Democracy Deferred: Working-Class Women, and Transport Injustice in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa

Abstract

There have been various reflections on the state of democracy and socio-economic rights since the end of formal apartheid in 1994, which was thirty years ago. This article focuses on KwaZulu-Natal and is based on in-depth interviews with women. The article aims to address the lack of understanding of the challenges faced by working-class women, who were expected to benefit the most from democracy, in South Africa. The findings reveal that the women interviewed in the article have to take care of their families and households by looking after children, partners, and other household members. Accessing and using transportation is an additional burden for these women as they face violence and sexual abuse when using different modes of transport. To add insult to injury, all modes of transport are expensive and inaccessible in the context where the women earn low wages. The findings imply that the South African and KZN governments need to address the transportation problem to alleviate the social and economic burden on the women interviewed for this research.

1. Introduction

Transportation plays a crucial role in allowing all South Africans to access opportunities and realize the rights and equality guaranteed by the nation’s Constitution (Jennings et al. 2022; Aloul et al. 2018). At its core, effective transportation should be affordable, accessible, available, safe, frequent, and reliable for everyone who uses it (Jennings et al. 2022). The post-1994 transport policy in South Africa commits the nation to take into consideration the needs of transport users to redress inequality (Jennings et al. 2022). However, gender dynamics and women from working-class communities are not considered in these policies. In the early post-apartheid period, transport planning prioritized inclusivity and the broader goal of reversing apartheid-era policies, but it did not specifically focus on gender-related issues (Jennings et al. 2022; Mabaso 2019). However, tackling gender-related challenges and closing gaps in the transport sector is essential for advancing the sustainable development agenda. The achievement of several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)—including SDG 1 (ending poverty), SDG 3 (health and well-being), SDG 4 (quality education), SDG 5 (gender equality), SDG 8 (decent work and economic growth), and SDG 11 (inclusive and sustainable cities)—depends on women having unrestricted access to transportation services and mobility resources (UN Women 2017).

The literature has noted that in South Africa, just like in other contexts, when a family owns a car, men usually use the car often than women (Cheure 2022). This means that women use public transport more compared to men (Cheure 2022). This explains why women (59.3%) are more worried about public transport cleanliness than men (49.8%) (Cheure 2022). The results of a survey conducted by Aloul et al. (2018) in Jordan show that 80.5% of women indicated that access to public transport is crucial for their involvement in economic, social, and public activities. Apart from economic restrictions, the challenges associated with access to public transport highlight one of the obstacles women encounter when entering the job market (Aloul et al. 2018). In addition, 47% of Aloul et al. (2018) respondents declined job offers because of the poor condition of public transportation. The key issue they faced was needing to rely on multiple forms of public transport to reach a workplace, followed by the lack of nearby public transport and high costs (Aloul et al. 2018).

The literature on experiences of women public transport users from the global north contexts, like Mexico, shows that they experience gender-based violence and harassment (Dunckel 2015; Infante-Vargas and Boyer 2022). While Sagaris and Baker (2024) describe that the evolving intersection of gender, health, and transportation research does not specify the exact countries it focuses on, referencing studies from various regions like Latin America, South Asia, and the Middle East. Sagaris and Baker (2024) highlight the importance of considering gender and health factors in transport planning and policy making to create more equitable and inclusive transportation systems. In developing countries, Peters (2000) examined the intersection of gender and transportation and emphasized that transport systems and policies affect men and women differently. Similarly, Uteng (2012) offers a comprehensive analysis of how gender influences daily mobility patterns in low- and middle-income countries by highlighting that women’s mobility is often constrained by social norms, safety concerns, and caregiving responsibilities, which lead to different travel patterns compared to men.

In African cities, women are discriminated against widely in relation to access to safe spaces, not least at transport hubs and on public transport (UN Women 2017; Porter et al. 2017). There is a lack of studies offering a detailed analysis of the challenges faced by women in African cities (Porter et al. 2020). For low-income areas, early work by Venter et al. (2007) in Durban, South Africa, and by Salon and Gulyani (2010) in Nairobi, Kenya, is notable. The available literature points to the vulnerability of female public transport users in Abuja, Nigeria (ActionAid 2016), in Cape Town, South Africa (Vanderschuren et al. 2019), Johannesburg, South Africa (Eagle and Kwele 2019), and Tunis, Tunisia (Martin 2017). Due to poverty, women are likely to rely more on walking and the cheapest public transport, which exposes them to harassment, especially when traveling alone (Porter et al. 2020). Therefore, this study seeks to add to the existing body of literature on gender and public transport through an examination of the experiences and perspectives of Black working-class women who use public transport in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), South Africa. To achieve this, this study is guided by these two research questions:

• How do patriarchal gender roles and the burden of unpaid care work shape Black working-class women’s access to, and experiences of, public transport in KZN?
• In what ways do crime, gender-based violence, affordability, accessibility, and the reliability of public transport influence the mobility, safety, and socio-economic opportunities of Black working-class women in KZN?

To explore the experiences of females who use public transport, the study is structured as follows: it starts with a review of the literature on women and public transport, followed by an explanation of the qualitative methodology that was used in this study, and then a presentation and discussion of the study findings before a conclusion that summarizes the study’s main points.

2. Literature Review

This literature review section is divided into two sections. The first section will unpack the legislative and policy framework that informs public transport in South Africa. The second section will review existing literature on women’s experiences and challenges of using and accessing public transport.

2.1. Transport-Related Legislation and Policy Framework

Scholars have consistently highlighted how failures of state and institutional actors exacerbate women’s marginalization in transport systems across the Global South. Research shows that inadequate government planning and weak policing create unsafe environments where harassment and gender-based violence thrive (Lubitow et al. 2020; Infante-Vargas and Boyer 2022). In South Africa, minibus taxis remain both essential and deeply unsafe, with young women reporting daily exposure to violence and fear, compounded by the absence of effective state oversight (Eagle and Kwele 2019; Memela and Maharaj 2018). Similar patterns are noted in Mexico, where women’s mobility is shaped by negotiations of insecurity and institutional neglect (Dunckel 2015). Broader studies stress how urban planners and employers overlook women’s mobility needs, reinforcing unequal access to work and education (Peters 2000; Uteng 2012; Uteng and Lucas 2018). Recent debates emphasize integrating gender, health, and transport to address these systemic failures (Sagaris and Baker 2024).

There are various legislative frameworks, policies, and measures implemented globally, regionally, and in South Africa to enhance women’s access to transportation systems. From the international context, the dominant policy is the SDGs 2030, where sustainable transport systems are closely connected to the SDGs, especially those related to gender equality. The 2030 Agenda highlights that having accessible, affordable, reliable, and sustainable energy services, along with quality and resilient infrastructure, and other supportive policies, will create a strong economic foundation for all countries. On a regional level, the African Union’s Agenda 2063 recognizes transport as a crucial factor driving socioeconomic transformation across Africa. This vision aims for essential infrastructure by 2063 to promote faster integration, economic growth, technological progress, trade, and overall development. This includes establishing high-speed railways, roads, shipping routes, air transport, and advanced ICT infrastructure to boost the digital economy.

At the national level, the transportation sector is seen as vital to achieving the goals of the National Development Plan (NDP) for 2030. This plan reflects the government’s aim for sustained economic development, job creation, growth, and fair access to opportunities and services, all while building an inclusive society and economy. The NDP specifically emphasizes the following:

• Investing in public transportation to improve mobility for low-income families.
• Creating efficient, safe, and affordable public transit options.
• Funding the transport sector to connect distant areas affordably while ensuring reliable and safe access to economic opportunities, social spaces, and essential services that were previously hard to reach.
• Upgrading public transport infrastructure and systems, including renewing the commuter rail fleet and improving connections with road transport.
• Developing public transportation that is user-and environmentally friendly, cost-effective, and well-integrated.

The Department of Transport is the government body responsible for achieving the transport objectives outlined in the NDP. Its duties include conducting sector research, developing legislation and policies to guide the strategic direction of various subsectors, delegating responsibilities to public agencies and different government levels, establishing regulations by setting standards and norms, and overseeing the implementation process (Walters 2014; Statistics South Africa 2021). As a result, the following laws have been enacted:

• The 1996 White Paper on Transport serves as the primary policy framework guiding legislation and planning across all transport sectors.
• The National Land Transport Act of 2009 aims to transform and restructure the national land transport system by regulating paid passenger transport. This Act builds on the foundation set by the National Land Transportation Act of 2000, which initiated the restructuring and transformation of land transport.
• The National Transport Master Plan (NATMAP) 2050 outlines a long-term vision designed to support South Africa’s expected growth. It emphasizes integrated transport planning to ensure that different transport modes work together effectively. NATMAP highlights that efficient, affordable, and reliable transport systems are essential for national economic development

These various legislations and policies reviewed here seem rich and focused, but they do lack a specific focus on gender that would enable women to enjoy opportunities equally with their male counterparts. As such, the literature reviewed in the section below documents some of the consequences of the lack of a gender focus in public transport.

2.2. Experiences of Women Who Use Public Transport

The literature reviewed in this section focuses on views and experiences associated with women’s access to and use of public transport. There are various public transport options available for women, namely buses, trains, and minibus taxis, and each comes with challenges, which will be described in this section. One of the main challenges faced by women who use public transport is its affordability. Aloul et al.’s (2018) study showed that more than half of their respondents found that the cost of public transportation was high in comparison to their income. This is worsened by the survivalist nature of the minibus taxi industry, which leaves it with no room to offer discounted prices for women, children, and the elderly (Jennings et al. 2022). In the same vein, when taxi fares are subsidized, they are still distance-based and are not integrated across modes and services (Jennings et al. 2022). Furthermore, women usually earn less than men and have limited financial means to spend on transport (Vanderschuren et al. 2019). Therefore, this leaves women with reduced access and limited ranges in which to seek employment, healthcare, affordable food, and other goods, or access to opportunities.

Literature shows that women often face challenges with the reliability of public transport due to long waiting times at bus stops, taxi ranks, and train stations. This often results in traveling during hours of darkness and overcrowded peak services, increasing women’s exposure to both petty and violent crime (Jennings et al. 2022; Mabaso 2019; Simelane 2019). In the Western Cape and Gauteng, 80–90% of women have reported feeling at risk of sexual harassment on crowded trains, buses, and minibus taxis (Mabaso 2019). More so, 56% of women in Mabaso’s (2019) study have witnessed and/or experienced violence while using public transport. This shows that to meet the transport needs of women, there is a need to ensure that there is safety and security in the spaces used to access transport.

These experiences and fears of harassment and crimes often influence women’s mode of public transport preferences, especially when commuting with their children while carrying huge luggage. In this regard, in Jordan, women usually opt for buses over “service” cars since they can have an option to share a seat with fellow women (Aloul et al. 2018). In “service” cars, they (women) do not have this option, so they often use their bags as a physical barrier between themselves and the person sitting beside them (Aloul et al. 2018). This is particularly true when male passengers disregard seating etiquette and sit uncomfortably close to women. Moreover, women in densely populated areas often prefer using taxis over other transport options, as they believe it is easier to report any misconduct to the authorities (Aloul et al. 2018). Likewise, some women avoid specific bus or train stops, limit their public transport use to certain times of the day, or choose to travel only when accompanied by someone they trust (Aloul et al. 2018). This shows that safety and security may deter women from using public transportation, thus affecting their participation in the labor market.

A study by Hollaback and Cornell University, involving 16,600 participants across 22 countries, revealed that 80–90% of women had experienced harassment in public spaces. Similarly, a report by the National Crime Records Bureau estimated that, in India, a woman is harassed or assaulted in a public space approximately every 51 min (Sur 2015). In Mexico, where women account for 57% of Mexico City’s transport users, 64% of women living in Mexico City have been assaulted while using public transport (Lobo 2015). Moreover, women account for 95% of harassment victims using public transportation in Mexico City (Ro 2017). In this regard, studies in Mexico City and Saltillo reveal that gender-based violence and harassment on public transit significantly restrict women’s mobility, which often undermines their confidence, aspirations, and agency, while institutional responses often exacerbate harm instead of providing support (Dunckel 2015; Infante-Vargas and Boyer 2022).

Furthermore, Peters (2000) and Uteng (2012) documented how in developing countries women face limited access to safe and reliable transport due to economic constraints, social norms, and caregiving responsibilities, which in turn restrict their access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities. Furthermore, Sagaris and Baker (2024) look at the intersection of gender, health, and transport, and they highlight the need for interdisciplinary approaches to policy and planning to address persistent inequities. In South Africa, public safety is a factor influencing travel patterns for women, as they are mainly concerned with crime, which significantly impacts transport accessibility for them. Approximately 40.9% of men and 45.5% of women report feeling unsafe walking alone in their neighborhoods after dark. Despite these concerns, walking remains a common mode of transport, with 41.7% of households relying on it regularly (Walters 2014; Statistics South Africa 2021). The safety of women in South Africa is also affected by taxi wars. In this regard, Dugard (2001) argues that this violence destabilizes the transport system, while Barrett (2003) highlights how taxi wars leave commuters—particularly women vulnerable to exploitation, harassment, and physical danger.

The lack of gender training for public transport and security staff is another challenge to women’s access to public transport. This situation exists largely because there are no mandatory training requirements for public transport and security personnel on gender-related issues, despite efforts by civil society organizations that have developed gender sensitivity training materials for the minibus taxi sector (Jennings et al. 2022). Policy Statement 14 of South Africa’s Roads Policy acknowledges that women face unique transport challenges, including responsibilities related to childcare, pregnancy, exposure to crime and abuse, and the burden of carrying heavy loads (NdoT 2017). Additionally, major transport policies emphasize the importance of addressing user needs, particularly for individuals with special mobility requirements (Jennings et al. 2022). However, due to limited resources and other constraints, these policy goals have not been widely implemented in practice (Jennings et al. 2022).

3. Methodology

A qualitative research methodology was used to conduct this study as this paradigm allows for a deep understanding of the topic (Astalin 2013), by enabling the researcher to interact with the participants (Denzin and Lincoln 2000). This study used a case study method, and it used an interpretivist methodological approach to gain an understanding of the challenges faced by Black working-class women using public transport in KZN, South Africa. An interpretivist approach provides a platform for understanding the various challenges that Black working-class women face daily in different public transport systems in South Africa.

Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants, and it allowed the choice of participants possessing the attributes required for the study. For this study, the participants were black working-class women who commute on different forms of public transport in KZN, namely Durban, Umlazi, Verulam, and Waterloo. The sample included 15 Black women aged between 30 and 50 years. Some of these women worked full-time as domestic workers and administrative personnel, and they earned below the minimum wage of R3500 every month, while others volunteered as community caregivers and received stipends. However, some were unemployed and only relied on social grants. The incorporation of women in full-time employment, unemployed ones, and those volunteering provided a broader perspective to the study, as both face different sets of public transport-related challenges in their domains.

Semi-structured face-to-face interviews were conducted in 2021 to gather data, and they were conducted in both English and African languages. Since many of the participants spoke African languages, the researchers did not struggle to communicate with them because they were fluent in 5 African languages. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using the thematic analysis technique. Braun and Clarke (2006) state that thematic analysis is a method for identifying, analyzing, and reporting patterns (themes) within data. Different themes from the collected data were identified, coded, and grouped to link them to the research problem. Ethical clearance to conduct the study was granted by the Faculty of Humanities Research Ethics Committee at the University of Johannesburg—ethics clearance number REC-01-009-2021. The study participants gave oral consent to be interviewed, and their names were protected through pseudonyms. These emerging themes were documented and presented in the section below. The themes that emerged were documented and presented in the section below.

4. Findings Presentation and Analysis

4.1. Gender-Based Division of Labor

The relationship between gender and transportation is shaped by intersecting factors, particularly the differing needs of men and women based on their social and economic roles. These differences stem from how responsibilities are divided along gender lines both within households and in broader society (Aloul et al. 2018). In this study, participants’ narratives showed that the gender imbalances in accessing transport for women are an extension of the patriarchal gender divisions of roles in the household. Waking up early is a tradition practiced daily by most of this study’s participants in KZN, who wake up much earlier than their single counterparts as they must complete their household duties before preparing their children and themselves for school and work. Most of the participants shared that they wake up at 5:00 a.m. to prepare their families and leave their homes around 7:00 a.m. to start work at 8:00 a.m. In this study, it was clear that, even though the man is unemployed and staying at home during the day, the women still need to wake up early and cook for their husbands before preparing for work. Mlotshwa, a female participant from Umlazi, explained that.

I prepare food for my husband since he will be home so that he can eat when I am gone and then after that, I prepare to come to work. Most of the time, I do not want to leave the house dirty, so I clean the house before I leave

(Mlotshwa, Interview Umlazi, June 2021).

The above quotation shows that even though Mlotshwa’s husband is not working, she is still expected to perform some duties before leaving for work. This experience was common among most of our participants. Another participant, Zama, a mother of four children and a grandmother of four, shared, ‘So I woke up at 4h30 in the morning because I wanted to clean my house first before I prepare to come to work, I also wanted to go do some groceries and still be at work on time’. This shows that the issues of transport cannot be discussed without considering the implications of how patriarchy places the burden of unpaid care work on women. The challenge of performing unpaid care work for participants in this study does not start and end in the morning, but it continues even when they come back from work. Tendayi, a married woman with an unemployed husband, acknowledged that her husband does help her with work because sometimes when she comes back from work, he would have cooked. However, she still also felt that because he is a man he cannot do much. Below is an account of how unpaid care work strains and stresses her.

I will be exhausted, but I will not have a choice but to cook, do laundry, and clean as well and I also must help the children with their homework. My husband does help but because he is a man he really cannot be expected to do too much

(Tendayi, Interview Waterloo, June 2021).

Furthermore, women in KZN also experience the emotional stress of childcare as they are worried about their children’s safety when traveling to and from school. Most of the children attend nearby schools, and they walk to school with their peers in the morning without adult supervision. They walk in areas that are dark and busy without streetlights, often placing children at risk of crime and sexual abuse.

The study findings in this section confirm that women’s mobility is deeply influenced by patriarchal household responsibilities, which intersect with transport challenges. Participants’ narratives above show that they wake up early to perform household chores and prepare their children before traveling to work, even when male partners were unemployed or at home. This reflects Aloul et al.’s (2018) observations that women’s mobility is shaped by unpaid care work and societal expectations, a pattern that is also documented globally (see Peters 2000; Uteng 2012). The physical and temporal burden of domestic work documented above reduces women’s flexibility in using public transport and limits their access to employment, education, and social services, which reinforces structural gender inequalities in mobility (Sagaris and Baker 2024).

4.2. Crime and Safety Concerns Among Female Public Transport Users

The following section discusses experiences of violence such as sexual harassment, assault, and exposure to traumatic events, which some readers may find distressing (p. 8). Reader discretion is advised.

The female users of public transport in KZN narrated their fears of crime and their safety when commuting. Ayanda, a married woman from Umlazi, explained that there is a high level of crime, such as hijackings, and she reiterated that she had been hijacked a month before the day of the interview at her house while receiving her bed delivery. She added that this makes it difficult for women to walk to the taxi, bus, or train stations early in the morning, especially in winter, because there is a car that robs people at gunpoint in the morning. She explained that in Umlazi, there are more women than men who work, and this exposes women more because even if they walk in groups, it would be a group of women whom thieves will not fear. She also narrated that most streetlights in Umlazi are not working, such that women end up walking to and from various public transport stations in the dark, risking being robbed. Ayanda also explained how some of the robbers trick people.

There is also this trick they use on Sundays where they wear a uniform from the Zion Christian Church and disguise in that uniform to rob you of your valuables

(Ayanda, Interview Umlazi, June 2021).

The above narratives corroborate Simelane’s (2019) findings in Johannesburg and Cape Town, South Africa, where most public transport users were dissatisfied with their safety at the bus stops and safety on their way to the bus stops. This study’s findings showed that public transport is a hub of criminal activities, especially the trains. For instance, Amahle shared that even though she is not familiar with the criminal activities in trains, she was certain that there is a lot of criminality in trains because she once heard some children suggesting that it would help them if trains had panic buttons to press in the event that they felt unsafe. Some participants shared that they usually finish work late and travel back home in buses full of men, which makes them feel unsafe because sometimes they are dropped off far from their houses. The issues of criminality and the lack of safety within public transport spaces confirm a recommendation by Mabaso’s (2019) study in the Western Cape, South Africa, that such spaces should be safer and secure and address the gendered perception of travelers to bring about better access and attain gender equality. Amahle narrated that the violent nature of the taxi industry in South Africa adds to women’s safety concerns in public transport. She mentioned that there are taxi wars that usually take place in KZN, where drivers fight for routes. An extract below captures an incident of taxi wars that Amahle’s daughter witnessed.

My daughter worked at a Spar and one day when she was 800 m away from her destination. She told me that a passenger jumped in the taxi and leaned against her while a male passenger drew a gun and shot the driver in cold blood. The bullet sparks even burnt her breast, that’s how close she was when the ordeal happened. She was traumatised to the extent that she did not talk for three days, I had to take her to doctors until she became all right

(Amahle, Interview Durban, June 2021).

The narrative above on how taxi wars create direct, life-threatening risks for passengers is consistent with Dugard (2001) and Barrett (2003), who document how violent competition over routes destabilizes the minibus taxi industry in South Africa. Dugard (2001) traces the escalation from low-intensity conflicts to organized, mafia-style confrontations, while Barrett (2003) looks at how the informal and poorly regulated nature of the industry leaves commuters vulnerable to harassment, unsafe driving, and violence, which is vividly illustrated by Amahle’s daughter’s experience in KZN. Amahle’s daughter’s incident shows that taxi wars produce both physical danger and psychological distress, which severely affect women and reinforce structural barriers to safe, reliable public transport. Furthermore, experiences have the potential to hinder women’s willingness to use public transport to work, thus affecting their access to income-generating activities and labor market opportunities (Mabaso 2019). Furthermore, Amahle’s daughters’ experience aligns with the findings of Mabaso’s (2019) study, where 56% of women had witnessed or experienced violence while using public transport.

In this study, participants shared their safety concerns that are associated with the speed of public transport modes. Participants, such as Liz, described public transport drivers as speeding, aggressive, and occasionally rude, which creates insecurity and discomfort for passengers. While these behaviors may appear reckless, research shows they are shaped by structural and economic factors. Informal taxi drivers operate in highly competitive, poorly regulated markets, where speeding and aggressive driving are strategies to maximize earnings and maintain route dominance (Agbiboa 2017; Diaz Olvera et al. 2016; Doherty 2017). Limited enforcement of traffic rules further normalizes risky behavior (Doherty 2022). More so, bus drivers also face pressures to adhere to schedules, which can incentivize hurried driving, particularly when delays from congestion or roadworks occur (Agbiboa 2017). While these rationales explain drivers’ behavior, they do not mitigate women’s fear or discomfort of navigating public transport under unsafe conditions (Jennings 2015; Mabaso 2019). Therefore, addressing driver behavior requires balancing workers’ economic realities with passenger safety through regulation, training, and performance incentives.

However, while Liz seemed uncomfortable with buses, Rudo seemed to favor buses in terms of speed. She noted that the bus is more comfortable because she feels protected and safer, because bus drivers do not drive like taxi drivers who overspeed for no reason at times. However, she acknowledged that some buses travel at higher speeds, but there is always that thing in her that gives her confidence about her safety because a bus is a lot stronger and bigger than a taxi. Fikile also shared that she feels safe with taxi drivers unless a taxi is hijacked in her presence, which is something that has never happened. However, she noted that she has heard about fights that happen in the taxis.

Some participants, like Rudo, explained that the taxi industry is male-dominated because you will not find female drivers in the taxi industry, especially in Durban. She added that if you were to see a woman driving a taxi, it would be a private one. Rudo noted that she has never been in a taxi where the driver was a female, but sometimes, when boarding a bus, you may find a woman driving it. This suggests that there are more women driving buses than taxis. Rudo added that she feels safer when the driver is female. The idea of the public taxi industry being male-dominated, as explained here, relates to the literature (see Mabaso 2019; Safer Spaces 2019), and this impacts women’s views of the public transport sector services (Mabaso 2019). Due to the crime and reckless driving associated with some of the public transportation, Rudo explained that each time she entered a taxi, she always asks passengers to pray with her so that they can be protected and arrive safely. She said on all occasions, passengers do respect (praying) and they always agree to pray. Ayanda noted that even though some resort to e-hailing because of the challenges associated with taxis, buses, and trains, they are also not safe because Uber and Bolt drivers do rob people. She said she has heard of several incidents where women were robbed in the vehicles that they requested.

The narratives captured in this section reveal women’s pervasive fears of crime, including hijackings, robberies, and exposure to armed violence while accessing public transport, consistent with Simelane (2019) and Mabaso (2019). Amahle’s daughter’s traumatic experience during a taxi war in KZN vividly illustrates the life-threatening risks women face, which aligns with Dugard’s (2001) and Barrett’s (2003) accounts of violent taxi wars that destabilize the minibus taxi system. These threats generate both physical danger and psychological distress, which arguably influence women’s commuting decisions and potentially restrict their participation in income-generating activities.

4.3. Sexual Abuse, Verbal Abuse, and the Treatment of Women Who Use Public Transport

The following section discusses experiences of violence, including sexual harassment, assault, and exposure to traumatic events, which some readers may find distressing (p. 9). Reader discretion is advised.

This study’s results show that one of the issues faced by women who use public transport is sexual, physical, and verbal abuse. Norah said public transport is safe to a certain extent because some drivers and passengers can be trusted, while some cannot. She shared an incident when a young lady was traveling to Umlazi from town, and she was not familiar with the place, and asked the driver to show her, who then told her that he would drop all his passengers and then drop her off last. However, this was a ploy to rape her. She also added that when women go to taxi ranks wearing short skirts, there is usually unwanted attention from taxi drivers who start whistling at them. Norah also added that incidents of sexual abuse do happen on trains, whereby a man touches a woman’s buttocks. This was echoed by Ayanda, who said that on trains, women are squeezed very closely with men because they keep loading more and more passengers. Below is an incident of how a woman was sexually harassed on the train.

Now here is a story, this one time the train was so full and bumpy that some man got an erection, and this scared the lady that he was bumping against because it made her uncomfortable. The woman opted to ask the man to move backward a bit because she was uncomfortable, and the man simply responded by saying “Where to?” and he was right because it was so packed that he could not move an inch. The man eventually pulled down his zip and ejaculated on her. The woman was left screaming, she cried so badly and did not know what to do because the man easily jumped off the train

(Ayanda, Interview Umlazi, June 2021).

The above excerpt corroborates the conclusions by Jennings (2015) that public transport is ‘an institution through which hegemonic masculinity is maintained’, where women risk being sexually harassed and sexually assaulted. The idea of overloading trains was also seconded by Natasha, who said that women are not safe on trains because sometimes they become overloaded, yet women will be mixed with males, and they end up stepping on each other, pushing one another, and hurting each other. The issue of overcrowding in trains mentioned here is identified in the literature as one of the major challenges of the South African rail system, where passengers end up sitting in the spaces that connect the different carriages, jeopardizing their lives (Mthimkulu 2017). Participants’ narratives showed that there is also verbal abuse that women suffer from taxi drivers, whom most participants saw as rude. A quotation below from Mary best captures the behavior of taxi drivers and how they treat women.

Let me start with taxis, women are never respected. I mean taxi services are like businesses, yet they lack customer service. The attitude and way women are spoken to is appalling

(Mary, Interview Waterloo, June 2021).

However, some participants like Ayanda noted that, ‘some drivers are respectful even though most of them cannot behave’. Fikile also echoed that the taxi drivers are different, some are nice, and some are not. However, she noted that they do need training, so they can know how to respect women because some of them use the “F” word when talking to passengers. Data from this study also show that some women feel safe in the train stations because there are usually a lot of people and security guards on the train platform.

In the narratives above, participants reported experiences of sexual harassment, verbal abuse, and unsafe conditions, particularly in overcrowded trains and male-dominated taxis. These experiences corroborate Jennings (2015) and Mabaso (2019) in highlighting how public transport operates as a space where hegemonic masculinity is enacted, while women are left vulnerable to sexualized violence. More so, overcrowding, lack of gender-sensitive enforcement, and rude or aggressive drivers exacerbate these risks. The finding that women feel safer in the presence of female drivers or on less crowded buses suggests that interventions addressing gender representation and professional conduct among transport staff could improve women’s perceptions of safety.

4.4. Affordability, Availability, Accessibility, and Reliability of Public Transport in KZN

Affordability is one of the factors influencing women’s access to public transport. For the women who took part in this study they spent more than 10% of their monthly salary on public transport. These women earn between R1000 and R3500 per month, yet in most cases, they are the sole breadwinners in their families and cannot afford to spend on public transport. Most women interviewed in this study are community caregivers and obtain a stipend that is not enough to cover and maintain their livelihoods. Even though some of their children receive the child support grant, they simply do not have enough money for transport. Some policy research, mainly from the global North, suggests that the issue of expensive public transport is curbed by their integrated ticket policy. Participants in this study explained that buses in KZN have implemented this strategy to offer discounts for school children and the elderly. On average, people spend R100 per month on taxis and trains. On the contrary, bus fares are more expensive due to the demand and supply of transportation during peak hours. Zama explained the transport costs below.

It’s costly in the morning, but after 9 a.m. or 10 a.m. it gets cheaper, and it goes down to R11; and then later in the afternoon, maybe from 3 p.m., the price goes up again

(Zama, Interview Durban, June 2021).

The costs of public transport in this study relate to Aloul et al.’s (2018) study findings, where most of the respondents found public transport costs to be high in comparison to their salaries. More so, the narratives captured in this section underscore that access to affordable public transport is an important part of helping people out of poverty, as suggested by Herbel and Gaines (2009). Due to the cost of public transport, and that their workplaces are relatively close to their homes, several participants in this study prefer walking to their places of work to using public transport. This preference for walking may be attributed to poverty, and this resonates with Porter et al. (2020), who argued that poverty forces women to rely on walking and the cheapest public transport, which exposes them to harassment. Participants also spoke about how they use the various public transport options available. Mahlobo narrated that she walks to work but only uses taxis for activities such as shopping and healthcare. Participants noted that various forms of transport are available in certain parts of KZN, but there is limited access to various forms of public transport. For instance, in Waterloo, Lwazi explained that there are no buses and trains, which leaves women with only two options: to take taxis or to walk. Participants explained that they often experience physical strain because of walking to and from work. This results in women being tired by the time they enter the workplace, which could affect their productivity in performing their duties. More so, these women are employed as community caregivers, which requires them to walk to different families within the community, and this places more physical strain on women.

The study results also speak to the reliability of public transport. For instance, Thandi explained that the trains in Werlem are not pleasant because there is always a delay. She added that some of the taxis start operating late, normally after 6 a.m., which means if she uses it, she will arrive at work around eight, yet she should be at work around seven. Melody echoed the issue of delays and added that traffic congestion, especially in the morning, pushes them to leave home at 6 a.m. to be at work at 8 a.m. Some participants felt that there was a need to add more buses and regulate against and/or introduce policies that avoid inflated peak hour surcharges for those who cannot afford public transport (e.g., using subsidies, however, in this context, that may apply to all users and a blanket removal of surcharging may be more appropriate—fare capping). Some participants wished they could use the bus or train, but complained that its schedule would not work for them. Below is what Lwazi shared.

I could take the bus, but it works on a schedule, and it does not work if you are in a hurry. Say I must be somewhere at 11, the bus will most likely delay me because it has too many stops. The taxi is much faster than a bus. When you are going to town on a bus you do not use a straight route that might take a full hour to get to town. The train is even worse, it takes even longer

(Lwazi, Interview Umlazi, July 2021).

While some participants felt that buses were slow, Liz felt that in Durban, people use buses a lot more than taxis, irrespective of taxis not having timeframes. She explained that some of the reasons why people prefer buses are that in taxis, they pay for their luggage, yet in the bus, irrespective of how huge their luggage is, they can put it in the passage. The idea of buses being slow resonates with Simelane’s (2019) findings that buses have long travel times and costs that make them unattractive to public transport users. Similarly, Mary explained that public transport, especially taxis, is not reliable for her, especially when she is coming from town with a lot of groceries, because they do not drop her close to her home. She noted that she always drops off a long distance away from her house and then calls her grandchildren to come help her carry them home. Some participants, especially those who are aging, explained that in their youth days, they could walk from home to work, something they cannot do now. This shows that with age, women’s mobility needs change, and, as such, public transport needs to cater to women’s needs and bear in mind issues of age. Rudo also explained the advantages and disadvantages of some modes of public transport available to her. She explained that the advantage of taxis is that when he is going to town, the taxis are quick and reliable because all she needs to do is board the main, and even if there are three or four people in that taxi, it does not wait to become full. However, she noted that the disadvantage is also that it stops everywhere to pick up people, unlike a bus that only stops at designated bus stops.

The findings in this section highlighted the high costs of transport relative to women’s incomes, with some spending over 10% of their monthly earnings on commuting. This aligns with Aloul et al. (2018) and Vanderschuren et al. (2019), who show that financial constraints restrict women’s mobility and access to opportunities. Additionally, delays, irregular schedules, and poor connectivity undermine reliability, which often force some women to walk long distances or choose slower, less convenient modes, which resonates with Simelane (2019) and Mthimkulu (2017). Participants’ narratives above also highlight that buses and taxis differ in their advantages in that taxis are faster and more flexible, while buses accommodate luggage and may feel safer—but neither fully addresses women’s mobility needs, especially for older women or those carrying heavy loads.

5. Conclusions

Thirty years of democracy since 1994 have delivered the right to vote, freedom of association, and freedom of movement for working-class women in South Africa and KZN. The Bill of Rights, Chapter 2, Section 21, stipulates that everyone has the right to freedom of movement. Freedom of movement incorporates three distinct rights: the right to leave your present location and go elsewhere, the right to travel without deterrence, and the right to settle in a place of your choice and remain there (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996). The transport rights achieved may seem to be a hollow victory when we consider the findings of this research. The black working-class women addressed in this paper were subjected to discrimination due to both capitalism and racism, as they faced oppression as black individuals, as women, and as members of the working class. This resulted in what was often referred to as “triple oppression” occurring within a single social group of women and individuals (Hassim 2023). It was expected that the transport rights of these women were supposed to be delivered by the democratically elected government in 1994, but the research demonstrates that the transport rights of women were violated by the democratic governments.

In this research, we set out to explore how patriarchal gender roles and the burden of unpaid care work shape Black working-class women’s access to, and experiences of, public transport in KZN, and to examine how crime, gender-based violence, affordability, accessibility, and reliability of public transport influence their mobility, safety, and socio-economic opportunities. The findings demonstrate that the relationship between gender and transport cannot be understood in isolation from the broader patriarchal structures that govern women’s lives. Women in this study carry the dual responsibilities of paid work and unpaid household labor, often waking up before dawn to complete domestic tasks before embarking on long and unsafe commutes. Even in households where men are unemployed, women are still expected to shoulder the primary care and domestic workload, revealing how entrenched gendered divisions of labor deepen women’s time poverty and exacerbate their transport burdens. Public transport is, therefore, not simply a logistical concern but a space where the inequalities of patriarchy are extended and reinforced. The study also reveals that public transport systems in KZN are deeply gendered spaces where women experience heightened risks of crime, harassment, and gender-based violence. Overcrowded trains, unsafe taxi ranks, and male-dominated taxi industries foster environments in which women are vulnerable to sexual abuse, verbal harassment, and even physical assault. These daily encounters undermine women’s sense of safety, with some resorting to prayer or avoidance of certain modes of transport altogether. Moreover, the structural weaknesses of transport—such as unreliable schedules, unsafe infrastructure, limited availability in certain areas, and escalating costs during peak hours further disadvantage women who already contend with low wages and precarious work. The high cost of transport relative to their income forces many women to walk long distances, exposing them to fatigue, reduced productivity, and heightened vulnerability to crime.

Based on the findings of this study, we recommend the need for an urgent gender-sensitive transport policy in KZN. This transport policy should first prioritize safety through improved street lighting, security at stations, and driver training to prevent harassment. Second, the policy should focus on addressing affordability through subsidized fares and integrated ticketing, which can ease the financial burden on low-income women commuters. Lastly, the policy should enhance reliability by improving scheduling, reducing waiting times, and ensuring seamless connections across modes.