Citrus: From Symbolism to Sensuality—Exploring Luxury and Extravagance in Western Muslim Bustān and European Renaissance Gardens
Round 1
Reviewer 1 Report
Comments and Suggestions for AuthorsThe paper provides a comprehensive and very welcome summary of the state of research on a topic important to the understanding of gardens. Less clear is the purpose of the paper or its contribution to scholarship. Perhaps this could be more clearly stated at the beginning and end.
Some minor points:
Please explain why Islamic gardens are referred to as "bustan" and not as "gardens" or "orchards". Maybe define what you mean by "bustan"
On page 13: are you sure the "cistern" in the mosque was used for "purification"? A cistern would seem to supply the water for a fountain, which then in turn could be used for purification. But the baths of the mosque were located outside the mosque of Córdoba, no? Was the water used for the plants?
On page 17: the "Al-Azhar Park" of Cairo is not "traditional", but an artifical creation of the year 2005
On page 22: Does the al-Buhayra of Seville date to the 11th or 12th century?
Comments on the Quality of English LanguageThere are some minor issues:
- Check the Arabic transliteration, which is different in English then in Spanish: "ŷ" should be replaced by "j" , "j" replaced by "kh" or "ḫ" etc.
- on page 15: "Bayad wa Riyad" should be transliterated correctly, like other names
- In some cases, a space is placed in between "al-" and "Awwam"
- For consistancy, check citation of centuries: "13th" sometimes with "th" in superscript, sometimes not, or "Seventeenth Century" is spelled out
- on page 4: "Maimonides, who", not "Maimonides, which"
- on page 14: probably you mean "(Al-Bukhari 2023)", not "Al-Bukhari (2023)"
- on pages 28-30: remove yellow highlighting in text
Author Response
Dear reviewer. Many thanks for your comments and corrections which were highly helpful. Please find below our responses.
Comments and Suggestions for Authors
1
The paper provides a comprehensive and very welcome summary of the state of research on a topic important to the understanding of gardens. Less clear is the purpose of the paper or its contribution to scholarship. Perhaps this could be more clearly stated at the beginning and end.
Many thanks! We revised the closing text of the introduction in the following terms:
This research advances the scholarly understanding of citrus species in Mediter-ranean cultural history through a novel interdisciplinary methodology that integrates botanical and archaeological evidence, artistic representations, and textual sources. By examining the diachronic development of citrus symbolism and utilization, particularly Citrus medica L., this study provides critical insights into the complex processes of bo-tanical-cultural integration in the ancient, medieval and Renaissance Mediterranean world.
The investigation's significant contribution lies in its comprehensive analytical framework, which synthesizes Mediterranean citrus biodiversity, archaeobotanical findings, iconographic analysis, and historical documentation to illuminate the multi-faceted role of citrus species in shaping religious practices, artistic traditions, and so-cioeconomic patterns. This methodological approach enables a more nuanced under-standing of how botanical elements acquire and transmit cultural significance across temporal and geographical boundaries, thereby enriching both ethnobotanical schol-arship and Mediterranean cultural studies.
And the conclusions
This comprehensive investigation into the cultural and artistic significance of citrus in Mediterranean civilization yields several significant findings while simultaneously opening new avenues for scholarly inquiry.
The earliest Western textual reference to citrus fruits is found in Theophrastus' De Causis Plantarum from the 4th century BCE, providing a foundational botanical de-scription. Additional evidence from Roman archaeological sites dating back to the 1st century CE confirms the presence of citrus seeds, citrons, and lemons, suggesting their early integration into Mediterranean horticulture. These varieties laid the groundwork for subsequent citrus cultivation, which expanded through hybridization involving both imported species and local varieties. Citrus fruits have been deeply intertwined with the cultural and symbolic landscape of the Mediterranean since the 1st millennium BCE, evolving significantly in diversity over time. Initially, yellow-hued varieties, such as citrons and lemons, dominated, with orange-colored citrus fruits gaining prominence during the Middle Ages. Citrus fruits also occupied a prominent place in myth and legend, from the mythical Garden of the Hesperides to Christian narratives of Eden’s forbidden fruit.
The depiction of citrus fruits has appeared in numerous works of art since Roman times, highlighting an enduring fascination with their form, color, volume, and texture. Be-yond their fruit, citrus trees themselves are frequently represented, often with varying degrees of realism. Our analysis reveals a notable evolution in artistic representation across different cultural contexts. Roman artistry exhibited remarkable naturalistic precision, particularly evident in mosaic and fresco techniques. This naturalism gave way to more abstracted forms in medieval Islamic art, where citrus motifs acquired distinct geometric characteristics, as exemplified in the Norman Sicilian palaces. The Renaissance subsequently ushered in a return to naturalistic representation, accompa-nied by enhanced botanical documentation.
The findings suggest a more nuanced understanding of how religious and cultural practices influence botanical preservation. The Jewish tradition's ritualistic use of the Etrog citron, particularly in the Feast of Tabernacles, represents a compelling example of how religious observance can ensure the preservation of specific botanical varieties across millennia. Similarly, the integration of orange trees into Islamic architectural spaces, such as the Court of the Oranges at Córdoba's Mosque, demonstrates the ad-aptation of citrus into sacred architectural programs.
While naturalistic depictions are uncommon in Western Muslim art, the symbolic im-portance of citrus in this culture is evident through frequent references in poetry, ag-ricultural treatises, and religious texts. The prominence of orange trees is particularly underscored by their use in significant spaces, such as the Court of the Oranges at the Mosque of Córdoba, which confirms their cultural and aesthetic relevance. Additionally, certain trees illustrated in the Hadīth Bayāḍ wa Riyāḍ manuscript, as well as those de-picted on the ceilings of the Hall of the Kings in the Alhambra of Granada, may plau-sibly be interpreted as representations of orange trees, further attesting to their sym-bolic resonance within this artistic and architectural tradition. Key figures like Ibn al-ʽAwwām contributed to the classification of citrus diversity, distinguishing between citrons, oranges, pummelos, grapefruits, and lemons.
The distinctive geometric representation of orange trees in the mosaics of Norman Si-cilian palaces suggests the practice of an advanced form of topiary art, employed to shape the orange tree canopies with remarkable precision.
The presence of citrus fruits among the elites of Christian Spain has been well-documented since at least the 13th century CE, as evidenced by illustrated manu-scripts and official records. Particularly noteworthy is the introduction of oranges into France, originating from the royal collections at the Castle of Olite in Navarra, linked to the story of the Grand Bourbon” orange tree. In Portugal, the presence of citrus fruits among the elite is documented as early as the 15th century.
This study has advanced the field's methodological framework through its systematic analysis of medieval citrus iconography. The research highlights the challenges inherent in species identification within medieval artistic representations, particularly when compared to the precise naturalism of Roman-era depictions. This methodological in-sight underscores the necessity of integrating textual sources with visual analysis for accurate species identification.
While this investigation has substantially advanced our understanding of citrus in western Mediterranean cultural history, several areas merit further scholarly attention. Future research should pursue three primary directions:
First, a more comprehensive investigation of the relationship between citrus cultivation and broader garden design principles is warranted, particularly concerning the inter-action between citrus and other ornamental species in both Bustān and Renaissance gardens.
Second, the development of advanced computational methodologies, specifically em-ploying artificial intelligence for image analysis, offers promising opportunities for enhancing species identification in historical artwork. This approach could significantly advance our understanding of citrus representation across different historical periods and cultural contexts.
Third, a more integrated approach to studying the symbolic dimensions of citrus across different cultural traditions could yield valuable insights into cross-cultural exchange and influence in the Mediterranean region.
These findings and recommendations contribute to an emerging framework for under-standing the complex role of citrus in Mediterranean cultural heritage, while estab-lishing clear directions for future scholarly investigation. The integration of traditional art historical methods with emerging technological approaches promises to yield rich new insights into this significant aspect of Mediterranean cultural history.
Some minor points:
2
Please explain why Islamic gardens are referred to as "bustan" and not as "gardens" or "orchards". Maybe define what you mean by "bustan"
Many thanks! We start part 2.4.1. with:
The term "Bustān" (Persian: بوستان, romanized: bustān) is used in Persian and Arabic literature to describe gardens, particularly those featuring fruit trees, flowers, and water elements, evoking a sense of beauty, tranquility, and paradise (Navarro-Palazón et al., 2014; García-Sánchez, 1995; Weber, 1994). Unlike the more general terms "gardens" or "orchards," "Bustān" carries deeper cultural and historical significance, especially within Persian and Islamic traditions. It reflects an idealized space that symbolizes harmony and paradise, making it particularly fitting when referring to Islamic gardens in the Western Islamic world.
Additionally, Islamic gardens often have distinct characteristics, such as flowing water, geometric designs, and courtyards, which the term " Bustān " captures more ef-fectively than broader terms. It is also a word deeply embedded in Persian and Arabic literature, where it has been used for centuries to describe both real and imagined gardens, further enriching its association with Islamic garden ideals.
In this way, "Bustān" carries not only the aesthetic qualities of Islamic gardens but also the cultural and literary layers that give it a unique and evocative meaning beyond what the word "garden" or "orchard" might convey.
3
On page 13: are you sure the "cistern" in the mosque was used for "purification"? A cistern would seem to supply the water for a fountain, which then in turn could be used for purification. But the baths of the mosque were located outside the mosque of Córdoba, no? Was the water used for the plants?
Many thanks! We tried to explain the use and added a new reference.
In the Patio de los Naranjos of the Mosque Cathedral of Cordoba (Spain), under the orange trees there is a large cistern. The drain conduit of the cistern appears to have been part of the Islamic qanāt system that supplied water to the ablutions room of Hišām I, situated on the eastern side of the Mosque of ‘Abd al-Rahmān I. The cistern was replenished with clean water sourced from the Sierra Morena channel (Ortiz-Cordero and Hidalgo-Fernández, 2017).
4
On page 17: the "Al-Azhar Park" of Cairo is not "traditional", but an artifical creation of the year 2005
Many thanks! Corrected.
5
On page 22: Does the al-Buhayra of Seville date to the 11th or 12th century?
Many thanks! Corrected, 12th century CE. The Sevillan Buhayra site and its gardens were constructed between 1172 and 1196 CE and remained in use until the period of Navaggero at least (Valor, 2020).
Comments on the Quality of English Language
There are some minor issues:
6
- Check the Arabic transliteration, which is different in English then in Spanish: "ŷ" should be replaced by "j" , "j" replaced by "kh" or "ḫ" etc.
Many thanks! We corrected this, following the protocols and Arabic Transliteration Systems Comparison Table that follows
Consonants
|
Arabic Letter |
Spanish System |
English System (Modified IJMES) |
Example SP |
Example EN |
|
ء |
' |
ʾ |
ra's |
raʾs |
|
ب |
b |
b |
bab |
bab |
|
ت |
t |
t |
tamr |
tamr |
|
ث |
z/th |
th |
zalaza |
thalatha |
|
ج |
y/ŷ |
j |
yabal |
jabal |
|
ح |
h/ḥ |
ḥ |
hasan |
ḥasan |
|
خ |
j |
kh |
jalib |
khalib |
|
د |
d |
d |
dar |
dar |
|
ذ |
d/dh |
dh |
dahab |
dhahab |
|
ر |
r |
r |
rihla |
riḥla |
|
ز |
z |
z |
zait |
zayt |
|
س |
s |
s |
salam |
salam |
|
ش |
š/sh |
sh |
šams |
shams |
|
ص |
ṣ |
ṣ |
ṣabr |
ṣabr |
|
ض |
ḍ |
ḍ |
ḍarb |
ḍarb |
|
ط |
ṭ |
ṭ |
ṭalib |
ṭalib |
|
ظ |
ẓ |
ẓ |
ẓahr |
ẓahr |
|
ع |
' |
ʿ |
'ain |
ʿayn |
|
غ |
g/ġ |
gh |
garb |
gharb |
|
ف |
f |
f |
fikr |
fikr |
|
ق |
q |
q |
qalb |
qalb |
|
ك |
k |
k |
kitab |
kitab |
|
ل |
l |
l |
lail |
layl |
|
م |
m |
m |
madrasa |
madrasa |
|
ن |
n |
n |
nur |
nur |
|
ه |
h |
h |
hawa |
hawa |
|
و |
w |
w |
ward |
ward |
|
ي |
y |
y |
yad |
yad |
Vowels
Arabic Vowel |
Spanish System |
English System |
Example |
|
ـَ (fatḥa) |
a |
a |
kataba |
kataba |
ـِ (kasra) |
i |
i |
kitab |
kitab |
ـُ (ḍamma) |
u |
u |
kutub |
kutub |
ا |
ā |
ā |
kitāb |
kitāb |
ي |
ī |
ī |
karīm |
karīm |
و |
ū |
ū |
sūq |
sūq |
Key Differences to Note
- Hamza and Ayn
- Spanish: Both often use (') - English: Hamza (ʾ), Ayn (ʿ)
- Jim Letter
- Spanish: y/ŷ - English: j
- Kha Letter
- Spanish: j - English: kh
- Ghayn
- Spanish: g/ġ - English: gh
Additional Notes
- The English system follows the modified IJMES (International Journal of Middle East Studies) guidelines, which is widely used in academic publications.
- When converting from Spanish to English transliteration:
- Replace y/ŷ with j at the beginning of words
- Replace j with kh when it represents خ
- Use gh instead of g for غ
- Distinguish between ʾ (hamza) and ʿ (ayn)
- Diacritical marks are maintained in both systems for:
- ḥ, ṣ, ḍ, ṭ, ẓ
- Long vowels: ā, ī, ū
7
- on page 15: "Bayad wa Riyad" should be transliterated correctly, like other names
We replaced this through the manuscript with Hadīth Bayāḍ wa Riyāḍ
8
- In some cases, a space is placed in between "al-" and "Awwam"
Thanks! Corrected.
9
- For consistancy, check citation of centuries: "13th" sometimes with "th" in superscript, sometimes not, or "Seventeenth Century" is spelled out
Thanks! Corrected and standardized.
10
- on page 4: "Maimonides, who", not "Maimonides, which"
Thanks! Corrected.
11
- on page 14: probably you mean "(Al-Bukhari 2023)", not "Al-Bukhari (2023)"
Yes indeed. Many thanks!
12
- on pages 28-30: remove yellow highlighting in text
Done, thanks!
Author Response File: Author Response.pdf
Reviewer 2 Report
Comments and Suggestions for Authors
Comments for author File: Comments.pdf
Author Response
Dear reviewer, many thanks for your comments. We corrected and addresses the issues raised by your review. We find that these changes contributed to improve our manuscript.
Please find below the responses to your observations.
Referee The article contains a lot of information and provides an important overview of the circulation of citrus fruits, their varieties, and written descriptions from Antiquity to the Renaissance.
Many thanks!
It’s a shame it isn’t clearer in the following cases:
We think “a pity” should be a less offensive term. But we followed your advice because it will certainly improve the manuscript
1)
Page 3 talking about antiquity and then in page 4 making references to 14th and 15th century trade of citrus by Jews.
We entirely reorganized this part.
The part related with the Jews is the weakest. It should be all concentrated and should not appear like flashes throughout the article.
Many Thanks! We reorganized this part in one single section and broadened the analysis to reflect the continuity associated with variation and improve the strength of it. We added an extra figure with relevant elements of the etrog-related traditions
2)
I would suggest a meticulous chronological sequence, and then by variety in each of the contexts: Antiquity; Muslim Civilisation and Renaissance
We agreed and tried to set a more rigorous chronological framework. Some exceptions to this approach are the relationship between Citron and Jews which are placed using the chronology of the beginning of this as you suggested.
3)
It seems to me odd that the gardening treatise "Agricultura de jardines" by Gregorio de los Rios (1592) is not quoted here as he is the first to say that he is going to write only about plants that beautiful for sight and not about productive trees, proper for orchards. But there is one exception - orange trees and a whole chapter is dedicated to orange trees' cultivation.
Thanks, we revised the available edition and added this analysis
Gregorio de los Ríos's "Agricultura de Jardines" (in the version of 1620) provides limited documentation of citrus diversity and cultivation practices, a constraint potentially attributable to the work's concise nature, the climatic restrictions of Castilian environments, or possibly the royal court gardeners' limited exposure to Spain's peripheral citrus diversity present in regions such as Murcia, Valencia, Sevilla, and the northern coastal areas of Asturias and Cantabria. Nevertheless, the treatise dedicates five pages to essential citriculture practices, including propagation methods for Citrus aurantium, transplantation techniques, grafting procedures, and irrigation protocols. Of scholarly interest are the author's novel instructions regarding the preparation of drinking vessels fashioned from bisected and hollowed specimens of C. limon and C. medica, representing an early documentation of citrus fruit utilization beyond conventional horticultural applications (De los Ríos, 1620; Fernández & González, 1991).
This text is explored in Rodrigues, A. D., “The Role of Portuguese Gardens in the Development of Horticultural and Botanical Expertise on Oranges", Journal of Early Modern Studies, 6:1 (2017): 69-89.
Many Thanks! We analyzed this text and cited where appropriate, adding relevant references to the orange cultivation in Portugal, within the new separate part devoted to the Iberian Gardens
4)
Regarding citrus irrigation in Iberia and Sicily, I suggest you read: Rodrigues, A. D., “Early modern water-saving strategies for citrus growing in Greater Spain: Theory versus Practice”, Félix Labrador Arroyo and Magdalena Merlos Romero (eds.), Pragmatismo e ilusión: el agua y la gestión del espacio y territorio en Aranjuez y otros sitios cortesanos (siglos XVI-XIX), Madrid: Sílex Universidad/Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, pp. 27-54.
Unfortunately, we had no access to this text
5)
page 10, 2.3.1 should not start like this, but with a reference to what is a Bustan garden.
Many thanks, done.
The term "Bustān" (Persian: بوستان, romanized: bustān) is used in Persian and Arabic literature to describe gardens, particularly those featuring fruit trees, flowers, and water elements, evoking a sense of beauty, tranquility, and paradise (Weber, 1994; García-Sánchez, 1995; Navarro-Palazón et al., 2014, 2018). Unlike the more general terms "gardens" or "orchards," "Bustān" carries deeper cultural and historical significance, especially within Persian and Islamic traditions. It reflects an idealized space that symbolizes harmony and paradise, making it particularly fitting when referring to Islamic gardens in the Western Islamic world.
Additionally, Islamic gardens often have distinct characteristics, such as flowing water, geometric designs, and courtyards, which the term " Bustān " captures more ef-fectively than broader terms. It is also a word deeply embedded in Persian and Arabic literature, where it has been used for centuries to describe both real and imagined gardens, further enriching its association with Islamic Garden ideals.
In this way, "Bustān" carries not only the aesthetic qualities of Islamic gardens but also the cultural and literary layers that give it a unique and evocative meaning beyond what the word "garden" or "orchard" might convey.
I also suggest you use chronology and to start with an author of the 14th century and then go back the 12th century with Ibn Al-Awwam doesn’t make sense to me.
Many thanks! Corrected.
6)
Page 11 you make a sole reference to Sicilian Bustan gardens and then the next sentence is about Andalusian authors – this also needs revision 2
Thanks, we revised the text stating that we refer to pre-Norman period, here we register the view of Barbera, a contemporary Sicilian author who studied garden and citrus history in Sicily:
In the Western Islamic and, likely, pre-Norman Sicilian Bustān gardens, citrus played a pivotal role, serving as symbols of prestige and luxury. Some Andalusian authors recommend planting violets at the foot of citrus trees in gardens, to get a sequence of blooms, from violet to citrus flowers in late winter and early spring (Barbera, 2023).
7)
The section on Renaissance gardens is for me incomplete because it is only focused on Italy and what occurred in Iberia in the 15th and 16th century regarding citrus cultivation was exceptional to such an extent that one could say Iberia became an orange landscape.
Many thanks! We created a separated entity devoted to the Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula, reorganized data already present in the manuscript but concealed amongst the Italian, and incorporated novel information, highlighting the relevance of the Iberian Peninsula, especially the coastal areas of Spain and Portugal.
8)
I think you could emphasize in the conclusion the role orange groves play in Islamic centers of power, despite the clarification of the dates. If you mention in page 14, line 378 and following, the value it has in the Qur’an, and all the patio de los naranjos in al-Andalus, it is odd that it is not in the conclusion,
Many thanks! Both done.
and just the value it had for the Jews.
Many thanks, also done. First we expanded the chapter on Etrog and included a specific mention in the conclusions, focusing on the influence of religion in the preservation of diversity
9)
Parts 3.3 and 4 seem very good. But the conclusions need improvement
Many thanks!. We revised the conclusions.
10)
Although the bibliography is quite extent, I think the paper would benefit from the readings I suggest here. Another one is Baldassarri, F., “A Clockwork Orange. Citrus Fruits in Early Modern Philosophy, Science, and Medicine, 1564-1668”, Nuncius 37 (2022), pp. 255-283.
Many thanks! The paper was already listed but only incidentally cited. Thus, we read it again and exhaustively revised our manuscript. We found particularly interesting the references to Aldrovandi, Della Porta, and Commelin among others. We consulted the original books, although some in later editions ,and mentioned their contributions especially to the descriptions of monstruosities, and of course the relevant contributions of Baldasarri.
Author Response File: Author Response.pdf
Round 2
Reviewer 2 Report
Comments and Suggestions for AuthorsThe article has significantly improved.
Just three issues regarding references:
1) You should use the Gregorio de los Rios' edition of 1592. It says the same of what you are quoting and is the original one.
2) The name Duarte-Rodrigues is not used as the author is not Spanish. It should only be Rodrigues 2017.
3)It is a pity that you do not quote the chapter on “Early modern water-saving strategies for citrus growing in Greater Spain: Theory versus Practice”, Félix Labrador Arroyo and Magdalena Merlos Romero (eds.), Pragmatismo e ilusión: el agua y la gestión del espacio y territorio en Aranjuez y otros sitios cortesanos (siglos XVI-XIX), Madrid: Sílex Universidad/Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, pp. 27-54.
This chapter establishes a comparison between Herrera (1513) and Los Rios (1592), and Antonino Venuto (1516), who describes the Sicilian context on what they tell about citrus' irrigation in Iberia and Sicily. For every reason, it should be in this article.
Author Response
Responses to reviewer
1
The article has significantly improved.
Many thanks! We highly appreciate your suggestions and corrections as those of the other referee and editor.
Just three issues regarding references:
2
1) You should use the Gregorio de los Rios' edition of 1592. It says the same of what you are quoting and is the original one.
Many thanks! We downloaded this 1592 edition from Archive and verified contents. Thus added this to the list of references and cited where appropriate
De los Ríos, Gregorio. 1592. Agricultura de Jardines que trata de la manera que se han de criar, y conservar las plantas. Madrid. P. Madrigal. Available at: https://ia801508.us.archive.org/13/items/rios-iardines-1/RiosIardines1.pdf
The additions are highlighted in the manuscript in red characters
3
2) The name Duarte-Rodrigues is not used as the author is not Spanish. It should only be Rodrigues 2017.
Thanks! Corrected
4
3)It is a pity that you do not quote the chapter on “Early modern water-saving strategies for citrus growing in Greater Spain: Theory versus Practice”, Félix Labrador Arroyo and Magdalena Merlos Romero (eds.), Pragmatismo e ilusión: el agua y la gestión del espacio y territorio en Aranjuez y otros sitios cortesanos (siglos XVI-XIX), Madrid: Sílex Universidad/Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, pp. 27-54.
This chapter establishes a comparison between Herrera (1513) and Los Rios (1592), and Antonino Venuto (1516), who describes the Sicilian context on what they tell about citrus' irrigation in Iberia and Sicily. For every reason, it should be in this article.
Many thanks! We included the reference and made this addition:
The historical relationship between the theory and practice of citrus irrigation in Iberia and Sicily has been examined by Professor Ana Duarte Rodrigues (2023). Her research compares the agricultural treatises of Herrera (1513) and Los Ríos (1592) with the firsthand account of Antonino Venuto (1516) describing the Sicilian context.
Rodrigues' analysis reveals a notable disconnect between the idealized irrigation methods promoted in theoretical agricultural manuals and the actual water management systems employed by early modern citrus growers. Contrary to the prescriptive recommendations of theorists, diverse, context-specific irrigation techniques and hydraulic structures were widely adopted, even in arid regions, to facilitate citrus cultivation. This divergence between theory and praxis highlights the complex realities faced by premodern citrus cultivators, who developed innovative water-saving strategies to overcome local environmental challenges. Venuto's account of the Sicilian context provides valuable insights into these pragmatic adaptations, which often differed from the idealized methods proposed in influential agricultural treatises.
Author Response File: Author Response.pdf