Filial Piety Revisited—Family Care and Filial Obligation in China at the Time of the COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract

Contemporary Chinese society has undergone enormous socio-economic transformations over the past four decades. The Confucian principle of so-called filial piety (xiao) has shaped Chinese culture for centuries, laying the foundation for family and social life. However, the current Chinese reality, with widespread consumerism and economization of thinking, requires young Chinese people to redefine their role in relation to their aging parents. The process of individualization in a strongly group-oriented society undergoing intense transformation, coupled with the strong cultural pressure to implement the Confucian xiao principle, provides material for interesting research questions. This paper studies caregivers’ coping strategies in the context of the principle of filial piety and the form of its practice during the pandemic and lockdown. It aims to capture the impact of the unique experience of isolation, exacerbated by the fear and uncertainty about the fate and health of parents. At the methodological level, it uses quantitative and qualitative analysis, adapting well-known scales and customized queries to capture the social challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic.

1. Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to the temporary suspension of many social order rules and regulations worldwide. China, as the pandemic’s epicenter, was the first to face the consequences of the spreading virus. Considering China’s vast population and territory, the actions introduced by the authorities were radical. The subsequent restrictions introduced in the first months of the pandemic were accepted by society, and the narrative of the pandemic’s success dominated official and media coverage (de Kloet et al. 2021; Świątkiewicz-Mośny et al. 2022). Successive waves of the pandemic and prolonged restrictions proved challenging. Chinese society, increasingly tired of the government’s pandemic-fighting policies, more clearly demonstrated how the health crisis undermined the social order and affected social bonds and relationships (Ou et al. 2022). Everyone felt the emotional impact of the pandemic crisis. The introduction of subsequent lockdowns caused a sense of emotional confinement. On the one hand, it increased the feeling of helplessness and stress about the health of loved ones, and on the other hand, the elderly, who, due to their age, might have been more vulnerable to dependence on the help of others, felt even more abandoned. Traditional Chinese beliefs related to caring for parents, which are also expressed in language, such as “happiness for the elderly comes from their children, who please them by living with them” or “having three generations living together under one roof” (Chyi and Mao 2012), have become a relic of the past rather than an existing reality. However, the family still plays a significant role in Chinese society, as it always has. Traditionally, elders were looked after by the young with minimal state intervention (Brasher 2021; You et al. 2019). Filial piety (xiao), as a Confucian value, encompasses respect, obedience, and the obligation to care for elderly parents and meet their needs (Yeh 2009). The socioeconomic changes of the last few decades have shifted towards greater emphasis on individual values while not neglecting the importance of family. What is more, the Chinese Constitution and a series of laws enacted in the late 1990s stipulate that family members are primarily responsible for caring for their elderly parents, including arranging suitable housing (Zhang et al. 2014).

This paper discusses how filial piety was practiced during the pandemic period in China. We investigate both actual realizations of filial obligations and caregivers’ willingness to provide support. We aim to gain insight into the forms of support and specific challenges the pandemic period posed to intergenerational bonds between parents and their children. In addition to using quantitative analysis and widely recognized filial piety scales, we also focus on short statements prepared by respondents using a descriptive, non-numerical approach.

The paper is organized as follows. The next section covers research on filial obligation in cultural and social contexts and provides an overview of studies on COVID-19’s social impact in the People’s Republic of China. Section 3 describes the research aims and methodology. The description of the obtained results in Section 4 follows this. Conclusions are provided in Section 5.

2. Theoretical Background

In the literature of the subject, a variety of Xiao’s interpretations can be found. The psychological mechanism underlying filial piety, as Ho (1994) claimed, might be understood as an authoritarian principle that shapes parent–child interaction and limits the individual’s volition. In turn, Yang suggests that filial piety refers to a relationship involving a creative coping strategy grounded in the unique political-legal, social, and normative contexts in which an individual creates innovative strategies (Qi 2015). Through empirical research, Chen et al. (2007) have demonstrated that filial piety is positively related to obedience to parental control and cognitive conservatism. Zhan (2004) argues that the culture of xiao is not declining. Instead, structural changes driven by the one-child policy, increased educational opportunities, and greater geographic mobility are having a greater effect on present and future elder care in China.

On the other hand, Zhang et al. (2021) point out that traditional beliefs in contemporary China are changing. Chinese people are becoming more individualistic and self-expressive due to the process of modernization. Accordingly, filial piety beliefs in China are becoming more reciprocal and less authoritarian. Young people still respect their parents, though they do not completely obey them (Zheng et al. 2021). A rapidly aging China with low fertility puts more of the burden related to elderly care on young Chinese people. State elderly care offers low levels of support; thus, 90% of seniors depend on familial care and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future (Tu 2016; Zhang 2012).

In current psychological and family studies, we can observe the evolution of the conceptualization of filial piety, which suggests that filial piety is not an element specific to East Asian cultures but a universal concept showing a cognitive script, a form of personality construct for social exchange. Findings reveal a universal mechanism underlying the child–parent relationship across diverse cultures (Różycka-Tran et al. 2021). This field of study is based on the use of widely adopted scales, such as Dual Filial Piety (Yeh and Bedford 2003), which has been found to accurately model caregiving relations in many modern societies. The DFPS was developed to capture both the affective and normative elements of filial piety, offering a more contemporary interpretation of the construct beyond traditional obedience-based models. The Dual Filial Piety Scale differentiates filial piety into two dimensions, i.e., Reciprocal Filial Piety (RFP) and Authoritarian Filial Piety (AFP). RFP focuses on the close relationships formed between children and parents through long-term interactions, as expressed by children’s gratitude and love for their parents (Sun et al. 2019; Yeh and Bedford 2003). Conforming to RFP results in fewer conflicts with parents (Li et al. 2014). On the other hand, AFP emphasizes family order and role norms that require children to obey their parents (Yeh 2006). Practically, both types of filial piety coexist, enhancing family cohesion. However, their particular strengths differ and may have different effects on the individual’s psychosocial functioning (Yeh et al. 2013).

The early success in containing COVID-19 was the result of a series of policies that China’s Government implemented in the first phase of the pandemic. After lockdowns and curfew laws were implemented, many local Governments implemented restrictions to control the spread of COVID-19. These restrictions included isolation, travel restrictions, community lockdowns, public transport shutdowns, and the introduction of a smartphone-based health tracking system. After three years of the pandemic, we can state beyond a doubt that the COVID-19-related policy interventions introduced in China, such as social distancing, mobility reductions, and lockdowns, significantly impacted everyone’s life and mental health conditions. The elderly are one of the most vulnerable populations concerning coronavirus susceptibility and the mental health consequences of COVID-19 related to that policy. The primary source of concern for the elderly, as reported by Liu et al. (2021), was the impact of containment strategies on social interactions. Not being able to use electronic communication devices proficiently means that the elderly are mainly dependent on face-to-face conversations, which the Government strongly discouraged. Travel restrictions and lockdowns significantly limited popular outdoor activities and possibilities to interact with residents. This effectively meant that the virtue of xiao and direct family interactions with the elderly played a unique role during the health crisis. The findings of Li et al. (2021) about the mental health of Chinese people during the pandemic suggest that future public health programs should integrate the promotion of filial piety as a strategy to help Chinese people maintain good mental health in the face of health crises.

3. Materials and Methods

This research primarily aimed to investigate the readiness to provide support and the different dimensions of filial piety during the COVID-19 pandemic. In this context, we aimed to identify irregularities and similarities with other studies using the same methodological tools. We also wanted to examine how respondents directly evaluated the pandemic’s impact on their relationships with their parents.

To achieve these goals, a composite questionnaire was prepared. In the first part, we collected basic demographic characteristics. The second part of the questionnaire was created using selected items from the Readiness for the Filial Responsibility Scale (RFRS), which represent readiness to provide physical, emotional, financial, psychological, and spiritual support (Uy 2020). In this part, respondents rated each of the 12 items using a five-point Likert scale. The scale distinguishes between practical caregiving capacities and underlying attitudes or preparedness, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of how adult children anticipate and approach future parental care.

The core of the questionnaire was built around the original Chinese version of the Dual Filial Piety Scale, consisting of 16 questions (Yeh and Bedford 2003), with a six-point Likert scale used to evaluate the degree of agreement with each statement. The scale is structured into two subscales, with eight items measuring Reciprocal Filial Piety and eight items assessing Authoritarian Filial Piety, allowing responses to be analyzed separately to capture variation across the two dimensions.

The next part of the questionnaire contained six questions regarding the impact of COVID-19 on the bond with parents, the frequency of contact, the use of electronic communication, and fears for physical and psychological well-being. These questions were again evaluated with a six-point Likert scale. The final part of the questionnaire contained an open question, allowing respondents to share their views on supporting parents. The complete questionnaire is attached in the Supplementary Materials.

Research participants were recruited using snowball sampling, with the entry requirement of having at least one living parent. The research was focused on recruiting respondents living in China. Thus, the questionnaire was translated into Chinese by a native Chinese speaker and published online using services freely available in the People’s Republic of China. Responses were collected over one month in 2022.

The study was not approved by the institutional review board because, at the time it was designed, prepared, and conducted, the author’s home institution did not have an appropriate ethics committee. When designing the research concept, the author followed the guidelines of the Council of the National Science Center, which co-finances the research. The Council recognizes the following as characteristic features of research requiring a favorable opinion of the ethics committee:

• research involving persons with limited ability to give informed or free consent to participate in the study and a limited possibility of refusal before or during the research;
• research involving people who are particularly vulnerable to mental trauma and mental health disorders;
• research involving active intervention in human behavior, aimed at changing this behavior, without directly interfering with the functioning of the brain;
• research on controversial issues (e.g., abortion, in vitro, the death penalty) or research requiring particular sensitivity and prudence (e.g., religious beliefs or attitudes towards minority groups);
• long-term, tiring, physically or mentally exhausting research.

The risk that the conducted survey and surveying procedure met the conditions mentioned above was assessed as very low. Nevertheless, numerous steps were undertaken to ensure that the research met high ethical standards. Research participants were informed of the entry criteria, the option of withdrawing from the survey, and the anticipated time required to complete it. The survey also contained information that the data collected would only be used for research purposes and that the questionnaire was confidential and anonymous (participants are identified only by their e-mail, which is not disclosed), as the guidelines covered by the Declaration of Helsinki were applied during data collection (World Medical Association 2013). Respondents were also informed that they would receive a summary of the research findings. This information is published in the Supplementary Materials to this contribution.

4. Results and Discussion

The demographic characteristics of the sample (with N = 123) are provided in

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the collected data (N = 123).

Variable	Value	Share
Sex	male	41%
	female	59%
Age structure	19–26	36%
	27–34	20%
	35–42	32%
	43–50	11%
	51 and over	2%
Hukou	urban	86%
	rural	13%
Marital status	single	37%
	married	49%
	divorced	6%
	other/not to say	8%
Siblings	0	44%
	1	30%
	2	14%
	3	5%
	4 and more	7%
Living with parent	yes	29%
	no	71%
Living with 1…	mother	28%
	both	69%
Not living but 1…	same city	36%
	same province	14%
	same country	31%
Financial situation	barely enough	42%
	enough	50%
	more than enough	7%

¹ Percentage reported with respect to the respondents living/not living together with parents.

. Table 1 presents the significant variables and shows, among other things, that the sex distribution was almost symmetrical. The questionnaire was mainly completed by young Chinese, with more than half of the respondents under 34 years old. Nearly all respondents (95%) identified as part of the Han Chinese ethnic group.

Regarding the family situation, most respondents did not live with any of their parents. The rest typically stayed within one household with their parents or mother. This finding confirms the special position of mothers in the context of elderly care, exemplified by the fact that typically widowed Chinese mothers get more help from children than widowed fathers (Bian et al. 1998). Most respondents reported being either lonely children or having one sibling. Still, the family composition does not perfectly reflect the average Chinese household size of 2.68 persons as reported in the Seventh National Population Census (Ning 2021). Respondents predominantly indicated that their financial status was either low or adequate, but 80% had a source of income.

The second part of the questionnaire evaluated readiness to provide support. Most of the respondents anticipate that their parents will need their help (M = 4.3 with M_max = 5) and highly estimated their level of readiness to contribute to their overall needs (readiness mean level equal to 8.8, with a maximum level of 10). The readiness levels, measured by average scores across all questions in the RFP Scale, are presented in

Table 2. Scores for Readiness for Filial Piety Scale.

Dimension	M
Readiness for Emotional Support	3.52
Readiness for Psychological Support	3.45
Readiness for Physical Support	3.23
Readiness for Financial Support	3.06
Readiness for Spiritual Support	3.05

.

It should be noted that while the differences across dimensions were not very significant, respondents strongly emphasized their willingness to provide emotional and psychological support. This may be a response to wide-ranging calls for this kind of elderly care in the COVID era present in official media discourse (Wang et al. 2020).

Table 3. Results obtained for the Dual Filial Piety Scale.

No.	Scale	Question	M	SD
1	RFP	I am frequently concerned about my parents’ health.	4.7	1.0
2	AFP	I take my parents’ suggestions even when I do not agree with them.	3.5	1.2
3	RFP	I talk frequently with my parents to understand their thoughts and feelings.	4.4	1.1
4	AFP	I let my income be handled by my parents before marriage.	2.9	1.3
5	RFP	I am frequently concerned about my parents’ general well-being.	4.6	0.8
6	AFP	I disregard promises to friends in order to obey my parents.	2.4	1.0
7	RFP	I am frequently concerned about my parents, as well as understand them.	4.6	0.8
8	AFP	I give up my aspirations to meet my parents’ expectations.	2.4	1.1
9	RFP	I support my parents’ livelihood to make their lives more comfortable.	4.4	1.2
10	AFP	I do whatever my parents ask right away.	2.6	1.2
11	RFP	I am grateful to my parents for raising me.	5.5	0.7
12	AFP	I would avoid getting married to someone my parents dislike.	3.8	1.3
13	RFP	I would attend my parent’s funeral no matter how far away I live	5.7	0.6
14	AFP	I would like to have at least one son for the succession of the family name.	3.3	1.6
15	RFP	I take the initiative to assist my parents when they are busy.	5.1	0.7
16	AFP	I plan to live/I live with my parents (or parents-in-law) when married.	2.7	1.4

summarizes the results obtained using the Dual Filial Piety Scale. The Scale provides questions for each dimension, along with the mean and standard deviation of the scores. The top two highest and lowest ratings were highlighted in bold font. Overall, respondents scored 4.9 on the Reciprocal Filial Piety Scale and 3.0 on the Authoritarian Filial Piety Scale (with SDRFPS = 1.0 and SDRFPS = 1.4, respectively). These general scores were comparable to those obtained in studies conducted in the People’s Republic of China and with larger samples (Li et al. 2014; Lin and Wang 2022). However, analyzing the scores for individual questions provided interesting data. Respondents exhibited the lowest level of agreement with the two authoritarian statements, “I disregard promises to friends to obey my parents” and “I give up my aspirations to meet my parents’ expectations”, which reflect the traditional understanding of the xiao principle. At the same time, attending a parent’s funeral was found to be the most critical issue. This might stem from the fact that individuals unable to hold a proper funeral for their elderly due to pandemic conditions may experience more intense and prolonged distress (Boyraz and Legros 2020).

The pandemic’s direct impact on the relations between caregivers and the elderly was examined using a specific part of the questionnaire. The results for this set of questions are presented in Figure 1. Respondents widely shared the sentiment that the pandemic strengthened their bond with parents and they contacted them more often. The majority of participants expressed concern about the health of the elderly. However, the distress related to the possibility of the deterioration of the psychological well-being of loved ones was less severe. While the People’s Republic of China has one of the highest smartphone penetrations in the world, the use of phones and the Internet as the sole means of communication with the elderly was not strongly indicated.

The final stage of data analysis involved a qualitative investigation. Placing an open question was intended to give respondents a space to express their own thoughts freely. Eighty-two respondents provided an additional answer, usually a few sentences long. The respondents’ written statements were translated and then analyzed qualitatively. Eight codes were created and subordinated to two analytical categories.

The first category concerned the method of fulfilling filial duties:

• Emotional support (examples which appeared in respondents’ answers: talking with parents, daily phone calls, accompanying them to the doctor, eating meals together, regular physical contact, joint activities).
• Material or financial support (examples which appeared in respondents’ answers: the purchase of insurance against serious illnesses and accidents; material insurance, employment of professional care, payment for care at a senior home, buying clothes).
• Time (giving or sacrificing time as a special form of fulfilling a duty).

The respondents most often referred to the time category. Interestingly, the time category appeared several times alongside the concept of non-material support. In these statements, the respondents emphasized that it was not money or material goods that were “important”, but “spending time together”. An example of this may be Respondent No. 13’s statement:

You should spend more time with your parents and pay less attention to material things.

(Respondent 13)

Similar declarations could be found in Respondent 57’s quote:

Spending time together is more important than money.

(Respondent 57)

Other respondents also made similar statements. Time as a missing component, not allowing one to fulfill duties towards a parent (despite willingness) appeared in Respondent 39’s statement:

In most cases, I don’t have time, even though I want to help my parents. At work, I work 120 overtime hours a month and 200 days in a row. I can’t do it, despite my sincere intentions.

(Respondent 39)

An interesting notion of encouraging the elderly to practice their own hobbies can be found in the quote from Respondent 112:

It is essential to take time to help parents find something that interests them.

(Respondent 112)

The second analytical category that emerged from the analysis of the respondents’ statements concerned the strategy of coping with filial piety in adult life. Five strategies were identified here. The first concerns declarative support, which can be summarized by the repeated statement, “I do all I can”, mentioned by almost every 10th respondent. However, Respondent 15 sadly declared:

Although I try to give my parents a sense of peace, my actions fall short. But I’m doing the best I can.

(Respondent 15)

Almost as many respondents declared subordination and obedience towards parents, which should allow them to live the life they wish to live, as emphasized by Respondent 3: It is worth quoting Respondent 114’s statement here, which highlights that in this relation, the elderly should keep their independence:

A child is obliged to care for a parent, but parents should not remain completely dependent on their children and must maintain their own lives and passions.

(Respondent 114)

Another strategy identified in the source material was independence, which appeared as often as the above and stands in opposition to the traditional Confucian understanding of xiao. An example of that is Respondent No. 34’s statement:

In my opinion, my parents are adults, and they have their own life habits. And I have different experiences and habits, so neither of us needs to follow the other’s orders. Everyone needs to lead their own lives. I will definitely try to help my parents as much as I can when they need me. I love them, but that doesn’t mean I have to follow their orders because I can organize my work and life better.

(Respondent 34)

The following statement also examines the change in the traditional interpretation of the duty of filial piety. Respondent 66 writes:

Filial piety, as a Chinese tradition, is a way of expressing gratitude and love to the parents who raised us. However, over time, the unconditional describe, blind filial piety mentioned in “Twenty-four Examples of Filial Love” is no longer recommended. Filial piety is love for parents, and such love should be based on mutual respect and cannot be equated with obedience to parents without self-awareness.

(Respondent 66)

Another respondent, in turn, emphasized that:

A child should encourage parents to lead their own lives. Parents should not focus solely on the child.

(Respondent 28)

While Respondent 78 indicated that:

I provide support when they need help, but only on the condition that I can have time for myself and my family.

(Respondent 78)

These responses illustrate a shift from the traditional, duty-bound model of filial piety toward a more autonomous and relational interpretation, aligning with contemporary theoretical accounts of its evolution. Already cited works of Yeh and Bedford (2003) and Bedford and Yeh (2019) argue that modern filial norms are increasingly characterized by reciprocal care grounded in emotional closeness rather than unquestioned obedience. Respondent 66’s rejection of “blind” filial devotion reflects this transition from authoritarian expectations to a model based on mutual respect, while Respondent 28’s emphasis on parental independence highlights the growing recognition of individual autonomy within intergenerational relationships. Similarly, Respondent 78’s conditional willingness to provide support underscores the emerging balance between fulfilling familial obligations and maintaining personal well-being, illustrating how filial piety is being renegotiated to fit contemporary social realities.

Another coping strategy identified within the collected empirical material was empowerment and self-sufficiency. Within this category, various forms of support for the elderly have emerged to help them prolong their independence. Supporting parents in developing their social networks, or emphasizing the importance of having them, was clearly outlined here. In addition, there were declarations encouraging parents to seek out hobbies, teach their children to use new technologies, and maintain good health. The last strategy was identified as helplessness, as some respondents’ statements expressed a sense of helplessness when faced with a clash between filial duty and life circumstances or personal plans. Respondents emphasized the burden of being an only child or the potential decision to live abroad as factors that prevent the practice of filial piety.

Among other interesting proposals, some aim to improve the social system, making it easier for only children to care for their retired parents. The belief that it is impossible to repay the debt incurred by parents is also presented. The frustration with parents’ ability to absorb medical knowledge and put it into practice was shared by one of the respondents, possibly due to the pandemic. Two statements exhibited fascinating strategies to relieve themselves of filial duties. One of the respondents stressed the importance of parents planning their retirement with their siblings. The other referred to the concept of a “time bank”, i.e., a reciprocity-based work trade-off system in which people can barter services for credits that can be later used to obtain services from other members of the same time bank or to buy products (Zeng and Chen 2019).

In conclusion, the insightful remark left by one of the respondents should be quoted. It reminds one of the limitations of examining the concept of filial piety:

People from different cultures have different opinions about how to spend retirement, which means that each country passes different laws and that each inhabitant has a different view of life in retirement, creating differences in policy towards the aging population.

5. Conclusions

The paper examined Chinese caregivers’ understanding of filial piety and the forms of its practice during the pandemic and lockdown. Using a mixed-methods approach (quantitative and qualitative), we examined readiness to provide support, identifying strong motivation to offer it in various forms. Here, the respondents prioritized psychological and emotional help—particularly important during the COVID-19 crisis.

The analysis of the Dual Filial Piety Scale results did not reveal significant discrepancies compared with similar experimental studies in the People’s Republic of China. Still, some details possibly related to the pandemic were observed (e.g., the importance of proper funeral celebrations).

Respondents reported that the pandemic had a positive impact on both their emotional closeness to their parents and the frequency of contact. At the same time, the responses collected contained significant concerns about the elderly’s health, both physical and mental. Respondents did not highlight the important role of electronic means of communication in maintaining contact with their parents, neither in the survey data nor in individual comments.

Qualitative analysis brought many interesting notions. It was underlined that the best form of support is spending time with elderly parents, with strong emphasis on non-material assistance (highlighting this critical aspect of care again during the pandemic). Respondents often underlined their caregiving efforts. The clash between subordination/obedience and independence also emerged. Some respondents highlighted their efforts to reduce their parents’ dependence. Unfortunately, the expressions of helplessness were also identified in the source materials. Finally, the collected comments contained many insightful ideas, such as the concept of time banks.

The research, while valuable and constructive, had some limitations. The most important was the sample size, which was not statistically significant. An effort was made to address this drawback by combining qualitative and quantitative data. This approach enhanced the exploratory nature of the study, ensuring a deeper understanding of filial piety and its manifestations by integrating diverse methods of data-driven knowledge discovery. While the sample is not representative of Chinese elderly caregivers—given its concentration of younger respondents—it nevertheless offers valuable insights into emerging attitudes among adult children who are increasingly involved in parental support.

Future studies will involve extending the qualitative component of this research. We will explore strategies used by migrant Chinese, for whom maintaining distant relationships was particularly strenuous. A follow-up study focusing on such migrant populations would broaden the perspective by capturing experiences of adult children who often provide support across geographical distance and under different socioeconomic pressures. Recruiting from larger urban centers with high migrant density would also facilitate access to a more diverse and substantially larger sample. Such an approach would help determine whether filial attitudes and caregiving readiness vary by mobility status, thereby enhancing the generalizability of the findings and addressing current sampling limitations.