Women’s Wise Walkshops: A Participatory Feminist Approach to Urban Co-Design in Ferrara, Italy

Abstract

This paper presents the Women’s Wise Walkshops (WWW) project, a participatory feminist methodology for urban co-design implemented in Ferrara, Italy. The research explores how women’s situated knowledge and lived experiences can inform inclusive urban planning through collaborative urban traversals and participatory design processes. Drawing on feminist epistemologies and combining elements of flâneuserie and Situationist dérive, the WWW methodology employs a seven-phase approach including semi-structured interviews, focus groups, urban walkshops, and collective mapping exercises. The study involved approximately 110 women across two distinct neighborhoods—Arianuova-Giardino and Krasnodar—representing diverse socio-demographic backgrounds. Through a thematic analysis of interviews, visual documentation, and post-walkshop discussions, six key thematic clusters emerged: safety, public space, mobility systems, community spaces and associations, public services for citizens, and participatory processes. The findings reveal that women’s perspectives from marginalized positions provide critical insights into urban inequalities and offer transformative visions for more inclusive cities. The research shows that structured participatory processes not only generate valuable urban policy recommendations but also foster community cohesion, democratic engagement, and spatial justice. The WWW methodology represents a significant contribution to feminist urban studies and participatory planning, offering a replicable framework for integrating women’s voices into urban governance and design processes.

1. Introduction

Urban environments represent complex amalgamations of local customs, experiences, possibilities, and diverse power dynamics that fundamentally shape the lived realities of their inhabitants (Bauman 2000). Beyond their material form, cities possess inherent political characteristics that reflect and reproduce social hierarchies, creating distinct urban experiences for different groups based on their individual traits and available contexts (Garfinkel 1967). This diversity of urban realities, while authentic, reveals significant disparities in how different populations access, use, and experience urban spaces. The need to re-evaluate urban environments through varied lenses becomes crucial for uncovering both possibilities and contradictions within urban settings. As Henri Lefebvre (1991) argued, the conception of space is socially constructed through social interactions, making the city a significant location for observing and potentially contesting disparities in power and inequality. The urban environment simultaneously presents challenges and opportunities for envisioning innovative solutions, requiring perspectives that can interrogate normalized frameworks while fostering critical interpretations of daily life (Collie 2011). Women’s perspectives represent one of the most significant decentralized standpoints from which prevailing urban epistemologies can be scrutinized and new imaginaries envisioned. Feminist epistemologies have consistently highlighted the necessity of decentering dominant views to allow for alternative knowledge forms grounded in lived experiences (De Beauvoir 1963; Haraway 1988; Blidon 2019). This approach recognizes that while women have occupied urban public spaces for centuries, their perceptions and experiences of the city remain distinct, particularly concerning public spaces and urban safety (Carrera and Castellaneta 2023). This paperaims to examine the effectiveness of the Women’s Wise Walkshops (WWW) methodology as a participatory feminist approach to urban co-design. Specifically, the research seeks to: (1) investigate how women’s situated knowledge and lived experiences can inform inclusive urban planning processes; (2) analyze the outcomes of participatory urban traversals in revealing spatial inequalities and generating transformative visions; (3) evaluate the potential of feminist methodologies to foster community engagement and democratic participation in urban governance; and (4) assess the reliability and scalability of the WWW framework for broader application in urban planning contexts. This paperaddresses a critical gap in urban studies by demonstrating how marginalized perspectives, particularly those of women, can provide essential insights for creating more just, participatory, and democratic cities. By combining theoretical frameworks from feminist urban studies with practical participatory methodologies, this study contributes to the growing body of literature on inclusive urban planning and spatial justice. This research holds significant theoretical and practical implications for multiple fields including urban studies, feminist geography, participatory planning, and public policy. Theoretically, the study advances feminist urban studies by demonstrating how women’s perspectives can serve as powerful tools for spatial critique and urban transformation (Spain 2000). It contributes to the understanding of how marginalized voices can challenge dominant urban narratives and propose alternative visions for city development. Practically, the WWW methodology offers urban planners, policymakers, and community organizations a replicable framework for engaging women and other marginalized groups in meaningful participatory processes. The study’s findings provide concrete evidence of how participatory urban traversals can generate valuable policy recommendations while simultaneously building community capacity and democratic engagement. The significance of this work extends beyond gender considerations to broader questions of spatial justice and inclusive governance. By demonstrating how situated knowledge can inform urban policy, this research contributes to ongoing efforts to democratize urban planning and create more equitable cities (Healey 2006; Magnaghi 2000). The methodology’s emphasis on collective knowledge production and community empowerment offers valuable insights for addressing contemporary urban challenges including social isolation, spatial inequality, and civic disengagement. Furthermore, the study’s focus on medium-sized cities like Ferrara addresses an important gap in urban research, which has traditionally concentrated on large metropolitan areas. The findings suggest that participatory methodologies can be effectively adapted to different urban scales and contexts, providing valuable guidance for planners working in diverse settings. This paper examines the WWW methodology and its implementation in Ferrara, Italy. To provide a theoretical framework for the laboratory-based process whose initial outcomes are under discussion, it was deemed necessary in Section 2, to offer an examination of the principal intersections between feminist theories, urban studies, and the potential of urban traversals as tools for both understanding and reimagining the city’s spatial configurations. Subsequently, Section 3 presents and discusses the methodological framework and the specific sequence of phases through which the participatory process developed within the WWW Laboratory takes shape. Section 4 analyses qualitative results from interviews, focus groups, and urban walkshops in two neighborhoods. Section 5 discusses implications for urban planning theory and practice, while Section 6 offers recommendations for future research and policy.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Feminist Epistemologies, Urban Studies and Spatial Analysis

The theoretical foundation of this research rests on feminist epistemologies that challenge dominant knowledge production systems and advocate for situated experiential forms of understanding. Donna Hardaway’s concept of “situated knowledge”contests the assumed objectivity of scientific narratives, asserting that all knowledge is inherently partial and influenced by the position of the knower (De Beauvoir 1963; Proudfoot 2019). This perspective fundamentally challenges traditional urban planning approaches that claim neutrality while often reflecting masculine, privileged viewpoints. Sandra Harding’s (1991) standpoint theory further develops this critique by contending that initiating inquiry from the experiences of women, especially those marginalized by power structures, yields more critical and reflective understanding of social realities. Patricia Hill Collins (2000) advances this concept through her analysis of Black women’s distinctive perspectives as sources of epistemic knowledge that reveal the intersections of race, class, and gender. These theoretical contributions collectively advocate for a reorientation of urban analysis that embraces diverse, situated, and frequently silenced perspectives. Bell Hooks’s (1984, 1999, 2004) work on the transformative capacity of feminist thought “from the margin to the centre” provides crucial insights for understanding how marginalized voices can dismantle dominant structures. This perspective is particularly relevant for urban studies, where traditional planning approaches have historically privileged certain groups while marginalizing others. The feminist gaze, as distinct from the female gaze, offers a critical framework that analyzes cultural representations and urban contexts as tools of hegemony and social control (Butler 2007).

In the context of this theoretical framework, Feminist urban theory has significantly contributed to understanding how cities reproduce gender inequalities through their spatial organization and temporal rhythms. Doreen Massey’s (1994) groundbreaking work demonstrates that space and place are deeply gendered, influencing the construction of gender in societies while simultaneously being shaped by gendered experiences. This bidirectional relationship between gender and space reveals how urban environments both reflect and reinforce social hierarchies. The concept of the “male gaze” in urban planning, originally developed by Laura Mulvey (1999) and expanded through critical sociology, reveals how cities have traditionally followed masculine norms in their architecture, social structures, and daily interactions (Zibell et al. 2019). These norms have embedded male social frameworks into urban design, creating what Collie describes as an “anatomical allegory” that assumes the male body as the normative standard for urban space (Gearin and Hurt 2024). Jane Jacobs’ (1961) influential work shifted urban focus from macro-functions to ordinary practices, emphasizing the human scale in urban policy and highlighting the importance of everyday experiences in understanding urban dynamics (de Certeau 1980; Goffman 2017; Zukin 1995). This approach aligns with feminist methodologies that prioritize lived experience and embodied knowledge over abstract planning principles. Contemporary feminist thought further highlights the body as a mediator between lived and planned space, emphasizing the importance of corporeality and relationality in urban analysis (Grosz 1994; Falú 2007).

The application of intersectionality theory to urban studies reveals how multiple systems of oppression—including gender, race, class, sexuality, and ability—intersect to create complex patterns of urban exclusion and inclusion. Kimberlé Crenshaw’s (1989, 1991) foundational work on intersectionality provides crucial insights for understanding how different groups experience urban spaces differently based on their multiple, overlapping identities. Feminist urban scholars have demonstrated how intersectional approaches reveal the limitations of single-axis analyses of urban inequality. For example, the experiences of women of color in urban spaces cannot be understood solely through gender or race analysis but require attention to how these identities intersect to create unique forms of spatial marginalization (Fenster 2005). This perspective is crucial for developing inclusive participatory methodologies that recognize and address diverse experiences within women’s communities.

2.2. Urban Traversals as an Instrument of Participatory Planning and Community Engagement

The evolution of participatory planning theory provides important context for understanding the WWW methodology. Giancarlo De Carlo’s (2015) distinction between “designing for” and “designing with” recognizes the active role of citizens as bearers of both technical and experiential knowledge. This shift from top-down to collaborative planning approaches reflects broader democratization movements in urban governance and policymaking. Participatory planning literature emphasizes the importance of engaging diverse voices in urban decision-making processes, particularly those of marginalized communities who are often most affected by planning decisions yet least represented in formal planning processes (Beebeejaun 2017; Arnstein 1969). Research demonstrates that meaningful participation requires more than consultation; it demands genuine power-sharing and recognition of community expertise. The concept of urban rights, as developed by Henri Lefebvre (1967) and expanded by contemporary scholars, emphasizes that access to the city should be understood as a fundamental right that includes not only physical access but also the right to participate in urban decision-making. This perspective aligns with feminist approaches that emphasize the political dimensions of urban experience and the importance of inclusive governance processes.

The practice of urban traversal as a method of spatial critique has deep historical roots in both flânerie and Situationist dérive. Charles Baudelaire’s concept of flânerie, later expanded by Walter Benjamin (1999), emphasized slowed-down observation and critical engagement with urban environments. However, flâneuserie, as performed by women, possesses unique attributes that distinguish it from masculine flânerie (Nuvolati 2006, 2008, 2009, 2013, 2020), arising from different ways women historically and contemporaneously engage with public urban spaces (Nesci 2007; Elkin 2017; Kern 2020; Carrera 2022b, 2022c, 2024). The Situationist concept of dérive, introduced by Debord (1958) and Sadler (1999), refers to spontaneous and unstructured movements through urban settings that aim to disrupt normal perceptual and functional patterns, revealing the psycho-geographical influences of the city. Dérive serves as an innovative method of spatial critique that identifies emotional and social dynamics within urban layouts, fostering spontaneity and reclamation of spaces through non-traditional practices. Contemporary applications of urban traversal practices have emerged internationally, recognizing the street as a political space and site of social formation. Gender walkshops and women’s exploratory walks in cities like Paris, Vienna, Valencia, Bari, and Ferrara represent counter-narrative practices that reveal connections between space, power, and inequality (Jin et al. 2023; Carrera 2024, 2025). These initiatives work on multiple levels, creating new city representations while serving as tools for participatory co-design in areas such as safety, mobility, accessibility, and social spaces.

2.3. Walkability and Urban Quality of Life

Research on walkability demonstrates its multidimensional nature, extending beyond mere pedestrian infrastructure to encompass accessibility, safety, connectivity, and the attractiveness of streets and public spaces (Ewing and Handy 2009). Walkability promotes individual health, social interaction, and environmental sustainability, making it a crucial component of urban quality of life (Dovey and Pafka 2020). Feminist analyses of walkability reveal how traditional measures often fail to capture gendered experiences of urban mobility. Women’s mobility patterns, often characterized by complex, multi-stop journeys related to care responsibilities, require different urban design approaches than those based on linear, work-focused travel patterns. The concept of “quadruple presence” (Carrera 2011) referring to women’s simultaneous responsibilities in productive work, domestic work, community work, and personal development, highlights the need for urban designs that accommodate complex mobility needs. This literature review establishes the theoretical foundation for understanding how the WWW methodology contributes to feminist urban studies and participatory planning. The integration of feminist epistemologies, spatial analysis, participatory approaches, and intersectional perspectives provides the conceptual framework for analyzing the Ferrara case study and its implications for urban planning practice.

3. Methodology

3.1. Research Design and Theoretical Framework

This paper employs a qualitative, participatory action research design grounded in feminist epistemologies and participatory planning principles. The research design integrates multiple methodological approaches including ethnographic observation, visual sociology, and collaborative mapping to create a comprehensive understanding of women’s urban experiences. The methodology draws on C. Wright Mills’ (1959) concept of sociological imagination, connecting personal experiences with broader social processes and meanings. The research adopts an intersectional approach, recognizing that women’s experiences of urban space are shaped by multiple, overlapping identities including age, race, class, sexuality, and ability. This perspective ensures that the methodology captures diverse experiences within women’s communities rather than assuming a homogeneous “women’s perspective” (Butler 1990).

3.2. The Women’s Wise Walkshops (WWW) Framework1

The WWW methodology consists of seven distinct phases designed to create conditions for participatory urban planning through the valorization of situated knowledge and women’s lived experiences. This framework represents a contemporary reinterpretation of historical urban traversal practices, combining elements of flâneuserie and Situationist dérive within a structured participatory process.

• Phase 1: Participant Identification and Recruitment

Participant identification was conducted in collaboration with local associations, committees, and community groups to select a purposive sample of women using an intersectional approach. The sampling strategy aimed to ensure representation across diverse age groups, socio-cultural backgrounds, occupations, and ethnicities. Recruitment was tailored to specific themes prioritized in each iteration of the project, with particular attention to including voices that are often marginalized in traditional planning processes. The recruitment process involved partnerships with local organizations including Ferrara Partecipata and ComitatoKoesione, which provided access to established community networks and helped ensure cultural sensitivity in the recruitment approach. Special attention was paid to making participation accessible through flexible scheduling and multiple meeting locations.

• Phase 2: Semi-Structured Interviews

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with selected women residing in target neighborhoods to explore attitudes and visions that quantitative methods might fail to capture. The interview protocol covered five thematic areas:

• Presence and usage patterns: Frequency of use and motivations for using public urban spaces.
• Social gathering spaces: Characteristics and quality of spaces for community interaction.
• Mobility systems: Features and quality of transportation and pedestrian infrastructure.
• Urban infrastructure quality: Perceived quality of neighborhood and city spaces in terms of material and immaterial infrastructure.
• Enhancement opportunities: Identification of elements that could improve urban livability.

Interviews were conducted by trained women researchers from partner associations, ensuring cultural sensitivity and facilitating open dialogue. All interviews were audio-recorded with participant consent, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed using thematic and content analysis software to identify recurring themes and patterns.

• Phase 3: Focus Groups

Focus groups were organized to discuss interview results and facilitate collective reflection on emerging themes. Participants were invited to propose concrete ideas for spatial transformation, moving from analysis of existing conditions to development of future design visions. The focus groups emphasized the relationship between space and temporality of urban experience, encouraging participants to consider how urban spaces function differently across various times of day, seasons, and life stages. Focus group sessions were facilitated using participatory techniques that encouraged equal participation and collective knowledge production. Visual aids, including maps and photographs, were used to stimulate discussion and help participants articulate their spatial experiences and visions.

• Phase 4: Urban Walkshops

Urban walkshops represent the core methodological innovation of the WWW framework. These collective explorations lasted 1–2 h and involved 8–10 women of diverse ages and socio-demographic backgrounds. The walkshops followed a three-phase structure:

Phase 4a: Urban Dérive: Participants engaged in collective urban traversal through previously identified locations, moving at a deliberately slowed pace to enable critical observation and discussion. The dérive component encouraged spontaneous discovery and challenged routine perceptions of familiar spaces.

Phase 4b: Visual Documentation and Discussion: Following the urban traversal, participants gathered in a welcoming setting to discuss their observations, centered around photographs and videos produced during the walkshop. This phase employed visual sociology methods, using participant-generated imagery as the basis for collective analysis and reflection.

Phase 4c: Proposal Development: The final phase involved collaborative development of concrete proposals for intervention, building on observations and discussions from the previous phases. Participants worked together to translate their experiential knowledge into actionable recommendations for urban improvement.

• Phase 5: Collective Thematic Mapping

Experiences collected through previous phases were visualized through collaborative maps created using dialogic and participatory methods. These maps served dual purposes as analytical tools and devices for co-construction of spatial knowledge. The mapping process involved both digital and analog techniques, allowing participants to represent their spatial knowledge in multiple formats. The mapping exercises focused on identifying patterns across individual experiences, revealing shared concerns and opportunities for intervention. Participants used various symbols, colors, and annotations to represent different aspects of their urban experience, creating rich, multi-layered representations of neighborhood conditions and aspirations.

• Phase 6: Synthesis and Policy Recommendations

A shared material was drafted synthesizing outcomes from previous phases and formulating policy proposals and concrete interventions. This document integrated both material and immaterial dimensions of urban space, recognizing that urban quality depends on complex interactions between physical infrastructure, social dynamics, and governance processes. The synthesis process involved collaborative analysis of all data sources, identifying convergent themes and developing prioritized recommendations for local government action. Participants played active roles in this analysis, ensuring that policy recommendations remained grounded in lived experience while addressing broader structural issues.

• Phase 7: Public Engagement and Dissemination

Public seminars were organized involving institutional representatives, associations, and citizens to share findings and recommendations. These events served as spaces for collective reflection and helped strengthen territorial belonging and shared responsibility for urban improvement. The public engagement phase included presentations of findings, facilitated discussions between participants and local officials, and collaborative planning for implementation of recommendations. This phase emphasized the importance of ongoing dialogue between communities and institutions in creating sustainable urban change. Figure 1 gives a comprehensive view of the research phases.

3.3. Case Study Context: Ferrara, Italy

Ferrara was selected as the primary case study location due to its characteristics as a medium-sized Italian city with distinct urban neighborhoods and active community organizations. The study focused on two neighborhoods, Arianuova-Giardino and Krasnodar, which differ significantly in their socio-urban characteristics, with the former being more central and the latter more peripheral. This neighborhood selection allowed for comparative analysis across different urban contexts while maintaining focus on local specificities. The extreme heterogeneity of Ferrara’s population necessitated targeted analysis of specific areas and intersectional logic in sampling decisions, making it an ideal location for testing the WWW methodology’s adaptability to diverse urban contexts.

3.4. Data Collection and Analysis

Data collection occurred over multiple phases between February and June 2025, involving approximately 110 women across both neighborhoods. The multi-method approach generated diverse data types including interview transcripts, focus group recordings, photographs, videos, maps, and field notes from participant observation. Thematic analysis was conducted using both manual coding and computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software. The analysis process involved multiple rounds of coding to identify patterns, themes, and relationships within and across data sources. Visual data were analyzed using both content analysis and visual sociology methods, examining both explicit content and implicit meanings in participant-generated imagery. Word cloud techniques were employed to identify frequently mentioned themes and concepts, providing visual representations of priority concerns and aspirations. These quantitative visualizations were combined with qualitative thematic analysis to provide comprehensive understanding of participant perspectives.

3.5. Ethical Considerations and Limitations

The research was conducted with full informed consent from all participants, with particular attention to ensuring that participation was voluntary and that participants could withdraw at any time. Special care was taken to protect participant privacy while enabling meaningful engagement with local government officials. The study’s limitations include its focus on a single city context, which may limit the generalization to other urban settings. Additionally, the purposive sampling approach, while ensuring diverse representation, may not capture all perspectives within the target communities. The relatively short timeframe of the study also limits understanding of longer-term impacts of the participatory process. Despite these limitations, the methodology’s emphasis on participant empowerment and collaborative knowledge production provides valuable insights for developing more inclusive urban planning approaches. The detailed documentation of the seven-phase process enables replication and adaptation in other contexts, contributing to the broader development of participatory planning methodologies.

4. Qualitative Results

4.1. Overview of Findings

The implementation of the WWW methodology in Ferrara generated rich qualitative data revealing complex patterns of women’s urban experiences and aspirations for spatial transformation. Analysis of more than 40 interviews, focus group discussions, and urban walkshop materials identified eight primary themes that emerged consistently across both neighborhoods, despite their different socio-urban characteristics. The findings show that women’s perspectives provide unique insights into urban challenges often overlooked by traditional planning approaches. Participants’ observations revealed interconnections between seemingly separate urban issues, highlighting the need for holistic approaches to urban improvement that address both material infrastructure and social dynamics.

4.2. Primary Themes from Interview Analysis

4.2.1. Physical Activity and Health Infrastructure

Participants consistently identified the need for expanded opportunities for physical activity as a priority concern. This theme encompassed both formal recreational facilities and informal opportunities for movement and exercise within the urban environment. Women emphasized the importance of accessible, safe spaces for physical activity that accommodate diverse ages, abilities, and cultural backgrounds. The discussion of physical activity revealed connections to broader themes of health, social interaction, and urban accessibility. Participants noted that current recreational facilities often fail to meet women’s needs, particularly those of older women and mothers with young children. The desire for physical activity opportunities was closely linked to requests for improved pedestrian infrastructure and safer public spaces.

4.2.2. Security and Safety Concerns

The topic of urban insecurity emerged as one of the most complex and multidimensional concerns, with participants recognizing its layered nature and multiple manifestations. Security concerns were not limited to crime prevention but encompassed broader issues of urban walkability, infrastructure maintenance, and social isolation. Participants identified several specific security-related issues including poor sidewalk maintenance, inadequate street lighting, damaged infrastructure elements, and absence of essential amenities such as benches and public toilets. These deficits were seen as particularly problematic for older adults and individuals with disabilities, creating barriers to urban participation and contributing to spatial exclusion. The relationship between urban emptiness and insecurity was particularly significant, with participants noting how lack of social spaces and interaction opportunities amplifies feelings of vulnerability. This perceived insecurity often leads to avoidance of public spaces, creating cycles of spatial abandonment that contribute to “urban solitude” phenomena.

4.2.3. Cultural Decentralization and Access

Participants expressed a strong desire for the decentralization of cultural activities and events, noting that cultural opportunities are often concentrated in central areas that may be difficult to access for residents of peripheral neighborhoods. This theme reflected broader concerns about spatial equity and the right to cultural participation regardless of residential location. The discussion of cultural access revealed connections to mobility systems, with participants noting that inadequate public transportation limits their ability to participate in cultural activities. Women emphasized the importance of neighborhood-level cultural programming that builds community connections while reducing travel barriers.

4.2.4. Infrastructure Quality and Maintenance

Concerns about infrastructure quality encompassed both major systems and detailed elements of urban design. Participants identified specific problems with parks, streets, and squares that affect daily urban experience, emphasizing how infrastructure maintenance impacts both safety and quality of life. The infrastructure theme revealed gendered dimensions of urban experience, with women noting how poor infrastructure particularly affects those with care responsibilities, mobility limitations, or complex daily travel patterns. Participants emphasized the need for infrastructure improvements that consider diverse user needs and usage patterns.

4.2.5. Social Gathering Spaces and Community Building

The need for increased social gathering spaces emerged as a central theme, reflecting participants’ desire for community connection and social interaction. This theme encompassed both formal community facilities and informal spaces that support spontaneous social encounters. Participants identified existing spaces that successfully foster community interaction, including small community rooms, parks with appropriate seating arrangements, and regenerated spaces that serve multiple community functions. These examples provided models for how social infrastructure can be developed to support community building and reduce social isolation.

4.2.6. Participatory Processes and Democratic Engagement

A particularly significant finding was participants’ expressed need for structured, continuous, and widespread listening processes in urban governance. This theme emerged with particular strength, reflecting not merely a desire for consultation but a deeper need to feel part of a community that actively chooses and builds its collective future. Participants emphasized that meaningful participation requires more than sporadic consultation; it demands ongoing dialogue, genuine power-sharing, and recognition of community expertise. The will for participation was framed as both a democratic right and an opportunity for learning, dialogue between different forms of knowledge, and rediscovery of social bonds.

4.2.7. Mobility Systems and Transportation Equity

Mobility emerged as a complex theme encompassing public transportation, pedestrian infrastructure, cycling facilities, and the broader organization of urban movement. Participants emphasized the need for mobility systems that accommodate the “quadruple presence” of women’s responsibilities, supporting complex, multi-stop journeys rather than simple point-to-point travel. Specific mobility concerns included public transportation frequency, route coverage, accessibility features, and safety at stops and on vehicles. Participants also emphasized the need to reduce car dominance in the city through improved alternative transportation options and better integration between different mobility modes.

4.2.8. Urban Beauty and Environmental Quality

Participants expressed desire for valuing the city’s beauty through widespread yet context-sensitive investments. This theme encompassed both environmental quality and aesthetic considerations, reflecting understanding that urban beauty contributes to quality of life and community pride. The discussion of urban beauty revealed connections to other themes, particularly infrastructure maintenance and social gathering spaces. Participants emphasized that urban beauty should be accessible to all residents, not concentrated in privileged areas, and should reflect diverse cultural values and aesthetic preferences. Figure 2 shows a summary ofthe social impact findings before and after the implementation of WWW.

4.3. Visualand Spatial Analysis

4.3.1. Spaces of Sociability

Visual documentation from urban walkshops revealed diverse forms of social infrastructure, from formal community facilities to informal gathering spaces. Participants photographed a small communal room with a red door, almost hidden between apartment buildings, which local residents had transformed into a community space hosting various collective initiatives. The Parco dell’Amicizia emerged as a significant example of community-created social infrastructure, representing material testimony to community experiences developed through voluntary work. Participants also documented smaller, interstitial spaces that have taken on social functions, such as community tables in neighborhood parks and semi-circular bench arrangements that facilitate social interaction. Participants identified areas needing redevelopment that could become important sites for community life if properly requalified. These observations demonstrated participants’ ability to envision spatial transformation and identify opportunities for community building through design intervention.

4.3.2. Local Commerce and Economic Vitality

The evidences of local commerce revealed a landscape of absence, with participants photographing lowered shutters and “for rent” or “for sale” signs that define the visible signs of struggling neighborhood businesses. This theme was unanimously interpreted in terms of loss, reflecting the gradual closure of small neighborhood shops that serve as vital civic outposts. Participants emphasized the multiple functions of local commerce beyond economic exchange, including social interaction, neighborhood vitality, and support for autonomous mobility, particularly for older residents. The ability to shop at neighborhood stores was identified as a key element in walkability quality, with significant implications for community health and social connection. The loss of local commerce was connected to broader patterns of urban development that prioritize large-scale retail over neighborhood-based businesses. Participants noted that Ferrara holds the highest regional index of supermarkets and hypermarkets per capita, reflecting broader economic trends that undermine local commercial ecosystems.

4.3.3. Urban Insecurity and Infrastructure Deficits

Visual evidences of urban insecurity revealed its multidimensional nature, with participants recognizing complex and layered manifestations of safety concerns. Images and subsequent discussions highlighted connections between insecurity and low levels of urban walkability, including poor sidewalk maintenance, damaged infrastructure elements, and inadequate lighting. Participants documented the absence of essential infrastructure such as benches and public toilets, even in parks and along pedestrian boulevards. These deficits were identified as particularly problematic for older adults and individuals with disabilities, creating barriers to urban participation and contributing to spatial exclusion. Urban emptiness emerged as a significant factor in perceived insecurity, resulting from lack of social spaces and interaction opportunities. This perceived insecurity often leads to avoidance of public spaces, creating cycles of spatial abandonment that reinforce feelings of vulnerability and contribute to urban solitude.

4.4. Thematic Analysis and Synthesis

4.4.1. Six Primary Thematic Clusters

Comprehensive thematic analysis of all research materials identified six primary clusters that encompass the range of concerns and aspirations expressed by participants:

Safety: Encompassing both physical security and broader concerns about urban walkability, infrastructure maintenance, and social isolation.

Public Space: Including quality, accessibility, and programming of parks, squares, and other shared urban areas.

Mobility Systems: Covering public transportation, pedestrian infrastructure, cycling facilities, and integrated mobility planning.

Community Spaces and Associations: Addressing social infrastructure, community facilities, and support for local organizations.

Public Services for Citizens: Including access to essential services, administrative efficiency, and service quality.

Participatory Processes: Emphasizing the need for ongoing, meaningful engagement in urban governance and planning decisions. Figure 3 describes the six primary thematic clusters of WWW based on interviews and focus-groups.

Figure 3 synthesizes the six thematic clusters that emerged from the WWW Laboratory analysis, mapping their relative salience in participants’ narratives. The prominence of participatory processes (92%) points to the extent to which practices of collective involvement are not merely procedural mechanisms but are understood as constitutive of the very possibility of reimagining urban space. Closely following, safety (85%) and mobility systems (82%) reflect how bodily presence and movement in the city are mediated by conditions of security and accessibility, thereby shaping both the lived experience of urban environments and the imaginaries of their potential transformation. The intermediate positioning of public space (78%) and community spaces (75%) suggests that while spaces of encounter and sociability are valued, their significance is articulated through and often subordinate to the broader concerns of safety, mobility, and participatory governance. Finally, the comparatively lower score of public services (70%) indicates that institutional infrastructures are perceived as less central than the relational and experiential dimensions of urban life. Taken together, these results highlight a theoretical constellation in which urban participation, safety, and mobility emerge as critical lenses for understanding and reconfiguring the spatial and social fabric of the city.

4.4.2. Interconnections and Systemic Relationships

The analysis revealed significant interconnections between thematic clusters, demonstrating that urban challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. For example, safety concerns are closely connected to public space quality, mobility systems, and community spaces, requiring integrated approaches that address multiple dimensions simultaneously. The theme of participatory processes emerged as particularly central, with participants viewing meaningful engagement as essential for addressing all other urban challenges. This finding suggests that procedural improvements in urban governance may be prerequisite for effective substantive improvements in urban conditions. Figure 4 reflects the dynamics of this finding.

4.5. Comparative Analysis Across Neighborhoods

Despite significant differences in socio-urban characteristics between Arianuova-Giardino and Krasnodar neighborhoods, the primary themes emerged consistently across both contexts. This finding suggests that women’s urban concerns transcend specific neighborhood characteristics while still requiring locally sensitive responses. The comparative analysis revealed that peripheral neighborhoods face additional challenges related to service access and transportation connectivity, while central neighborhoods experience different pressures related to density and commercial change. However, the fundamental themes of safety, social connection, and participatory engagement appeared consistently across both contexts. The following Figure 5 gives an overview of this analysis.

The bar charts (Figure 5) compare residents’ perceptions of six key dimensions of urban life in two contrasting contexts: the Arianova–Giardino neighborhood (central area) and the Krasnodeineighborhood (peripheral area). Each axis represents one of the thematic categories—mobility access, public space quality, safety concerns, cultural access, local commerce, and community spaces—rated on a scale from 0 to 10. The results indicate that the central neighborhood demonstrates overall higher evaluations across most dimensions, particularly with regard to cultural access, community spaces, and public space quality. This suggests that centrally located areas are perceived as richer in opportunities for social interaction and cultural participation, supported by better-maintained public environments. By contrast, the peripheral neighborhood shows comparatively lower scores in several categories, with notable deficits in cultural access and local commerce. However, it still registers moderate levels of mobility access and safety concerns, indicating that connectivity and perceptions of security, while not optimal, remain significant concerns across both contexts. Taken together, the comparison underscores a spatial gradient in urban experience: central areas appear to benefit from denser networks of services, spaces, and cultural resources, while peripheral areas face structural limitations that translate into lower perceived quality of everyday urban life. From a theoretical perspective, the figure highlights the uneven distribution of urban resources and the ways in which centrality and peripherality materialize in differentiated forms of access, opportunity, and security, reinforcing socio-spatial inequalities within the city.

4.6. Participant Empowerment and Knowledge Production

A significant finding was participants’ recognition that the walkshop process itself generated new insights and perspectives, even for long-term residents exploring familiar neighborhoods. The combination of slower pace, critical observation, and collective discussion enabled discovery of new empirical perspectives and ideas, generating fresh reflections and proposals. This experience demonstrated the WWW methodology’s capacity to function as what C. Wright Mills defined as sociological imagination—the ability to connect personal experiences with broader social processes and meanings. Material signs of urban conditions became expressions of deeper structures and powerful tools for analysis and urban reimagining. The participatory process also served as a space of mutual recognition where individual experiences and competencies were valued and placed at the service of collective knowledge production. Participants expressed appreciation for opportunities to contribute to shared visions and to be genuinely heard rather than consulted in tokenistic ways. Figure 6 gives a view of this analysis.

The diagram (Figure 6) visualizes the participant trajectory across the sequential phases of the WWW Laboratory process, with the width of each stage reflecting the number of participants involved. The process begins with initial recruitment and individual interviews (n = 110), ensuring a broad and inclusive starting point. Participation decreases in subsequent, more time-intensive activities such as focus groups (n = 85), urban walkshops (n = 72), and collective mapping (n = 68). However, the final stage, public presentation (n = 95), registers a significant increase, suggesting renewed engagement when outcomes were collectively shared and discussed. From a theoretical perspective, this distribution illustrates both the attrition typical of participatory processes and the re-engagement potential of public moments of visibility and accountability. The drop in numbers during intermediate phases may reflect the differentiated capacities of participants to sustain involvement across resource-demanding formats, while the recovery at the concluding stage points to the symbolic and social importance of public events in reaffirming collective ownership of the process. In this sense, the figure highlights the dynamic and uneven rhythm of participation, emphasizing how engagement is not linear but shaped by the interplay between methodological design, everyday constraints, and the affective significance of visibility within participatory governance.

5. Discussion

5.1. Theoretical Contributions to Feminist Urban Studies

The findings from the WWW project in Ferrara provide significant theoretical contributions to feminist urban studies, particularly in demonstrating how women’s situated knowledge can reveal urban inequalities and generate transformative visions for spatial justice. The research validates key principles of feminist epistemology, showing how perspectives from marginalized positions offer critical insights that challenge dominant urban narratives and planning assumptions. The distinction between the female gaze and the feminist gaze, as articulated in the literature review, proved crucial for understanding the transformative potential of the WWW methodology. While the female gaze reflects women’s experiences without necessarily analyzing underlying power relations, the feminist gaze employed in the walkshops provided a critical framework for analyzing urban representations as tools of hegemony and social control. Participants moved beyond simply describing their experiences to developing critical analyses of how urban space reproduces inequalities and proposing alternative visions for more inclusive cities. The research demonstrates how feminist standpoint theory operates in practice, showing that initiating inquiry from women’s experiences yields more critical and reflective understanding of urban realities. The intersectional approach adopted in the study revealed how multiple systems of oppression intersect to create complex patterns of urban exclusion, validating theoretical arguments about the need for nuanced analyses that consider diverse identities and experiences within women’s communities.

5.2. Methodological Innovations and Participatory Practice

The WWW methodology represents a significant methodological innovation in participatory planning, successfully combining elements of flâneuserie and Situationist dérive within a structured framework for urban co-design. The seven-phase approach provides a replicable model for engaging marginalized communities in meaningful participation while maintaining scientific rigor and generating actionable policy recommendations. The integration of visual sociology methods with traditional qualitative research techniques proved particularly effective in enabling participants to articulate spatial experiences that might be difficult to express through interviews alone. The use of participant-generated photography and video created opportunities for collective analysis and reflection that deepened understanding of urban conditions while empowering participants as knowledge producers rather than passive research subjects. The methodology’s emphasis on collective knowledge production addresses longstanding critiques of participatory planning that question whether such approaches genuinely empower communities or merely co-opt their participation for predetermined outcomes. The WWW framework’s multi-phase structure ensures that participant voices shape both problem identification and solution development, creating genuine opportunities for community-driven urban transformation.

5.3. Spatial Justice and Urban Rights

The findings provide concrete evidence of how spatial injustices manifest in everyday urban experience and how participatory processes can contribute to more equitable urban development. Bernardo Secchi’s (2010, 2013) observation that social injustices always take spatial form was clearly demonstrated through participants’ documentation of infrastructure deficits, safety concerns, and unequal access to urban amenities. The research reveals how seemingly technical planning decisions such as lighting placement, sidewalk maintenance, and public transportation routing, have profound implications for spatial justice and urban rights. Women’s perspectives highlighted how these decisions particularly affect those with care responsibilities, mobility limitations, or complex daily travel patterns, demonstrating the need for planning approaches that consider diverse user needs and usage patterns. The emphasis on participatory processes as a central theme suggests that procedural justice, meaningful participation in urban decision-making, may be prerequisite for achieving distributive justice in urban resource allocation. Participants’ desire for ongoing dialogue and genuine power-sharing reflects understanding that sustainable urban improvement requires democratic engagement rather than top-down technical solutions.

5.4. Intersectionality and Urban Experience

The research demonstrates how intersectional approaches reveal the limitations of single-axis analyses of urban inequality while providing more nuanced understanding of diverse experiences within women’s communities. The purposive sampling strategy that ensured representation across age, race, class, and other identity categories generated insights that would have been missed through approaches that assume homogeneous women’s experiences. Older women’s perspectives proved particularly valuable in highlighting how age intersects with gender to create specific urban challenges related to mobility, safety, and social connection. Their emphasis on the importance of local commerce for maintaining autonomy and social interaction reveals how urban design decisions affect different groups differently, requiring planning approaches that consider diverse life stages and capabilities. The intersectional analysis also revealed how women’s “quadruple presence”, simultaneous responsibilities in productive work, domestic work, community work, and personal development, creates complex mobility needs that are poorly served by transportation systems designed around linear, work-focused travel patterns. This finding has significant implications for transportation planning and urban design more broadly.

5.5. Community Empowerment and Democratic Engagement

One of the most significant findings was participants’ expressed need for structured, continuous, and widespread participatory processes in urban governance. This finding challenges traditional approaches to public participation that rely on sporadic consultation or one-off engagement events, suggesting instead the need for ongoing dialogue and genuine power-sharing in urban decision-making. The research demonstrates how meaningful participation can serve multiple functions beyond policy input, including community building, democratic education, and social connection. Participants valued the walkshop process not only for its potential to influence urban policy but also as an opportunity for learning, dialogue between different forms of knowledge, and rediscovery of social bonds often weakened in contemporary urban life. The emphasis on participation as both a means and an end reflects broader democratic theory about the intrinsic value of civic engagement. The WWW methodology shows how participatory processes can simultaneously generate valuable policy recommendations while building community capacity for ongoing democratic engagement and collective action.

5.6. Implications for Urban Planning Practice

The findings have significant implications for urban planning practice, particularly in demonstrating how technical knowledge must enter into dialogue with lived experiences of those who inhabit urban spaces. The research validates Giancarlo De Carlo’s distinction between “designing for” and “designing with,” showing how collaborative approaches can generate more effective and equitable urban solutions. The identification of six thematic clusters, safety, public space, mobility systems, community spaces and associations, public services, and participatory processes, provides a framework for organizing comprehensive urban improvement efforts that address interconnected challenges rather than isolated problems. The systemic relationships between these themes suggest that effective urban planning requires integrated approaches that consider multiple dimensions simultaneously. The research also demonstrates the importance of scale-sensitive planning approaches that recognize how urban dynamics in medium and large cities often manifest at sub-territorial levels such as neighborhoods. The successful implementation of the WWW methodology in Ferrara’s diverse neighborhoods suggests that participatory approaches can be effectively adapted to different urban contexts while maintaining focus on local specificities.

5.7. Challenges and Limitations

Despite its significance, the WWW methodology faces several challenges that must be acknowledged and addressed in future applications. The time-intensive nature of the seven-phase process requires significant commitment from both participants and organizers, potentially limiting its scalability to larger urban contexts or broader population groups. The reliance on existing community organizations for participant recruitment may introduce selection bias, potentially excluding voices that are not connected to formal community networks. Future applications of the methodology should consider alternative recruitment strategies that reach more isolated or marginalized community members. The translation of participatory findings into actual policy implementation remains a significant challenge, requiring sustained engagement with local government officials and ongoing advocacy for recommended changes. The research demonstrates the importance of building institutional relationships and political support for participatory planning approaches (Carrera 2022a, 2022c, 2022d).

5.8. Broader Implications for Urban Governance

The research has broader implications for urban governance, particularly in demonstrating how participatory approaches can contribute to more democratic and responsive urban institutions. The participants’ emphasis on the need for ongoing dialogue and genuine power-sharing suggests that effective urban governance requires fundamental changes in how cities engage with their residents. The findings support arguments for more decentralized and participatory forms of urban governance that recognize residents as experts in their own experiences and capable partners in urban problem-solving. This perspective challenges traditional technocratic approaches to urban planning that privilege professional expertise over community knowledge. The research also demonstrates how participatory processes can contribute to broader goals of social cohesion and civic engagement, addressing contemporary concerns about political disengagement and social fragmentation in urban contexts. The WWW methodology shows how meaningful participation can serve as a vehicle for rebuilding social connections and democratic culture at the neighborhood level.

5.9. Contributions to Medium-Sized City Studies

The focus on Ferrara as a medium-sized city addresses an important gap in urban research, which has traditionally concentrated on large metropolitan areas. The findings suggest that participatory methodologies can be effectively implemented in medium-sized urban contexts while requiring adaptation to local scales and specificities. Medium-sized cities often face unique challenges related to resource constraints, limited institutional capacity, and different demographic and economic dynamics compared to large metropolitan areas. The successful implementation of the WWW methodology in Ferrara demonstrates that participatory approaches can be adapted to these contexts while generating valuable insights for urban improvement. The research contributes to growing recognition that medium-sized cities require distinct planning approaches that consider their specific characteristics and opportunities. The WWW methodology provides a model for how participatory planning can be implemented in these contexts while building on existing community networks and local knowledge systems.

6. Conclusions

Summary of Key Findings

This paper showsthe significant potential of the Women’s Wise Walkshops methodology as a participatory feminist approach to urban co-design. The implementation in Ferrara, Italy, involving approximately 110 women across two distinct neighborhoods, generated valuable insights into how women’s situated knowledge can inform inclusive urban planning while fostering community empowerment and democratic engagement. The study identified six primary thematic clusters that encompass women’s urban concerns and aspirations: safety, public space, mobility systems, community spaces and associations, public services for citizens, and participatory processes. These findings reveal the interconnected nature of urban challenges and the need for integrated approaches that address multiple dimensions simultaneously rather than treating urban problems in isolation. A particularly significant finding was participants’ expressed need for structured, continuous, and widespread participatory processes in urban governance. This finding challenges traditional approaches to public participation and suggests that procedural improvements in urban governance may be prerequisite for effective substantive improvements in urban conditions. The research validates key principles of feminist epistemology by demonstrating how perspectives from marginalized positions provide critical insights that challenge dominant urban narratives and generate transformative visions for spatial justice. The methodology successfully combined elements of flâneuserie and Situationist dérive within a structured framework that maintains scientific rigor while empowering participants as knowledge producers.

Theoretical Implications

The findings of the current research contribute significantly to feminist urban studies by providing empirical evidence of how women’s situated knowledge can reveal urban inequalities and generate alternative visions for more inclusive cities. The research demonstrates the practical application of feminist standpoint theory, showing how initiating inquiry from women’s experiences yields more critical and reflective understanding of urban realities. The study advances understanding of intersectionality in urban contexts by revealing how multiple systems of oppression intersect to create complex patterns of urban exclusion and inclusion. The intersectional approach adopted in the research generated insights that would have been missed through single-axis analyses, particularly regarding how age, race, class, and other identities intersect with gender to create diverse urban experiences. The research contributes to participatory planning theory by demonstrating how meaningful participation can serve multiple functions beyond policy input, including community building, democratic education, and social connection. The WWW methodology provides a model for how participatory processes can simultaneously generate valuable policy recommendations while building community capacity for ongoing democratic engagement.

Methodological Contributions

The seven-phase WWW framework represents a significant methodological innovation that successfully integrates multiple research approaches within a coherent participatory structure. The methodology’s emphasis on visual documentation, collective analysis, and collaborative knowledge production provides a replicable model for engaging marginalized communities in urban planning processes. The integration of visual sociology methods with traditional qualitative research techniques proved particularly effective in enabling participants to articulate spatial experiences and generate collective insights. The use of participant-generated photography and video created opportunities for analysis and reflection that deepened understanding while empowering participants as active knowledge producers. The methodology’s multi-phase structure ensures that participant voices shape both problem identification and solution development, addressing longstanding critiques of participatory planning that question whether such approaches genuinely empower communities or merely co-opt their participation for predetermined outcomes.

Policy Implications and Recommendations

The research gives specific policy recommendations organized around the six thematic clusters identified through the analysis. These recommendations address both immediate infrastructure needs and broader governance reforms necessary for creating more inclusive and democratic urban planning processes.

Safety and Security

Policy recommendations for improving urban safety include comprehensive approaches that address both physical infrastructure and social dynamics. Specific recommendations include improved sidewalk maintenance, enhanced street lighting, installation of essential amenities such as benches and public toilets, and creation of social spaces that reduce urban emptiness and isolation. Safety improvements should be understood as accessibility improvements that particularly benefit older adults, individuals with disabilities, and those with complex mobility needs. Policy approaches should move beyond traditional crime prevention to address broader factors that contribute to feelings of insecurity and spatial exclusion.

Mobility and Transportation

Transportation policy recommendations emphasize the need for mobility systems that accommodate women’s complex, multi-stop journeys related to care responsibilities. Specific recommendations include improved public transportation frequency and coverage, enhanced accessibility features, better integration between transportation modes, and reduced car dominance through alternative transportation options. Policy approaches should recognize the concept of “quadruple presence” and design transportation systems that support complex daily travel patterns rather than simple point-to-point commuting. This requires fundamental rethinking of transportation planning assumptions and priorities.

Public Space and Community Infrastructure

Recommendations for public space improvement emphasize the need for social infrastructure that supports community interaction and reduces social isolation. Specific recommendations include creation and enhancement of community gathering spaces, support for local commerce that serves social as well as economic functions, and programming of public spaces that encourages diverse uses and users. Policy approaches should recognize the multiple functions of public space beyond recreation, including social connection, economic activity, and civic engagement. Investment in public space should be understood as investment in community health and social cohesion.

Participatory Governance

The most significant policy recommendation involves fundamental reform of urban governance processes to enable meaningful, ongoing participation in urban decision-making. This requires moving beyond sporadic consultation to create structured, continuous dialogue between communities and institutions. Specific recommendations include establishment of neighborhood-level participatory budgeting processes, creation of ongoing advisory committees with genuine decision-making authority, and development of institutional capacity for collaborative planning and implementation. These reforms require both procedural changes and cultural shifts within urban institutions.

Implications for Planning Practice

The research has significant implications for urban planning practice, particularly in demonstrating the need for planning approaches that integrate technical expertise with community knowledge. The findings support arguments for more collaborative planning processes that recognize residents as experts in their own experiences and capable partners in urban problem-solving. Planning practitioners should consider adopting elements of the WWW methodology, particularly its emphasis on visual documentation, collective analysis, and multi-phase engagement. The methodology provides practical tools for conducting meaningful community engagement while generating actionable policy recommendations. The research also demonstrates the importance of intersectional approaches that recognize diverse experiences within communities rather than assuming homogeneous perspectives. Planning practice should develop capacity for engaging diverse voices and addressing complex, interconnected urban challenges through integrated approaches. This research contributes to broader debates in urban studies about democratization of urban planning and the role of community knowledge in urban development. The findings support arguments for more participatory and inclusive approaches to urban governance while providing practical tools for implementing such approaches. The research also contributes to understanding of medium-sized cities, which have received less attention in the urban studies literature compared to large metropolitan areas. The successful implementation of the WWW methodology in Ferrara demonstrates that participatory approaches can be effectively adapted to different urban scales and contexts. The emphasis on intersectionalityand diverse experiences within communities contributes to ongoing efforts to develop more inclusive urban studies approaches that recognize the complexity and diversity of urban populations. This perspective is crucial for addressing contemporary urban challenges including inequality, segregation, and social fragmentation.

Older Adults, Urban Representations, and Proposals for Reconfiguring Space

The WWW Laboratory demonstrated how the direct involvement of older adults can generate valuable evidence for policy development and urban design. By combining interviews, focus groups, and urban walkshops, the process revealed how aging citizens experience the city in terms of accessibility, safety, and opportunities for social interaction. Their accounts highlighted recurrent problems, including discontinuous pedestrian networks, poorly lit areas, insufficient resting points, and the lack of safe crossings—factors that undermine independent mobility and social participation. At the same time, participants contributed constructive proposals, ranging from the redesign of sidewalks and transport hubs to the revitalization of community spaces as inclusive and intergenerational meeting points. Collective mapping and public presentation phases translated these lived experiences into a shared knowledge base that can inform municipal strategies. The laboratory thus provided policymakers and planners with concrete, evidence-based recommendations for making urban environments more age-friendly, ensuring that the perspectives of older residents are embedded in frameworks for sustainable and inclusive city development.

Future Research Directions

Several important directions for future research emerge from this study. First, longitudinal research is needed to assess the long-term impacts of participatory processes on both urban conditions and community capacity. Understanding how participatory engagement affects ongoing civic participation and community organizing would provide valuable insights for developing sustainable participatory planning approaches. Second, comparative research across different urban contexts would help assess the transferability and adaptability of the WWW methodology. Testing the approach in different cultural, political, and economic contexts would provide insights into how participatory methodologies can be adapted while maintaining their core principles and effectiveness. Third, research on the institutional conditions necessary for translating participatory findings into policy implementation would address one of the key challenges identified in this study. Understanding how to build institutional capacity and political support for participatory planning would contribute to more effective implementation of community-generated recommendations. Fourth, research on the intersection of digital technologies and participatory planning could explore how online tools and platforms might enhance or complement in-person participatory processes. This research should consider both opportunities and risks associated with digital participation, particularly regarding accessibility and inclusion. Fifth, although the selection of participants was carried out on the basis of gender and thus produced women-only working groups, albeit within an intersectional framework, the results demonstrated that a gender-friendly city is, in fact, a city that serves all citizens. This effect was further reinforced by the particular emphasis placed on the age variable, with specific attention given to the observations of older participants (over 65), whose contributions and proposals were explicitly acknowledged and valorized. The difficulties highlighted by this specific group of participants could serve as a guide for urban policies aimed at the infrastructure of urban space, also to the benefit of individuals experiencing temporary or permanent disability. Moreover, they confirm the extent to which the urban environment can effectively contribute to enabling forms of active dwelling for citizens otherwise rendered vulnerable by the physicality of the city.

Limitations and Future Domains for Research

While this paper highlights the potential of participatory feminist approaches to urban planning, several limitations must be acknowledged. The focus on a single city context limits generalization, and the relatively short timeframe of the study limits understanding of longer-term impacts. The reliance on existing community organizations for participant recruitment may have introduced selection bias, potentially excluding voices that are not connected to formal community networks. Future research should explore alternative recruitment strategies that reach more isolated or marginalized community members. The translation of participatory findings into actual policy implementation remains a significant challenge that requires sustained engagement with local government officials and ongoing advocacy for recommended changes. The research demonstrates the importance of building institutional relationships and political support for participatory planning approaches.

The identified limitations highlight the future directions of work that will shape the development of the laboratory WWW. First, following the initial experimentation in the city of Ferrara, the laboratory has already been launched in several other Italian cities; upon completion of these processes, it will be possible to conduct a comparative analysis of the results. Second, with regard to the issue of selection bias among participants, it should be noted that while the high level of commitment required makes reliance on the network of local associations indispensable. Nevertheless, the initial number of participants was significantly expanded after the first stages of the laboratory and, more markedly, after the public event that “attracted” additional residents. These individuals, driven by curiosity, subsequently volunteered to take part in further laboratories organized in other neighborhoods of the city. Third, the translation of the laboratory’s outcomes into urban policies underscores the critical importance of establishing connections with local administrations. At the same time, however, it also demonstrates that, even in the absence of such institutional engagement, civil society can find in the WWW laboratory a valuable tool for developing bottom-up proposals capable of generating social and political impact.