not incorporate the feeling subject into its study of structures and social processes (Bericat 2016). Collins’ interaction ritual chain model reveals the critical role virtual consumption plays in the interaction process and cultural identity in multiple ways. As an essential component of interactive rituals, virtual consumption promotes social and emotional connections, playing a significant role in building a sense of identity (Lehdonvirta 2010). In the gaming environment, through shared virtual consumption behaviours, players can establish stronger emotional connections, enhancing their sense of mutual recognition. When players make purchases using virtual currency, they are not merely exchanging material products but reaching a spiritual consensus.
I buy skins to say ‘this is me.’ When you see me wearing this skin, you know I’m a veteran player who takes the game seriously.”
(MSWYP, male, 18, student)
Another player added, “I have a limited-edition skin. Every time I use it, people PM me asking how I got it. It makes me feel proud—like I’m not just playing the game, I’m performing a character.”
(FSLYY, female, 21, student)
These practices embody what Collins (2004) describes as interaction ritual chains: symbolic acts—like virtual consumption—intensify emotional connections among participants, establishing shared focus and group identity. Participating in virtual consumption is like constructing a micro-society where everyone can define their “self” in the game according to their preferences. The collective nature of this consumption behaviour is not only reflected on the material level, but, more importantly, through this method, participants establish their own identity within the gaming community.
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The Reproduction of Cultural Identity
In the “mimetic homeland” of mobile games, the reproduction of cultural identity is a multi-layered and complex process, encompassing symbolic consumption, emotional connections, and active player participation in cultural production. Mobile games are not only tools for entertainment but also symbolic cultural spaces. In this space, players express and reinforce their cultural identity through the consumption of symbols. The identity is not limited to the virtual world but extends to material consumption and social interaction in real life.
The reproduction of cultural identity is first reflected in the selection of symbolic consumption. Mobile games are filled with symbols and elements that collectively construct a space for cultural identity. The space does not directly produce physical objects but continuously reproduces culture and emotions through a vast array of symbols. People can express their emotions, values, and even political stances by selecting and using specific items. In mobile games, spending is not just practical—it is performative.
Ever notice how players put on their most expensive skins during ranked matches? It’s not to win—it’s to intimidate or show off. Just like wearing designer clothes in real life.”
(MWXDJ, male, 23, civil servant)
I bought a matching outfit set just for me and my partner. It’s like telling everyone: we’re a couple—don’t flirt with us.”
(FWCHL, female, 24, civil servant)
Through these actions, players not only strengthen their sense of identification with their virtual characters but also deepen their sense of belonging to the entire game environment. The association behind virtual consumption can be interpreted as a manifestation of collective identity. Participating in virtual consumption allows individuals to gain a sense of identity in the gaming community because they are not merely purchasing items but also reinforcing their recognition of both their in-game character and the entire game world.
I posted a screenshot of my legendary skin on WeChat, and a college classmate reached out saying he played too. That’s how we reconnected.”
(MSLKC, male, 22, student)
Through the pursuit and sharing of the same virtual items, players establish a sense of tacit understanding and closeness, further bridging the distance between players and the gaming community and promoting the stability of the entire social network. The sense of identity generated by this shared experience makes players more likely to continue participating actively in in-game interactions. It is noticeable that autonomous co-creation encompasses a diverse spectrum of consumer activities that contribute to the generation of value from the consumer’s perspective. The rise of digital platforms has made the exploitation of consumers even easier, especially in platform-based on-demand economies (Kim 2025). Individuals and communities have emerged as an increasingly important and dynamic productive force within the e-commerce landscape (Zwass 2010). This shift highlights the active role of consumers in the production process, transforming traditional notions of value creation and exchange in digital marketplaces (Pearce 2011). When players purchase certain items, they are not only enhancing their gaming experience but also choosing an identity. Take, for example, Genshin Impact, a game known for its stunning visuals, rich character designs, and deep world-building, which presents a fantasy world infused with cultural and humanistic elements. The game incorporates many aspects of traditional Chinese culture, such as Feng Shui, the Five Elements, and poetry, allowing players to enjoy the game while also experiencing the profoundness of Chinese culture. This cultural resonance enables players to find a sense of cultural belonging within the game, establishing an emotional link between the virtual world and the real world.
The reproduction of cultural identity not only occurs within the game but also extends to a broader virtual community through the influence of game streamers and content creators. Game streamers, serving as bridges between the game and players, play a crucial role. They are not only disseminators of gaming skills but also interpreters and spreaders of cultural symbols. Through in-depth analysis of game content and recommendations of virtual items, streamers help players better understand the cultural symbols within the game and, through their personal charm, attract players to form emotional connections with them. For instance, the well-known game streamer “PDD” has gained popularity through his humorous commentary style, deep understanding of games, and strong connection with his fans. In his streams, PDD not only shares gaming skills and insights but also frequently interacts with his audience, sharing amusing anecdotes from his daily life. This sense of warmth and authenticity allows players to feel an emotional connection beyond the game itself. Additionally, PDD actively participates in charitable activities, spreading positive energy and further enhancing his positive image in the minds of players. He successfully combines the consumption of game symbols with emotional experiences.
At the same time, players shift from being passive recipients of culture to active cultural producers in this process of cultural identity reproduction. Through in-game and out-of-game interactions, players consume existing cultural symbols and continuously create new cultural content.
I always buy something during festival events—even if it’s useless. I just need that sense of ritual. I don’t even bother that much with real-life holidays.”
(MSQCY, male, 16, student)
Players also extend the game culture into real life through offline activities such as cosplay and e-sports tournaments, further strengthening the material expression of cultural identity. In game, players actively engage in endless exploration and challenges, with each victory or defeat igniting their desire for a deeper understanding of the game mechanics and strategic innovation. Outside the game, they extend their passion and creativity to broader platforms such as social media, professional forums, and live-streaming platforms. The player-driven model of cultural production and dissemination, on the one hand, brings sustained attention and popularity to the game itself; on the other hand, it fosters cross-industry collaborations and innovations, giving the cultural identity within the “mimetic homeland” dynamic characteristics of reproduction. It also showcases the infinite potential and possibilities of games as a cultural phenomenon, suggesting that in the future, games will not merely be a form of entertainment but will become an important force in promoting social and cultural progress.
The reproduction of cultural identity is also reflected in the cycle of symbolic consumption within and outside the game. Players reinforce their identity in the virtual world by purchasing virtual items and participating in in-game events and competitions. Through the influence of game streamers and content creators, this virtual consumption behaviour further extends to material consumption in real life. For instance, players may purchase game-related merchandise, collaboration products, etc., extending the cultural identity from the virtual world to reality.
I saw my favourite streamer wearing a hoodie from the game’s official collab and I just had to get one too. It feels like I’m carrying a piece of the game with me when I go outside”, noted another player.
(FWSJY, female, 24, company employee)
This interplay between the virtual and the tangible allows cultural identity to extend beyond the boundaries of the game, forming a symbolic consumption cycle that connects digital experience with real-world expression. Within this cycle, the fusion of emotional attachment and material engagement drives the continuous reproduction of cultural symbols and contributes to the accumulation of symbolic capital. Cultural identity, in turn, becomes a key emotional driver behind players’ consumption choices. Game streamers and content creators act as cultural intermediaries, embodying and reshaping the values, aesthetics, and narratives that players identify with. Through their content, they continuously deconstruct, reinterpret, and reconstruct cultural identity within the evolving context of mobile gaming.
In the “mimetic homeland”, symbolic consumption and the reproduction of cultural identity are interconnected processes. Through continuous virtual consumption and emotional connections, players find a sense of cultural belonging in the virtual world and re-affirm their cultural identity through symbolic consumption in the game. The sense of identity drives further consumption behaviour and extends to broader gaming communities and real life through the influence of game streamers and content creators. Ultimately, the reproduction of cultural identity is a spontaneous process and a commodified cycle driven by virtual consumption.
Honestly, I wouldn’t spend this much on a game if I didn’t feel connected to the story and the characters. The emotional part comes first, then the money”, one player reflected.
(MSWYP, male, 18, student)
In the cycle, players, game streamers, and content creators work together to promote the continuous reproduction and dissemination of cultural symbols.

5. Discussion

This study, grounded in the conceptual framework of the “mimetic homeland,” integrates theories of virtual coexistence, performative subjectivity, and interaction ritual chains to examine how members of China’s Generation Z construct cultural identity through virtual consumption in mobile games. Drawing on in-depth interviews and participatory observation of 20 players, the findings reveal that virtual consumption is not merely an economic exchange but a cultural practice shaped by emotional projection, spatial perception, symbolic interaction, and social participation. The following discussion systematically engages with the three analytical dimensions and empirical results, forming a theoretical–empirical loop that responds directly to the study’s research questions.
First, the analysis of “virtual coexistence and the production of space” suggests that players do not perceive games as escapist tools, but rather as extensions of their imagined social worlds. As MSWJS (male, 18) explained, his motivation to purchase skins was not to gain advantage but to express his affection and identification with a character. This reflects what Lefebvre (1991) describes as the social production of space: through daily practices (le perçu), representations (le conçu), and symbolic experiences (le vécu), players assign meaning to digital environments. The immersive and emotionally charged spaces of mobile games thus become sites of cultural expression and belonging, echoing the shift of cultural identity from material spaces to virtual domains in the digital era (Lehdonvirta 2010).
Second, the section “mimetic homeland and emotional projection” uncovers the psychological mechanisms embedded in virtual consumption, particularly the externalisation of emotional needs. According to Krueger’s (2008) theory of projective objects, individuals project their inner emotions and desires onto external objects to achieve emotional regulation. Many participants (e.g., FWWYJ, FSWXD, and MSZSQ) articulated how the virtual world became a “container of emotions” when real-life pressures left them feeling powerless. As shown in Section 4.2, participants such as MSZSQ (male, 21) described the game as a space where they could “regain control” in contrast to the pressures of real life, illustrating how emotional projection into the mimetic homeland meets psychological and social needs unmet in offline contexts. Such findings underscore the broader social–cultural significance of mobile games in an increasingly atomised society.
Third, in the section “virtual consumption and identity performance”, the study illustrates how consumption functions as a ritualised act embedded in social structures. According to Collins (2004), interaction rituals involve shared focus, emotional entrainment, and symbolic gestures that build group solidarity. Participants described their consumption behaviours as expressions of identity and belonging. For example, MSWYP (male, 18) purchased a limited-edition skin to signal his seriousness about the game, while MSQCY (male, 16) described his in-game festival spending as a way to experience a “sense of ritual.” These practices illustrate how symbolic consumption constitutes an interaction ritual chain that reinforces cultural identity.
The findings suggest that consumption plays a more profound role in shaping interaction processes and cultural identity than previously assumed. Rather than merely acquiring entertainment, players engage in virtual consumption that reflects their values, emotional investments, and social aspirations. MSWJS (male, 18), who reported an annual virtual consumption of CNY 12,000, demonstrates that high-frequency spending is not solely economically driven but reflects a deeper emotional attachment to in-game identity performance and status recognition. As Section 4.3 illustrates, such consumption is embedded in social rituals and framed by shared meanings, thereby reinforcing group belonging and mitigating the isolation common in atomised environments. Furthermore, streamers and content creators play an essential role as cultural intermediaries. They not only transmit knowledge but also guide emotional and symbolic engagement. The example of PDD, a popular streamer known for his humour and authenticity, illustrates how virtual consumption is shaped by social influence and emotional resonance. These dynamics highlight how identity reproduction is not solely player-driven but co-produced through media systems and digital labour.
These patterns directly respond to the study’s second and third research questions: how identity recognition and emotional empowerment are formed within virtual environments and how they translate into consumption behaviours. For example, MSQCY (male, 16) described his repeated purchases during festival events as a “sense of ritual,” even though the items had little functional value. This supports the argument that virtual consumption serves as a performative act of belonging and emotional affirmation. Furthermore, FWWYJ (female, 27) shared that caring for an in-game pet provided her with daily emotional stability, reinforcing how symbolic interaction with digital elements satisfies real-world emotional needs.
Taken together, the three mechanisms—virtual coexistence, emotional projection within the mimetic homeland, and interaction ritual chains through symbolic consumption—correspond directly to the study’s analytical framework and thematic findings. This theoretical–empirical alignment constructs a reflexive analytical loop grounded in performative subjectivity and cultural reproduction, deepening our understanding of how cultural identity is enacted, negotiated, and sustained within digital gaming environments among Chinese Generation Z players.
While these findings highlight the empowering potential of virtual consumption, they also raise concerns about over-commercialisation and symbolic dilution. As discussed in Section 4.3, games like Genshin Impact embed rich cultural elements such as traditional poetry and architecture, allowing players to connect with cultural heritage. However, the commercialisation and symbolisation of cultural identity in virtual space are issues that require caution. With the rapid development of mobile games, developers often use cultural elements as important selling points in game design to attract players and enhance engagement. They create a highly appealing cultural atmosphere through stunning visual effects, captivating music, and rich storylines. While this approach can enhance players’ immersion in the short term, the cultural expression often remains superficial, lacking deeper cultural connotations and spiritual essence. This superficial cultural presentation may lead to the gradual erosion of cultural identity depth, as players, while enjoying the pleasure and satisfaction brought by the game, may unknowingly be swept up in the wave of consumerism, simplifying cultural identity to the pursuit and consumption of virtual symbols. This phenomenon is worth the attention of developers and social and cultural builders to prevent cultural symbols from being excessively commercialised and losing their inherent value.
Looking ahead, the relationship between virtual consumption and cultural identity will continue to evolve with technological advancements. With the increasing popularity of technologies such as virtual reality (VR) and augmented reality (AR), future virtual consumption behaviours may become more immersive and personalised, further changing players’ cultural identity patterns and social connection methods. At the same time, technological development may also give rise to new cultural and ethical issues, such as privacy protection in virtual consumption, consumer traps, and the authenticity of cultural belonging. These issues require joint efforts from academia and industry, through interdisciplinary cooperation and innovation, to explore the profound impacts of virtual consumption and cultural identity on technological, social, and cultural levels.
In conclusion, the mimetic homeland serves not only as a digital haven for self-expression and emotional release but also as a dynamic site for the reproduction of cultural identity. Mobile games offer Generation Z a participatory space to construct meaning, engage in symbolic consumption, and connect with others. Virtual consumption emerges as both an affective and structural force that embodies youth identity strategies in the face of atomised social structures. Future research may explore variations across cultural, age, or gender groups and adopt quantitative methods to further test the causal link between virtual consumption and identity formation, thereby expanding the scope and depth of digital cultural studies.

6. Conclusions

This study investigates how Chinese Generation Z players construct cultural identity through virtual consumption in mobile games, using the conceptual perspective of the mimetic homeland. By integrating theoretical perspectives such as virtual coexistence, performative subjectivity, and interaction ritual chains, the research offers a comprehensive analytical framework to understand the mutual shaping of digital environments and cultural belonging.
First, in response to the question of how players establish connections between virtual and real spaces, the results demonstrate that mobile games function as immersive arenas of virtual coexistence. Within these spaces, players are not merely consumers but also active producers of cultural meaning. Through daily practices—such as avatar customisation, content creation, and symbolic interaction—they embed emotional and cultural significance into digital environments, transforming gameplay into a spatialised form of cultural expression.
Second, the study reveals that emotional projection within the mimetic homeland serves as a central mechanism through which players achieve psychological projection and identity recognition. In a context marked by social atomisation and limited offline agency, mobile games offer a perceived safe haven in which players can restore order, express suppressed identities, and reconstruct a sense of autonomy. This emotional engagement is not incidental but deeply entwined with symbolic consumption practices, forming the basis for sustained cultural identification.
Third, the study finds that symbolic consumption in mobile games is ritualised and performative. Influenced by social dynamics and community feedback, players engage in consumption behaviours that reflect not only aesthetic preferences but also social affiliations and status claims. These behaviours—such as purchasing limited-edition skins, participating in festival events, or emulating streamers—are embedded in interaction ritual chains that reinforce group belonging and cultural reproduction. In this process, players move beyond passive spectatorship and become digital labourers and co-producers of identity narratives.
By conceptualising the mimetic homeland as a hyperreal space produced through recursive symbolic practices, this study advances the theoretical understanding of virtual cultural identity. Drawing from both Girard and Baudrillard, the research offers a new analytical lens for interpreting the symbolic economy of digital games. Future research might explore how this framework applies across different cultural contexts or platforms, particularly in relation to algorithmic personalisation and platform capitalism.
Through in-depth interviews and participatory observation, the study constructs a theory–data loop that confirms the central role of virtual consumption in shaping emotional, social, and cultural patterns among youth. The mimetic homeland emerges as a dynamic and multidimensional cultural field. Virtual consumption, far from being trivial or purely commercial, becomes a key practice through which cultural identity is constructed, performed, and circulated. Nevertheless, the research also highlights tensions, such as the risk of symbolic dilution and over-commercialisation. As cultural elements are increasingly formatted for consumption, the depth of cultural experience may be compromised. Future research should further examine the long-term consequences of this commodification and explore cross-cultural comparisons to assess whether similar mechanisms operate in other socio-cultural contexts.
In conclusion, this study demonstrates that mobile games are not only platforms of entertainment but also critical spaces for identity negotiation and cultural participation among Chinese Generation Z. By foregrounding the mimetic homeland as both a theoretical and empirical construct, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of how digital environments reshape the ways in which young people experience, express, and reproduce cultural identity in the age of virtual consumption.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, S.Z. and Z.L.; methodology, S.Z.; software, S.Z.; validation, S.Z., Z.L. and X.C.; formal analysis, S.Z.; investigation, S.Z.; resources, X.C.; data curation, S.Z.; writing—original draft preparation, S.Z.; writing—review and editing, S.Z. and Z.L.; visualization, S.Z.; supervision, X.C.; project administration, X.C.; funding acquisition, X.C. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research was supported by the National Social Science Fund of China (grant number 21CSH002) and the China Postdoctoral Science Foundation (Grant No. 2022M710036).

Institutional Review Board Statement

This study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Ethics Committees of Harbin Institute of Technology (HIT-2025038, 6 January 2025).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The data supporting this study’s findings are not publicly available due to privacy and ethical restrictions.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

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Figure 1. Interaction ritual chain model.
Figure 1. Interaction ritual chain model.
Socsci 14 00362 g001
Table 1. Sociodemographic characteristics of the participants.
Table 1. Sociodemographic characteristics of the participants.
No.Interviewee IDGenderAge (Years)OccupationAnnual Virtual Consumption (CNY)
1FSGTYFemale18Student2000
2FSWXDFemale18Student500
3FSLMZFemale20Student600
4FSLYYFemale21Student900
5FSZLFemale22Student4000
6FSZSJFemale22Student6000
7FWCHLFemale24Civil Servant300
8FWSJYFemale24Company Employee1000
9FWGJMFemale25Company Employee5000
10FWWYJFemale27Company Employee500
11MSQCYMale16Student2000
12MSWJSMale18Student12,000
13MSWYPMale18Student3000
14MSZSQMale21Student500
15MSLKCMale22Student1000
16MWXDJMale23Civil Servant4000
17MWLMKMale24Company Employee2000
18MWZZXMale25Self-Employed10,000
19MWLTYMale27Self-Employed3000
20MWZTYMale28Self-Employed1200
Note: The annual virtual consumption is the interviewee’s estimated total based on their average monthly in-game expenses.
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Zhang, S.; Li, Z.; Chen, X. Cultural Identity and Virtual Consumption in the Mimetic Homeland: A Case Study of Chinese Generation Z Mobile Game Players. Soc. Sci. 2025, 14, 362. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060362

AMA Style

Zhang S, Li Z, Chen X. Cultural Identity and Virtual Consumption in the Mimetic Homeland: A Case Study of Chinese Generation Z Mobile Game Players. Social Sciences. 2025; 14(6):362. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060362

Chicago/Turabian Style

Zhang, Shiyi, Zengyu Li, and Xuhua Chen. 2025. "Cultural Identity and Virtual Consumption in the Mimetic Homeland: A Case Study of Chinese Generation Z Mobile Game Players" Social Sciences 14, no. 6: 362. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060362

APA Style

Zhang, S., Li, Z., & Chen, X. (2025). Cultural Identity and Virtual Consumption in the Mimetic Homeland: A Case Study of Chinese Generation Z Mobile Game Players. Social Sciences, 14(6), 362. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14060362

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