Access to Justice for Women Victims of Domestic Violence in Brazil: Analysis and Categorization of Policies

Abstract

Domestic violence against women is a severe problem in Brazil and worldwide. The Brazilian system presents innovative policies aimed at women’s access to justice, which have not yet been systematized or empirically examined. This article aims to identify, analyze, and categorize the main policies for access to justice for victims of domestic violence in Brazil. Methods used are documentary analysis and data collection were conducted. Data were requested from public institutions and collected from 27 state governments and the federal government. As results, the research found that, in addition to access to justice policies commonly adopted worldwide—such as emergency protective measures, risk assessment forms, call centers for women, and panic buttons, Brazil has implemented several innovations, particularly: (i) multidisciplinary care centers, (ii) specialized police stations, (iii) shelters and rental assistance, (iv) employment quotas, (v) special pensions for orphans, and (vi) aesthetic repair. In conclusion: (i) the ten public policies are effective and have benefited millions of women in Brazil; (ii) there is a need to coordinate these policies, assess their effectiveness, and consolidate data; (iii) new technologies offer opportunities to develop tools that facilitate access to justice and prevent and redress domestic violence; and (iv) these policies may be adopted by other countries, with appropriate contextual adaptations.

1. Introduction

Domestic violence based on gender issues is a global problem [1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8]. According to estimates by UN Women, approximately one in three women worldwide has experienced physical and/or sexual violence at least once in her lifetime [9]. Similarly, the World Health Organization reports that 35% of women globally have experienced either physical and/or sexual violence [6]. Women are disproportionately affected, and domestic violence represents the most prevalent form of gender-based violence [4,6,10,11]. Consequently, addressing and combating domestic violence should be a priority for national governments and international organizations.

According to the World Health Organization and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine [6], using the United Nations SDG regional and subregional classifications, the lifetime prevalence of physical and/or sexual domestic violence among ever-married or partnered women aged 15–49 years was highest in the “Least Developed Countries,” at 37% (UI 33–42%), and in the three subregions of Oceania (Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia). Estimates for the prevalence of this type of violence in the previous 12 months were also highest in the “Least Developed Countries” (22%, UI 19–26%) and in the three subregions of Oceania. The regions of Southern Asia (35%) and Sub-Saharan Africa (33%) present the next highest lifetime prevalence rates of domestic violence in this age group. The lowest rates were observed in the four subregions of Europe (16–23%), as well as in Central (18%), Eastern (20%), and South-Eastern Asia (21%), and in Australia and New Zealand (23%) [6].

Between 2011 and 2021, more than 49,000 women were murdered in Brazil [12]. The female homicide rate peaked in 2017 at 4.7 deaths per 100,000 women [12]. This rate subsequently declined to 4.3 in 2018 and 3.5 in 2019, followed by a slight increase in 2020 (3.6) and 2021 (3.56). With regard to femicide, the rate reached 1.24 deaths per 100,000 women in 2019 [12]. In 2022, Brazil’s Unified Health System recorded 202,608 compulsory notifications of domestic and sexual violence against women [13]. Furthermore, approximately 30% of Brazilian women report having experienced some form of domestic or family violence perpetrated by a man [14]. Notably, 90% of violent deaths of women are committed by men, of which 63% are perpetrated by a current intimate partner, 21.2% by a former intimate partner, and 8.7% by a family member [15].

Gender-based violence is deeply embedded in structural power asymmetries between women and men, highlighting the need for continuous evaluation of the effectiveness of public policies aimed at prevention and protection—particularly in breaking the cycle of violence—as well as reparation for women who are victims of domestic violence. The high prevalence of domestic violence in Brazil underscores the necessity of a comprehensive set of protective and remedial mechanisms. National reports indicate that 573,220 urgent protective measures were granted in 2022 and 529,690 in 2023, while the rate of police underreporting reached 61% in 2023 [13]. Therefore, it is essential to examine how victims of domestic violence access justice, the instruments available to them, their effectiveness, and how policies for the prevention and combating of violence against women may be strengthened.

There is a significant body of literature on the concepts of gender-based violence and domestic violence [10,16], as well as research evaluating the effectiveness of specific public policies designed to prevent or redress such violence [17,18,19,20,21]. However, there remains a gap in the literature concerning a systemic view of public policies on access to justice across different countries, including Brazil.

This article aims to identify, analyze, and categorize the main policies for access to justice for women victims of domestic violence in Brazil. To achieve these objectives, documentary analysis and data collection methodologies were used to identify the most relevant public policies developed in Brazil for the prevention and reparation of domestic violence. The results were then analyzed and discussed in order to contribute to the field of research and to the improvement of public policies for the protection of women.

2. Conceptual Framework

Access to justice is widely recognized as a human right in both domestic and international contexts and relates not only to the effectiveness of rights, but also to the achievement of broader goals such as development, poverty reduction, and equality [7,22,23]. Legal norms establish both the institutional structure and the procedural avenues for the pursuit of justice. However, effective access to justice depends on the consistent enforcement of laws, policies, and agreements. The translation of legal discourse into practice requires robust implementation mechanisms, which are frequently absent or weakened by gaps that may be exploited to the detriment of victims [5,7].

The concept of access to justice adopted in this study encompasses the articulation of three dimensions: (i) normative-formal, which involves the recognition of rights by the State and their legal provision; (ii) institutional, which concerns the existence of institutions and public policies capable of making formal access to justice effective, that is, through the administration and distribution of justice; and (iii) personal, which considers the conditions that enable individuals to recognize themselves as rights-bearing subjects and to access public policies and the justice system.

Thus, access to justice for women victims of domestic violence involves the realization of these three dimensions (normative, institutional, and personal), along with the challenge of identifying its barriers and facilitators [8,24].

Barriers hinder both the breaking of the cycle of violence and access to justice for victims of domestic violence. The main barriers identified in the literature include: (i) economic dependence or insufficiency [1,7,22,25]; (ii) fear of humiliation or discrimination [1,7,22]; (iii) institutional difficulties arising from inefficient, corrupt, and gender-insensitive justice systems [1,7,22]; (iv) geographical distances [1,7,22,26,27]; (v) cultural and religious norms [1,5,7,22]; (vi) ethnic and racial discrimination [28,29]; (vii) lack of knowledge or information [1,7,22,23], including misinformation [30] and underreporting [1,5]; (viii) slow proceedings [1,7]; (ix) restrictions on freedom of expression [31]; and (x) hate speech [32].

Conversely, facilitators of access to justice for women victims of domestic violence include a range of programs and policies aimed at enabling women and children to escape situations of violence, ensuring economic self-sufficiency, and holding aggressors legally accountable, within an integrated system of institutions and state actors operating collaboratively. The literature highlights the importance of well-defined domestic violence laws and specialized: (i) courts; (ii) alternative dispute resolution mechanisms; (iii) continuous training for judges and public officials; (iv) intergovernmental integration in terms of data and programs; (v) the use of digital tools; (vi) the decentralization of service centers; (vii) education programs; (viii) economic empowerment initiatives (including vocational training and microfinance); (ix) shelters; and (x) social assistance, legal aid, and counseling programs [1,7,8].

Ensuring access to justice for women victims of domestic violence depends on mapping existing barriers and designing institutional public policies aimed at overcoming them [1,7], that is, on the creation and implementation of appropriate facilitators that take into account the social, political, economic, and legal contexts of each country or region. These public policies tend to be more effective when they result from a coordinated and comprehensive set of actions by public authorities—particularly actors within the justice system—and civil society, both in the implementation and in the periodic review of such programs [1,5,7].

The programs and policies for access to justice for women in Brazil (aimed at the prevention and redress of domestic violence) will be empirically analyzed in the following sections. However, to understand the scope and objectives of these programs and policies, it is important to examine the typology of domestic violence in Brazil and in international contexts.

Table 1. Types of Domestic Violence.

Types of Domestic Violence	Brazil—Maria da Penha Law (LMP)	European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE)
Physical	Any conduct that offends a woman’s physical integrity or health (item I)	Any act that causes physical harm to a current or former partner as a result of unlawful physical force. Physical violence may take the form of, among other things, serious or minor assault, deprivation of liberty, manslaughter, or attempted homicide.
Psychological	Any conduct that causes emotional harm and diminishes a woman’s self-esteem or impairs her full development, or that seeks to degrade or control her actions, behaviors, beliefs, or decisions through threats, embarrassment, humiliation, manipulation, isolation, constant surveillance, persistent persecution, insults, blackmail, violation of privacy, ridicule, exploitation, restriction of the right to freedom of movement, or any other means that harms psychological health and self-determination. (item II)	Any act or behavior that causes psychological harm to a current or former partner (e.g., coercion, defamation, verbal abuse, or harassment).
Sexual	Any conduct that compels a woman to witness, engage in, or participate in unwanted sexual relations through intimidation, threat, coercion, or use of force; that induces the commercialization or exploitation of sexuality in any form; that prevents the use of contraceptive methods; or that forces marriage, pregnancy, abortion, or prostitution through coercion, blackmail, bribery, or manipulation; or that limits or nullifies the exercise of sexual and reproductive rights. (item III)	Any sexual act performed on the victim without consent. Sexual violence may take the form of rape or sexual assault.
Economic	Any conduct involving the retention, removal, partial or total destruction of objects, work instruments, personal documents, assets, values, rights, or economic resources, including those intended to meet a woman’s needs. (item IV)	Any act or behavior that causes economic harm to a current or former partner. Economic violence may take the form of, among other things, property damage; restricting access to financial resources, education, or the labor market; or failure to comply with economic responsibilities, such as alimony.
Moral	Any conduct that constitutes slander, defamation, or insult. (item V)

Source: prepared by the authors.

presents this typology, comparing Brazilian and European regulations on the subject.

Domestic violence can be defined as any act of physical, sexual, psychological, or economic violence that occurs between former or current spouses or partners, regardless of whether the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim [4,5,33,34]. Although definitions vary across national legal frameworks, they generally include both formal unions, such as marriage, and informal relationships, including dating and nonmarital sexual partnerships [11]. Furthermore, this definition encompasses violence occurring within lesbian relationships, as well as cases involving transgender and bisexual women as victims of abuse in intimate partnerships [35]. The concept of domestic violence has also been applied to same-sex male couples in some countries [10,16]. However, available data indicate that domestic violence is predominantly perpetrated by men—current or former partners—against women [5,22,36].

The measures established under the Maria da Penha Law adopt a comprehensive approach to addressing domestic violence against women by combining punitive mechanisms directed at perpetrators, protective measures aimed at safeguarding women’s rights, and policies that promote access to assistance and legal entitlements. In addition, the Law emphasizes the prevention of violence through public awareness campaigns and initiatives for cultural transformation, seeking to dismantle unequal gender norms and to promote relationships grounded in gender equality [8].

In light of this theoretical framework, it is important to identify and analyze the effectiveness of the main Brazilian policies aimed at guaranteeing access to justice and the rights of women victims of domestic violence. This analysis will be conducted using the methodology described below.

3. Materials and Methods

This research used document analysis methodology and data collection techniques in order to identify the most relevant public policies developed in Brazil to guarantee access to justice and rights for victims of domestic violence, considering both prevention and reparation programs. This research established objective criteria for selecting the programs, aiming to include those that were already stabilized, whether due to legal or normative provision, or due to adoption at the state level (by a minimum number of states) or federal level.

Subsequently, inclusion and exclusion criteria were defined for the selection of policies aimed at improving access to justice for victims of domestic violence, according to the legal discipline and the level of institutionalization of the programs. The following inclusion criteria were applied: (i) national programs; (ii) programs implemented by national law or national regulation or adopted in more than three Brazilian states. The selection also considered programs implemented through acts of the executive, legislative, and/or judiciary branches. Accordingly, policies were excluded if they: (i) were not consolidated or formally recognized by the public administration; or (ii) were not implemented in at least three states.

Following this initial selection, public policies were categorized and analysed based on the following criteria: (i) prevention or reparation; (ii) branches involved (legislative, executive, or judiciary); (iii) public or private sector; (iv) scope (national, regional, or local); (v) beneficiaries (women and/or children); and (vi) data availability (available, partially available, or unavailable).

Data were obtained from public databases of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of Brazil’s states, as well as from entities of the indirect public administration, and from information requested directly from public institutions, more specifically from the Federal Senate. In this case, the data involving women who were victims of domestic violence were anonymized, ensuring that no individual could be identified.

The sources used for data collection varied according to the policy, as there is no centralized database that consolidates all relevant information. Thus, this research involved the collection and analysis of three types of data: (i) data collected from the institutional websites of the 27 state governments of Brazil and the federal government (primary sources), (ii) data requested directly from public institutions, all consolidated into structured datasets (primary sources), and (iii) data available in published reports, institutional websites, or data repositories (secondary sources).

Therefore, this study classified data sources according to two criteria: (i) availability (available or unavailable); and (ii) type of source (primary or secondary sources).

The sources for data retrieval are listed in

Table 2. Public Policy Assessment: Summary Table.

Public Policy Identification	Objective: Prevent or Repair	Branches Involved: Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Sectors Involved: Public and/or Private	Scope: National, Regional, or Local	Beneficiaries: Women and/or Children	Data Availability/Source/ Materials
Urgent Protective Measures	Prevent	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	National	Women	Available/Secondary/Reports and dashboards of the Judiciary or Legislative branches
Specialized Women’s Assistance Police Stations	Prevent	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	Regional	Women	Partially available/Secondary/Reports and dashboards of the Executive branch
Risk Assessment Form	Prevent	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	National	Women	Not available
Electronic Devices—Panic Button and Electronic Ankle Bracelets	Prevent	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	National (judicial recommendation) and regional	Women	Partially available/Secondary/Reports and dashboards of the Judiciary and non-governmental organizations
Call Center 180	Prevent	Executive	Public	National	Women	Available/Secondary/Reports and dashboards of the Executive branch
Comprehensive and Multidisciplinary Care Centers and Shelters	Prevent	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	National and regional	Women and children	Partially available/Secondary/Reports and dashboards of the Executive branch
Quotas for Women in Situations of Vulnerability in Public Contracting	Repair	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public and private	National	Women and children	Partially available/Primary/Data requested from the Federal Senate and extracted from research conducted across the 27 states and the federal government
Rental Assistance for Victims of Domestic Violence in Situations of Economic and Social Vulnerability	Repair	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	National and regional	Women and children	Partially available/Primary/Data extracted from research conducted across the 27 states and the federal government
Special Pension for Orphans of Femicide	Repair	Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary	Public	National	Children	Not available
Aesthetic Repair for Victims of Domestic Violence	Repair	Judiciary	Public and private	Regional	Women	Not available

Source: prepared by the authors.

, according to each policy related to access to justice for victims of domestic violence.

After the categorization presented above, the sections below provide a detailed analysis and description of these policies and their impacts, considering public policies aimed at preventing domestic violence and public policies aimed at repairing harm suffered by victims of domestic violence and/or their children as forms of access to justice and rights.

4. Results

This section analyzes the main Brazilian public policies related to access to justice for women in situations of domestic violence, the barriers and facilitators affecting such access, and available data indicating the level of effectiveness of these policies. Based on the methodological criteria applied in this study, ten public policies related to domestic violence were selected, comprising six prevention policies and four reparation policies. These policies concerning access to justice for victims of domestic violence are analyzed below.

4.1. Access to the Justice System: Public Policies to Prevent Domestic Violence

The following subsections analyze prevention policies designed to preserve the integrity and lives of victims, considering their potential to protect women and prevent episodes of violence, particularly in cases of femicide. The effectiveness of these measures is assessed based on the documents reviewed and the data collected.

4.1.1. Emergency Protective Measures

In Brazil, the emergency protection measures established by the Maria da Penha Law are widely recognized as the main instrument for protection against domestic violence. These measures enable a prompt state response to situations of domestic violence, aiming to protect women’s physical and psychological integrity, as well as to safeguard the rights of their children and other dependents. Measures such as restraining orders, prohibitions on contact, and the removal of the aggressor from the shared household have demonstrated significant potential to reduce the recurrence and severity of violent episodes.

In 2023, an amendment to the Maria da Penha Law strengthened the effectiveness of urgent protective measures by establishing their mandatory application regardless of the filing of a police report, the initiation of a police investigation, or the commencement of judicial proceedings. These protective measures must remain in force as long as a risk to the woman persists, without a predefined expiration date.

Available data indicate a consistently high volume of protective measures adjudicated annually in Brazil. In 2022, a total of 573,220 measures were adjudicated, of which 66.5% were granted, 10.9% were partially granted, 7.0% were denied, and 15.3% were subsequently revoked. In 2023, a total of 529,690 measures were adjudicated, of which 67.1% were granted, 11.5% were partially granted, 6.2% were denied, and 15.42% were subsequently revoked [13].

The urgent protective measures most frequently requested by victims are those directed at the aggressor, particularly measures imposing restrictions on proximity and communication. These include: (i) prohibitions on approaching the victim, her family members, and witnesses; (ii) the establishment of a minimum distance between the aggressor and the victim; and (iii) bans on any form of contact with the victim, her family, or witnesses. Together, these measures account for 77% of recorded cases [37]. The removal of the aggressor from the household, domicile, or place of residence of the victim represents 19.6% of requests [37]. The remaining measures each account for less than 2% of total records and include restrictions on the aggressor’s presence in specific locations to protect the victim’s physical and psychological integrity (1.94%), the provision of shelter for the victim and her family (0.42%), and the suspension of firearm possession or restrictions on carrying weapons (0.21%) [37].

Judges may also order protective measures in favor of the victim, including: (i) referral of the victim and her dependents to official or community-based protection or assistance programs; (ii) temporary removal of the victim from the shared household, without prejudice to her rights regarding property, child custody, and maintenance; (iii) the granting of legal separation; and (iv) the enrollment or transfer of the victim’s dependents to the nearest basic education institution, regardless of the availability of vacancies.

An analysis of beneficiaries’ age profiles indicates that, despite limitations resulting from incomplete data reporting by courts of justice, urgent protective measures are predominantly applied to adult women aged 20–29 years (28%) and 30–39 years (29%) [37]. The third highest proportion corresponds to women aged 40–49 years (20%). Women aged 50–59 years account for 9% of records, while those aged up to 19 years represent 8%. The lowest proportion of beneficiaries is observed among women aged 60 years and older, comprising 6% of total records [37].

With regard to perpetrators, data indicate that the vast majority are men, accounting for 84.37% of recorded cases. The highest concentration of records corresponds to individuals aged 30–39 years (33%), followed by those aged 20–29 years (26%) and 40–49 years (24%). Perpetrators aged 50–59 years represent 11% of cases, while the lowest proportions are observed among individuals aged up to 19 years (2%) and those aged 60 years and older (5%) [37]. These findings indicate that incidents of violence are recorded across all adult age groups, underscoring violence as a social and cultural phenomenon that transcends generations and continues to reproduce itself within Brazilian society. Furthermore, the data demonstrate a notable correspondence between the age groups of victims and perpetrators.

Regarding the timeliness of judicial review of urgent protective measures, substantial disparities exist among Brazilian courts. When assessed against the 48 h deadline established by the Maria da Penha Law, most courts fail to decide a considerable proportion of cases within the prescribed timeframe, and in some jurisdictions nearly half of the requests remain undecided beyond this period [37]. One factor that undermines the effectiveness of protective measures and the enforcement of sanctions for their violation is the difficulty in formally notifying both victims and perpetrators, often resulting from deliberate evasion or concealment [8]. Among women victims, changes in the narrative of events during investigative or criminal proceedings are frequently observed, driven by fear, economic dependence, or the reestablishment of emotional ties with the aggressor. The persistence of such obstacles reflects broader patterns of structural violence, in which social, economic, and institutional inequalities systematically constrain women’s capacity to sustain engagement with the justice system.

Despite the substantial number of women who access the justice system, data on underreporting and lack of information remain significant. The National Survey on Violence Against Women reveals that only 27% of women who reported experiencing domestic violence requested protective measures, whereas 73% did not. In addition, 68% of respondents reported limited knowledge, and 15% reported no knowledge at all regarding the availability of urgent protective measures in cases of domestic violence [14].

4.1.2. Specialized Women’s Assistance Police Stations

Specialized Women’s Assistance Police Stations, established under Law No. 14541/2023, are dedicated law enforcement units that provide continuous, 24 h assistance to women who are victims of violence. Their institutional mandate encompasses the prevention, investigation, and prosecution of domestic violence, crimes against sexual dignity, and femicide, as well as the authority to grant or request urgent protective measures and to obtain forensic reports from the Legal Medical Institute (IML). Beyond their core policing functions, these units operate through formal cooperation agreements with other institutions within the justice system, thereby facilitating integrated psychological and legal support for women. The legislation further stipulates that assistance must be provided in a private setting, preferably by female police officers trained to deliver specialized, gender-sensitive care, and requires the availability of telephone or electronic communication channels to ensure immediate access to police services. In municipalities where such specialized units are not available, priority must be given to ensuring that women victims of domestic violence receive assistance from trained female officers.

Specialized police stations for women are present in all 26 Brazilian states and the Federal District, but their distribution across the national territory is unequal, with a higher concentration in the more populous regions of the country (southeast and south) and a lower concentration in the northern region. According to data from Brazilian municipalities, over the historical series from 2009 to 2023, there has been a significant increase in the total number of specialized police stations. Police stations specialized in assisting women increased by 38.8% during this period [38]. In 2009, there were 397 such stations; in 2014, there were 441; in 2019, there were 417; and in 2023, the number reached 551 specialized women’s police stations [38].

Considering the total number of municipalities (5570) and the total number of specialized women’s police stations in Brazil (551), the current coverage is less than 0.1 police stations per municipality. Nevertheless, the establishment of specialized police units constitutes a fundamental public policy, as these units serve as the primary entry point to the justice system and represent the loci in which the majority of requests for protective measures are submitted [8]. These units, combined with specialized training, are also critical for proper risk identification, the implementation of measures aimed at preserving evidence, and the collection of statements from all parties involved, thereby contributing to the effectiveness of subsequent judicial proceedings and mitigating the risk of revictimization of women experiencing violence.

Evidence indicates that one of the main difficulties faced by authorities within the justice system when assessing protective measures is the fragility of the evidence presented, particularly because violent incidents often occur in the presence of only the victim and the perpetrator, or rely on the testimony of children or family members, who may be reluctant to testify due to fear, economic dependence, or emotional bonds with the aggressor [8].

4.1.3. Risk Assessment Form

The Risk Assessment Form is an institutional instrument designed to identify indicators of women’s exposure to various forms of violence within domestic relationships, thereby supporting decision-making within the justice system, particularly with regard to the granting of urgent protective measures. In Brazil, this instrument was initially developed by the Judiciary and was subsequently regulated by Law No. 14149/2021. Its application is preferably carried out by specialized police stations at the time the incident is formally reported; when this is not possible, the form must be completed by other institutions within the justice system at the first instance of institutional contact with the woman victim of domestic violence.

Empirical evidence indicates that risk assessment forms are effective in identifying high-risk cases of domestic violence and in guiding decisions regarding the application of urgent protective measures [39]. By collecting standardized data, such instruments enable the identification of factors and behavioral patterns most strongly associated with an increased risk of lethality in cases of violence against women.

Although studies suggest that risk assessments conducted by specialized authorities are more reliable than those based solely on algorithmic tools [39], the use of technology may play an important complementary role in supporting decision-making. In this context, the M.A.R.I.A. project (Risk Assessment Modeling with Artificial Intelligence), implemented at the Espírito Santo Court of Justice, allows data from risk assessment forms to be processed using artificial intelligence algorithms in order to estimate the percentage risk of death [40]. Among the factors most strongly associated with an increased risk of death for women victims of domestic violence are separation from the aggressor within the previous three months; expressions of possessiveness by the aggressor; and death threats [40].

The application of risk assessment forms, whether or not combined with artificial intelligence tools, has proven to be an important instrument within the justice system for prioritizing cases of domestic violence and for adopting the most appropriate urgent protective measures. This initiative is supported by normative provisions applicable nationwide within the Judiciary Branch and also involves other entities of the justice system, such as the police, the public prosecutor’s office, and the public defender’s office.

4.1.4. Electronic Devices: “Panic Button” and Electronic Ankle Bracelets

Electronic monitoring, typically implemented through electronic ankle bracelets, serves as a mechanism for enforcing judicial protective measures and was formally incorporated through regulation of the Judiciary [41]. By employing Global Positioning System (GPS) technology to track the real-time location of monitored individuals, this system enables authorities to verify compliance with court orders and enhances victims’ safety by discouraging violations of protective measures. Beyond its supervisory function, electronic monitoring presents additional benefits, including the reduction in public expenditure and the mitigation of chronic prison overcrowding.

Applications (apps), defined as software programs designed for mobile devices (such as smartphones and tablets) or computers, represent another category of electronic tools used to contact authorities in situations of risk. The “Panic Button” is an application that enables rapid police response to preserve the lives and physical integrity of women in situations of domestic violence. This tool is made available in connection with specific protective measures, and when the aggressor approaches the victim, she may activate the application to alert authorities, who are then able to identify her location and provide immediate assistance. Since the launch of the application in 2021, 11,857 requests for access to the Panic Button have been granted, and 1134 activations of the tool have been recorded [42].

Currently, several state courts have developed similar electronic tools for requesting urgent protective measures or for notifying police authorities. The Rio de Janeiro Court of Justice, for example, created the “Maria da Penha Virtual” application, which allows victims to request protective measures online, directly from the competent judge. The tool can be accessed from any electronic device through a non-trackable link, which enhances the victim’s safety. Since the project’s inception in 2020, the application has registered more than six thousand requests for protective measures [42].

Electronic devices such as the Panic Button are currently available in ten of Brazil’s 27 states (ES, SP, PB, MA, PE, AM, PR, MG, MT, DF), operating as regional initiatives aimed at enhancing the effectiveness of urgent protective measures. The data show an unequal distribution of the program when the regions of Brazil are considered: northern region (1 of 7 states); northeast region (3 of 9 states); central–west region (2 of 4 states and federal district); southeast region (3 of 4 states) and southern region (1 of 3 states).

In 2017, more than 51,000 individuals were subject to electronic monitoring through ankle bracelets, of whom approximately 20% were involved in cases of domestic violence. At that time, the device was used in nineteen of the 27 states [43]. The number of individuals under electronic monitoring increased from 16,821 (2.2% of the total prison population) in 2019 to 91,362 (11.0%) in 2022. In percentage terms, there has been a progressive increase in the proportion of the prison population monitored by electronic ankle bracelets over the years: 2017 (1.0%), 2018 (1.5%), 2019 (2.2%), 2020 (6.9%), 2021 (9.0%), and 2022 (11.1%) [44]. However, there is no consolidated data specifically addressing the use of electronic ankle bracelets for individuals accused or convicted of domestic violence.

More recently, in 2025, federal law No. 15125/2025 [45] was enacted authorizing judges to combine urgent protective measures with electronic monitoring, including the provision of devices that alert authorities when the aggressor approaches the victim or fails to comply with court orders.

4.1.5. Women’s Assistance Service: Call Center 180

The Women’s Assistance Service “Call Center 180” constitutes a key public policy instrument for the prevention of and response to violence against women. In addition to receiving reports of abuse, the service is responsible for forwarding complaints to the appropriate authorities and monitoring subsequent case handling. It also plays an important advisory role by providing guidance to women experiencing violence, referring them to specialized support services, and disseminating information on legal rights, applicable legislation, and the national network of assistance and protection for women in situations of vulnerability [46].

According to national data, in 2024 the Call Center 180 received 691,444 calls, representing a 21.6% increase compared to the 568,600 calls received in 2023 and a 23.0% increase compared to 2022 [47].

4.1.6. Comprehensive and Multidisciplinary Care Centers and Shelters for Women Victims of Domestic Violence

The Maria da Penha Law authorizes federal, state, and municipal governments to establish, within their respective spheres of competence, comprehensive and multidisciplinary care services for women and their dependents in situations of domestic and family violence, including specialized reference centers and shelters. Reference centers operate as dedicated spaces for the reception and assistance of women, offering integrated legal, psychological, and social support, as well as individualized intervention strategies aimed at strengthening autonomy and enabling the interruption of the cycle of violence. Shelters, in turn, provide temporary institutional protection for women and their minor dependents in circumstances involving severe and imminent risk, particularly in cases of repeated violations of protective measures or serious threats to life, by ensuring safe and confidential accommodation, continuous operation, and psychosocial assistance to preserve the lives and physical integrity of women and children.

Just like the specialized police, women’s centers or shelters are present in the 26 states and in the Federal District, but their distribution across the national territory is unequal, with a higher concentration in the more populous regions of the country (southeast and southern) and a lower concentration in the northern region. Only 1700 (30.5%) of Brazil’s 5570 municipalities offer specialized centers for assistance to women experiencing violence. This represents progress compared to 2018, when only 20.9% of municipalities provided such services. This expansion has occurred primarily among municipalities with up to 50,000 inhabitants; however, coverage in these areas remains limited. Across all types of specialized services, the greatest availability is observed in the most populous municipalities, reaching nearly 100% among those with more than 500,000 inhabitants [38].

Only 326 (5.9%) of Brazil’s 5570 municipalities maintain shelters or reception services for women in situations of domestic violence under municipal management within the Unified Social Assistance System (“Sistema Único de Assistência Social”—SUAS). Although still modest, this figure represents an improvement compared to the 2.4% recorded in 2018. Currently, municipalities with up to 20,000 inhabitants—totaling 3863 localities—largely lack this type of institutional infrastructure, with shelters present in only 74 municipalities (1.91%). By contrast, among the 41 municipalities with populations exceeding 500,000 inhabitants, 32 maintain shelters, corresponding to 78.0% of this group [38].

An additional relevant aspect concerns the services most frequently provided by shelters. In 2023, individual psychological care was offered by 71.2% of existing facilities. Social assistance aimed at integrating women into social programs was provided in 73.4% of municipalities with shelters, while health care services, including referrals to the public health system, were available in 66.8% of such municipalities. By contrast, daycare services—an important instrument for women’s emancipation—were among the least frequently offered, being available in only 22.2% of shelters [38]. These findings are particularly significant in light of previous literature indicating that gender is associated with disparities in access to health insurance, with men being more likely to have coverage than women [48].

4.2. Access to Rights: Public Policies to Repair Victims of Domestic Violence and/or Their Children

This subsection analyzes four major Brazilian public policies aimed at ensuring access to justice through the reparation of harms resulting from domestic violence.

4.2.1. Breaking the Cycle of Violence Through Economic Autonomy: Quotas for Women in Situations of Vulnerability in Public Contracting

Originating within the Federal Senate, this initiative seeks to promote labor market inclusion for women affected by domestic violence. The program requires companies contracted to provide continuous services to the Federal Senate to reserve at least 2% of job vacancies for women in situations of economic vulnerability, provided that the contracts involve fifty or more workers and that beneficiaries meet the required professional qualifications. Implementation occurs through a cooperation agreement with the State Secretariat for Women of the Federal District Government—the body responsible for public policies addressing women victims of violence—which oversees the selection process, ensures the confidentiality of beneficiaries’ identities for security purposes, and prohibits discriminatory practices [49].

According to data obtained from the Federal Senate and consolidated in this research, across all contracts with third-party service providers, a percentage higher than the minimum quota of 2% has been ensured, alongside a low rate of replacement among beneficiary women. Although the institution does not maintain consolidated data for the entire duration of the program, it is possible to estimate, based on the minimum legally required percentage, that at least thirty women have benefited annually since 2017, resulting in an estimated total of 270 women by 2025.

Following the program’s positive outcomes, the initiative was incorporated into national legislation and its scope expanded. The Public Procurement and Contracting Law, Law No. 14133/2021 [50], provides that contracts executed with the public administration may “require that a minimum percentage of the workforce responsible for executing the object of the contract” be composed of “women victims of domestic violence” [50].

This provision was subsequently regulated by Decree No. 11430/2023, which establishes that public administration contracts for continuous services with exclusive dedication of labor must reserve a minimum of 8% of vacancies for women victims of domestic violence when the contract involves twenty-five or more employees [51]. For the purposes of this policy, the concept of “woman” includes trans women, transvestites, and other gender identities within the female gender spectrum [51]. According to this regulation, priority allocation is given to Black women [51].

Other public institutions have also adopted this policy through their own regulatory frameworks, including the National Council of Justice Resolution No. 497/2023 [52] and the National Council of the Public Prosecutor’s Office Resolution No. 264/2023 [53]. These instruments establish the reservation of at least 5% of vacancies for women in situations of economic vulnerability, including victims of domestic violence. Both regulations apply to all women regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity and prioritize Black women. In addition, the scope of beneficiaries has been expanded to include women with school-age children, Indigenous women, quilombola women, rural women, refugees or migrants, women experiencing homelessness, and women released from the prison system.

Among Brazil’s 27 states, fifteen have already enacted regulations and implemented this public policy. Two states have left the application of quotas to the discretion of the contracting public authority, while ten states have yet to adopt regulatory frameworks, as detailed in

Table 3. Regulation of Quotas for Women in Situations of Vulnerability Across States.

State	Regulation of Quotas for Women in Situations of Vulnerability	Quota Regulation at the Discretion of the Contracting Authority	No Quota Regulation Identified
DF	District Law No. 7456/2024
GO	State Law No. 22418/2023
AM	State Decree No. 47133/2023
AC			Not found
RO			Not found
RR	State Law No. 1597/2021
AP	State Law No. 2702/2022
PA	State Law No. 9945/2023
TO			Not found
MA	State Decree No. 38908/2024
PI	State Law No. 8313/2024
CE	State Decree No. 36053/2024
AL	State Law No. 8917/2023
RN			Not found
PB	State Decree No. 44862/2024
PE			Not found
SE	State Decree No. 293/2023
BA			Not found
MG			Not found
MS			Not found
MT		State Decree No. 1525/2022
ES			Not found
RJ		State Decree No. 48816/2023
SP			Not found
PR	State Decree No. 10086/2022
SC	State Law No. 18300/2021
RS	State Law No. 15988/2023
TOTAL	15	2	10

Source: prepared by the authors.

. The data show a more equitable distribution of the program when the regions of Brazil are considered: northern region (4 of 7 states); northeast region (6 of 9 states); central–west region (3 of 4 states and federal district); southeast region (1 of 4 states) and southern region (3 of 3 states).

Although the total number of women beneficiaries cannot be determined due to the absence of centralized and consolidated data, the program has the potential to reach thousands of women in situations of economic vulnerability across Brazil. This potential derives from its implementation within the federal public administration, across 15 states, and within the Judiciary and the Public Prosecutor’s Office nationwide.

4.2.2. Rental Assistance for Victims of Domestic Violence in Situations of Economic and Social Vulnerability

Law No. 14674/2023 [54] amended Law No. 11340/2006 (the Maria da Penha Law) [55] by establishing a rental assistance benefit for women experiencing situations of social and economic vulnerability. The benefit is granted by judicial decision for a period not exceeding six months. The financial resources required for its provision may be drawn from budgetary allocations of the Unified Social Assistance System, encompassing funding from the federal, state, district, and municipal levels. In addition, several states and municipalities have enacted specific regulations governing the payment of rental assistance to women victims of domestic violence, establishing differentiated benefit amounts and, in some cases, extending the duration of assistance beyond the limits established under federal legislation.

Because the implementation of the program depends on financial resources allocated by states and municipalities, there is no consolidated national, regional, or local dataset regarding the number of women beneficiaries and, indirectly, their children.

Table 4. Regulation of Rental Assistance Across States.

State	Regulation of Rental Assistance for Victims of Domestic Violence	No Regulation	Regulation in Progress
DF	District Law No. 6623/2020
GO	State Law No. 22413/2023
AM			Proposal in progress
AC			Proposal in progress
RO	State Law No. 5165/2021
RR	State Law No. 1408/2020
AP		Not found
PA		Not found
TO			Proposal in progress
MA	State Law No. 11350/2020
PI		Not found
CE			Proposal in progress
AL		Rejected by the governor
RN		Not found
PB		Not found
PE			Proposal in progress
SE			Proposal in progress
BA		Not found
MG			Proposal in progress
MS			Proposal in progress
MT	State Law No. 12013/2023
ES			Proposal in progress
RJ	State Law No. 8778/2020
SP	State Law No. 17626/2023
PR	State Law No. 5854/2021
SC			Proposal in progress
RS		Not found
TOTAL	9	8	10

Source: prepared by the authors.

presents the states that have enacted their own regulations on rental assistance.

Based on the data compiled by the authors, among Brazil’s 27 states, only nine have enacted specific legislation granting rental assistance to women victims of domestic violence. In an additional nine units, legislative proposals addressing the benefit are currently under consideration. Although municipalities may also regulate and grant rental assistance independently or in coordination with state-level action, no consolidated data are available regarding municipal implementation.

In this case, the data show an unequal distribution of the program among the regions of the country, with a prevalence in the central–west region (3 of 4 states and federal district), southeast region (2 of 4 states), and southern region (1 of 3 states). The data from the northern region (2 of 7 states) and northeast region (1 of 9 states) show lower adherence to the program.

4.2.3. Special Pension for Orphans of Femicide

National Law No. 14717/2023 [56] instituted a special pension benefit for children and adolescents rendered orphaned as a result of femicide whose monthly per capita family income does not exceed one quarter of the minimum wage. The benefit, set at the equivalent of one minimum wage, is granted to all children and dependents under eighteen years of age at the time of the death, with payments financed through the federal budget [56]. The pension may be granted either through an administrative request or by judicial order, provided there is substantiated evidence of the occurrence of femicide. Moreover, any individual accused, co-accused, or otherwise implicated in the crime is legally prohibited from representing the children or adolescents for the purposes of requesting, receiving, or managing the benefit [56].

The regulatory framework for the special pension was published in September 2025, with benefit payments scheduled to commence in December 2025. As a result, there are currently no consolidated data available regarding the number of beneficiaries.

4.2.4. Aesthetic Repair for Victims of Domestic Violence

In Brazil, public–private partnerships have played a significant role in initiatives aimed at mitigating the physical harms resulting from domestic violence. Within this context, the Institute for the Development of Education and Humanitarian Action (Ideah), affiliated with the Brazilian Society of Plastic Surgery, has undertaken actions focused on the aesthetic and reconstructive repair of women victims of domestic violence who have suffered permanent physical sequelae. These initiatives are framed as part of a broader strategy of care, recovery, and social reintegration [57].

The Court of Justice of the State of Goiás was the first judicial body to formalize such a cooperation agreement through the “Recomeçar” (“Start Over”) Project, which serves women, children, and adolescents who are victims of domestic violence [58]. Participation in the project follows a structured procedure, beginning with the identification of eligible victims by judicial units, followed by contact with the women to ascertain their interest in participating in the intervention. Those who consent undergo a specialized medical evaluation to assess the necessity and appropriateness of reparative procedures based on their individual clinical conditions. When the intervention is deemed appropriate, beneficiaries are referred for the recommended treatment. Upon completion of the procedures, participants receive a professional photographic record as part of the project’s closing stage [58]. Beyond its objective of physical reconstruction, this policy also seeks to promote empowerment and processes of overcoming among participating women, contributing to broader social awareness and sensitivity regarding domestic violence [58].

According to the research data, based on an analysis of the institutional websites of the 27 state courts of justice in Brazil, the project has already been implemented in four state courts (GO, DF, MA, and MT) and is under consideration for implementation in an additional four courts (SP, MG, SE, and TO). Considering the distribution of the program among the regions of the country, data show a clear prevalence in the central–west region (3 of 4 states and federal district), with only 1 state in northeast region (1 of 9 states).

Medical doctors who participate in the project do so on a voluntary basis. Part of the associated costs is covered by public funding through the Unified Health System (Brazil’s universal public healthcare system), while the remainder is financed by private-sector contributions.

5. Discussion

Gender-based violence (GBV) constitutes a pervasive and persistent phenomenon worldwide [3,4,6,11,19,36,59,60,61,62]. This construct encompasses multiple forms of violence that share a common foundation in gender inequality. These include widely recognized manifestations such as domestic violence, as well as specific expressions of abuse, including verbal, physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence [3].

In Brazil, aggressors predominantly have an intimate and/or family relationship with the victim, most frequently current partners (17,915 reports) or former partners (17,083 reports) [47]. Brazilian data are consistent with both national and international literature, which indicates that violence against women occurs primarily in the domestic sphere and is most often perpetrated by current or former intimate partners [3,4,6,11,19,59,60,61,62,63].

According to Brazilian data from 2024, the most frequently reported forms of violence were psychological violence (101,007 reports), followed by physical violence (78,651), economic violence (19,095), sexual violence (10,203), moral violence (9180), and false imprisonment (3027) [47]. The most affected age groups were women aged 40–44 years (18,583 reports), 35–39 years (17,572), and 30–34 years (17,382) [47]. Among cases in which race/color was declared, Black women accounted for the majority of reported complaints (52.8%) in 2024 [47]. These data reinforce conclusions from international literature indicating that Black women are disproportionately affected by violence and that public policies must incorporate intersectionality in their design and implementation [19,61,64,65].

Accordingly, when analyzing domestic violence and its manifestations, it is essential to adopt an intersectional perspective in order to identify and discuss how systems of oppression and power shape differentiated experiences of violence, particularly in relation to structural inequities associated with racism and sexism [22,61,65,66]. Black women report higher rates of physical, sexual, psychological, and economic domestic violence compared to other groups [61].

The theoretical and empirical framework presented here reinforces the urgent need for countries to develop and strengthen policies that ensure access to justice for the prevention of and redress for domestic violence against women, taking into account national contexts and intersectional inequalities. In this sense, the systematic analysis and evaluation of access-to-justice policies are essential both to advance academic research and to support the adaptation and replication of effective policies in other countries.

Brazil’s domestic violence legislation, known as the Maria da Penha Law, is widely regarded as one of the three most protective legal frameworks worldwide [8,67]. The law seeks to prevent, reduce, and respond to domestic violence against women through a combination of judicial and extrajudicial measures, adopting a broad conception of access to justice and rights grounded in a gender-sensitive perspective. Due to its scope, the Maria da Penha Law also constitutes a framework of public policies whose effective implementation depends on coordinated action by the Executive, Judiciary, and Legislative branches at the federal, state, and municipal levels [8].

Based on the methodological criteria applied in this study, ten public policies related to domestic violence were identified, comprising six prevention policies and four reparation policies. Analysis of these policies indicates that: (i) they predominantly involve the public sector, with only two initiatives based on joint public–private action; (ii) most operate at the national or combined national and regional levels (eight out of ten), although coordinated action among municipalities, states, and the federal government remains essential to ensure adequate funding and effectiveness; (iii) eight of the ten policies involve more than one branch of government, with seven reflecting coordinated action among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches; (iv) the policies are primarily directed toward women victims of violence, with indirect effects on children and families in cases involving economic assistance or shelter, while only the special pension for orphans is specifically targeted at children; and (v) seven of the ten policies have available or partially available annual data, while three lack available data, with no clear relationship observed between data availability and variables such as territorial scope or branches involved. When data permitted a comparative analysis across the regions of Brazil, a predominance of programs and services was observed in the Southeast and South, which are characterized by higher population density and elevated Human Development Index levels, to the detriment of the North. The latter, in addition to having lower population density and lower Human Development Index levels, presents specific characteristics—such as vast territorial extension, extensive forest and watershed coverage, and the presence of vulnerable populations—that constitute significant geographical barriers to the implementation of public policies.

Currently, 99.6% of court proceedings in Brazil are conducted through digital systems, and most hearings adopt a hybrid format, allowing parties and witnesses to participate either remotely or in person [68]. In cases involving domestic violence protective measures and related criminal proceedings, victims may provide testimony via videoconference, although judges must assess whether remote participation mitigates or exacerbates risks of revictimization, coercion, or intimidation [69]. This expansion of digital justice has significantly enhanced access for victims residing in remote or geographically dispersed areas, a particularly relevant consideration given Brazil’s territorial dimensions.

This digital transformation creates important opportunities for innovation. Among the ten access-to-justice policies analyzed, four incorporate technological tools: urgent protective measures, risk assessment forms, electronic devices (including panic buttons and electronic ankle bracelets), and the 180 Women’s Assistance Call Center. While the digitalization of the judiciary is progressing in Brazil and other countries at varying paces, the availability of modern technologies opens avenues for the development of additional tools to strengthen the protection of women against domestic violence.

Although the policies examined have been categorized and systematized, their effective implementation depends on an integrated approach within the justice system. This requires not only managerial capacity and institutional coordination [70] but also heightened sensitivity and a humanized perspective in decision-making by public authorities [71]. Beyond criminal proceedings and the adjudication of protective measures, it is necessary to assess whether women victims of domestic violence, along with their children and dependents, require access to complementary programs and services to ensure comprehensive and effective access to justice. Considering that the implementation of public policies is an incremental process, and based on the objectives of this study, it is observed that the set of public policies analyzed demonstrates that they address, to a significant extent, the three dimensions of access to justice adopted as the conceptual framework of this study: the normative, the institutional and the personal. The normative dimension is fulfilled through the continuous development of federal legislation, complemented by executive and judicial regulation and by legislative initiatives at state level (i.e., federal units). The institutional dimension is fulfilled through constant coordination effort among justice system institutions in the design and implementation of policies, as well as through the adoption of digital tools and innovative local initiatives that may be scaled up when proven effective. And the personal dimension is fulfilled through women’s ability to recognize themselves as victims of domestic violence and through the large number of women (and children and dependents) who benefit annually from the programs.

As a permanent challenge, there are regional inequalities that hinder the implementation of these public policies, including political, economic, cultural and geographical factors and institutional capacity. Another major challenge is the absence of a unified national database consolidating information on public policies directed at women victims of domestic violence. This gap significantly limits the evaluation of policy effectiveness and the identification of areas requiring improvement.

Finally, as a limitation of this research, substantial difficulties were encountered in accessing unified, reliable, and comparable data across federal, state, and municipal levels in Brazil.

6. Conclusions

Violence against women in Brazil remains a persistent and, in many respects, escalating problem. Multiple social, cultural, economic, legal, technological, and geographical barriers continue to hinder effective access to justice.

At the same time, the findings of this research indicate that Brazil has developed a substantial and comprehensive framework of public policies aimed at ensuring access to justice for women victims of domestic violence, including prevention, protection, and accountability mechanisms. These policies benefit millions of women annually, as well as their children and other dependents, and can serve as a parameter for addressing domestic violence in other countries.

Based on the criteria adopted in this study, the ten most relevant public policies for access to justice for victims of domestic violence are: (i) emergency protective measures; (ii) specialized women’s assistance police stations; (iii) risk assessment forms; (iv) electronic monitoring devices; (v) the women’s assistance service (Call Center 180); (vi) comprehensive and multidisciplinary care centers; (vii) employment quota policies aimed at breaking the cycle of violence through economic self-sufficiency; (viii) rental assistance; (ix) the special pension for orphans of femicide; and (x) aesthetic repair initiatives.

When considered collectively, these ten access-to-justice policies demonstrate that they address, to a significant extent, the three dimensions of access to justice adopted as the conceptual framework of this study: (i) the normative dimension, through the continuous development of legislation, complemented by executive and judicial regulation; (ii) the institutional dimension, through coordinated action among justice system institutions and through the adoption of digital tools and innovative local initiatives; and (iii) the personal dimension, reflected in the large number of women who benefit annually from urgent protective measures and related services.

These policies are primarily administered and sustained by public authorities, although certain initiatives rely on collaborative arrangements between the public and private sectors. This highlights the relevance of public–private partnerships as a strategy that warrants further strengthening in efforts to address domestic violence. Another key finding is that most of these policies emerge from coordinated action among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, or at least between two of them, demonstrating that effective prevention and reparation of domestic violence require integrated interventions across all branches of government and all levels of the federation. And, as a fundamental aspect of effectiveness, these policies require also heightened sensitivity and a humanized perspective in decision-making by public authorities.

In addition to access-to-justice mechanisms commonly found in other national contexts, such as emergency protective measures, risk assessment tools, women’s helplines, and panic buttons, Brazil has implemented several innovative policies that significantly contribute to breaking the cycle of domestic violence against women. These include: (i) assistance provided through comprehensive and multidisciplinary care centers; (ii) specialized women’s police stations; (iii) shelter services and rental assistance; (iv) employment quota policies; (v) the special pension for orphans of femicide; and (vi) aesthetic repair initiatives. Together, these measures of psychological support, economic empowerment, and physical rehabilitation play a critical role in addressing domestic violence in a more effective and holistic manner.

Within this context, the deployment of technological resources emerges as a central mechanism for advancing effective access to justice, encompassing the integration of information systems and data infrastructures, the optimization of procedural dynamics, and the development of digital tools that enhance women’s interaction with justice institutions.

Overall, this study indicates that: (i) the ten public policies examined have the potential to fulfill their intended objectives and to broaden access to justice for women victims of domestic violence; (ii) taken together, these initiatives have already directly benefited millions of women and children; (iii) the effective governance of such a diverse policy framework requires the establishment of a coordinating body or inter-institutional arrangement capable of harmonizing implementation, enhancing policy coherence, and standardizing and centralizing data; (iv) it also requires heightened sensitivity and a humanized perspective in decision-making by public authorities; (v) the use of new technologies within the justice system creates opportunities for the development of additional tools to protect victims of domestic violence and facilitate access to justice; (vi) regional inequalities in Brazil are also reflected in the implementation of public policies aimed at the prevention of and response to domestic violence against women, with a predominance of programs and services observed in the Southeast and Southern regions, and a comparatively lower provision in the Northern; and (vii) regular and systematic evaluations of each policy are indispensable, particularly through the use of both quantitative and qualitative indicators.

As an agenda for future research, this study should be replicated in other national contexts, and each of the identified policies should be subjected to in-depth evaluation through combined data analysis and semi-structured interviews, incorporating the perspectives of policymakers, implementing agents, and beneficiaries.