3.5. Thematic Analysis
An examination of the top-cited studies in the field reveals a coherent but multi-layered body of knowledge on how parental and family financial socialization shapes young people’s financial outcomes. Rather than a single homogeneous stream, these highly influential works cluster around four interrelated themes: (1) mechanisms of parental financial socialization; (2) financial outcomes across the life course; (3) psychological mediators of socialization effects; and (4) contextual moderators such as culture, socioeconomic status, gender and institutional structures. Together, these themes provide the empirical and conceptual foundations for developing an integrated model of parental financial socialization and behavior.
Theme 1 discusses “Parent and Family Socialization of Children about Money”. Multiple complementary theoretical perspectives explain how financial information (knowledge, attitudes, behavior) is shared from one generation to the next. Social Learning Theory [
27] describes how parents model their own financial behaviors and how their children learn to behave similarly. Children’s ability to learn financial behaviors from their parents is based on a four-stage process: (1) Attention (observing their parents’ financial behavior), (2) Retention (Recalling what they have witnessed), (3) Reproduction (Acquiring the same skills) and (4) Motivation (getting support to continue with the same pattern). Reference [
17] provided the first major empirical research on parental influence on financial attitudes and behavior through their study of a four-level financial socialization model used by first-year college students. The authors determined that parents, work, and high school financial education combinedly have a strong influence on the financial learning, attitudes, and behavior of the students. Their findings explicitly describe parental socialization as a combination of modeling, communication, and opportunities for financial practice. Similarly, the authors of [
18] found that the influence parents have on their children is important when developing their financial attitudes and that parents also impact their children’s behaviors.
Through the lens of Family Systems Theory, one can understand better the interactive processes of financial communication and climate as they shape the overall context of the family’s financial environment. In other words, the family does not simply pass down an established or predetermined view or belief regarding how to manage money. In fact, economic factors are created in the ongoing emotional dynamics and interactions between family members. Additionally, the financial climate within the family is created via their conversations with one another (e.g., through explicit teaching), as well as by implicit factors such as the emotional context of a conversation surrounding money, the degree of conflict or harmony surrounding money between parents, and the stress levels of parents. The experiences of [
28] with college students demonstrate that the ways in which parents teach and model financial behavior affect how students use credit cards, their overall debt level, and their approach to budgeting. Reference [
29] demonstrates that there is a strong correlation between parental financial knowledge and adolescent financial literacy. This supports the idea that intergenerational learning is a product of the familial environment, particularly through informal or everyday conversations about money.
A Life-Course Perspective allows us to observe how children’s experiences with money provided by their parents (allowances, savings accounts, joint money decisions) offer uniquely timed interventions that accumulate throughout the development process of childhood, adolescence and emerging adulthood. Children’s initial experiences with money create the first foundational ‘scripts’ or mental frameworks that will be continued through the various stages of their life, with each stage building upon the previous stage’s learning. Reference [
19] combined 10 years of research and developed three paths of family financial socialization by a parent to his/her child (through parental modeling, parent–child discussions of money and experiential learning) in an intentionally/unintentionally manner and within the context of the overall family climate. Distinct from purposeful and unintentional financial socialization, ref. [
30] argues that purposeful and intentional financial socialization occur through the direct involvement of students in earning an income and through intentionally teaching students financial concepts. Unintentional financial socialization occurs through observing parents engaging in daily financial behaviors (financial management) and being distressed about money. However, in distinct ways, both forms of socialization have an impact on financial knowledge and behavior. The combination of purposeful and intentional financial socialization creates the strongest effect on children’s financial knowledge and attitudes, their sense of self-efficacy, and ultimately, their financial behaviors. Research repeatedly supports the notion that students gain more knowledge and develop positive attitudes about money when they are intentionally taught financial concepts along with observing their parents modelling desirable financial behaviors.
As a whole, the extant literature within this theme and their corresponding theory have demonstrated that the financialization of children by their parents is not one specific activity, but rather consists of many different activities that work together to develop the internal representation of money in children. The combination of the Social Learning Theory, the Family Systems Theory and the Life-Course Perspective, as well as the Family Financial Education Theory, allows for a full understanding of why and how these methods develop long-term financial competence, Attitudes and Behaviors that continue into adulthood.
The second theme examines the financial socialization outcomes concerning financial literacy, financial behaviors, financial independence and wealth accumulation over time. Theories of Financial Capability, Theory of planned behavior [
31], and Principles of Behavioral Economics explain how the financial socialization process affects measurable financial behavior across different developmental stages of the individual. The Theory of Planned Behavior states that the intentions of individuals shape their behavior. This is influenced by their attitudes, their beliefs regarding the subject (subjective norms vs. the parenting process), and their ability to carry out that behavior. Due to these components of the theory, the influence of parents on children is both direct and indirect, as it occurs through the development of normative values about financial behavior.
Financial Capability Theory is more than simply possessing financial literacy; it also includes being capable of acting on this knowledge and having the opportunity to carry out actions based on it. This interaction of individual capabilities (knowledge, skill, and confidence) with environmental factors (access to financial services, other sources of institutional support, and economic wealth) has an effect on financial behaviors and outcomes. Behavioral Economics can provide further insight into how parental socializing can influence our decision-making processes by means of biases, heuristics, time-preferences and self-control mechanisms. These processes ultimately determine whether individuals will create optimal financial decisions despite the fact that they have a sufficient amount of financial knowledge.
Numerous articles have quantified the impacts of family processes on financial behavior through a set of theoretical constructs. Research presented in [
32] focused on risky credit card behaviors, establishing that parental norms and socioeconomic status significantly predict young adult credit card behaviors within an expanded Theory of Planned Behavior framework. Their findings indicate that parental messages regarding credit create an individual’s subjective norm concerning the appropriate and responsible use of credit cards. This in turn, influences an individual’s intent to be responsible in their use of a credit card, and that these norms are as powerful, or even more powerful, than formal financial education. These findings illustrate that earlier socialization establishes behavioral norms, as well as risk thresholds, that continue to exist as individuals transition to emerging adulthood. Reference [
33] adopted a developmental framework and demonstrated that the positive change in how a young adult perceives parental socialization leads to an increase in positive financial attitudes, financial efficacy and perceived control, which ultimately contribute to healthier financial behavior over time. Importantly, longitudinal analysis demonstrates that the ongoing positive impacts of parental socialization on young adults’ financial behaviors continue to develop as they attain financial independence. This indicates that parents’ early childhood socialization cultivates adaptive behaviors that assist young adults in coping with new financial behaviors and various financial situations as they challenge their financial independence.
Beyond immediate behavioral outcomes of compliance, the result of parental financial socialization is a broader capability, indicating multidimensional outcomes of financial well-being. Reference [
34] emphasized three aspects that were significantly related to young adults’ perception of their financial independence; economic resources (e.g., income, assets), psychological capabilities (e.g., self-efficacy regarding finances, problem solving) and family-related influences (e.g., level of parental income and availability of financial assistance). Their research indicated that having a parent provide financial assistance may reduce the perception of independence. Therefore, they demonstrated how over-supporting a child financially affects how this type of parenting creates a challenge for parents to provide support to their children while encouraging independence. This study shows that to effectively parent, optimal socialization occurs when the knowledge gained from the socialization process is accompanied by the gradual transfer of financial responsibility as children grow. Therefore, the term financial independence not only describes the competencies developed through financial socialization but also reflects the psychological preparedness necessary to manage finances independently.
Reference [
35] connects sibship size and lower levels of wealth as an adult through reduced parental resources, education, and transfers, suggesting that financial socialization and family structure serve as early roots of wealth inequality. The study suggests that family resource allocation patterns created during childhood have cascading consequences over decades that ultimately shape an individual’s total wealth accumulation and affect the intergenerational transfer of economic privilege or disadvantage. It highlights how the parental financial socialization process occurs within an environment of limited resources. Larger families will be required to split their time, invest in educating their children and financially support them in a way that is less concentrated than a family with fewer children. This leads to a decrease in the degree of intensity of the financial socialization for each child. Lastly, the findings link micro-level family processes to macro-level patterns of economic stratification, demonstrating how parental financial socialization is both a means of social reproduction and a potential source for intervention to address reduced inequality.
Even when studies focus primarily on knowledge, outcomes are central and are interpreted through the capability framework. For example, the teen–parent study presented in [
29] and the European multi-country university literacy study [
36,
37] on Malaysian students all document generally modest levels of financial literacy but also show that early family financial experiences—such as discussing finances with parents—are strongly associated with higher literacy. However, these studies collectively reveal the persistent knowledge–behavior gap: increased financial literacy alone does not automatically translate into improved financial behaviors without corresponding development of confidence, self-efficacy, and opportunity structures. This gap reflects the distinction between financial knowledge (cognitive understanding), financial capability (knowledge plus skills plus access), and financial behavior (actual observable actions). Parental socialization influences all three levels, but its effects on capability and behavior may be more powerful and enduring than its effects on knowledge alone, because socialization shapes motivational and volitional factors—such as financial self-concept, perceived control, and future orientation—that determine whether knowledge is activated in real-world financial decisions.
Parenting also affects how children develop self-control, time preferences, and the ability to resist immediate biases that hinder optimal financial decision-making according to behavioral economics. Parents who model delayed gratification consistently save money despite the pressures of immediate consumption and explicitly discuss the trade-offs between their current and future needs, assisting children in forming internalized time-consistent preferences and develop the executive function skills that support long-term financial planning. In contrast, parents who display an inclination to make impulsive purchases and have difficulty delaying gratification tend to pass these behavioral traits on to their children. This can create intergenerational cycles of under-saving, overwhelming amounts of debt, and vulnerability to financial crisis.
Collectively, the literature indicates that the primary means by which parents socialize their children financially acts as an antecedent to many financial aspects throughout an individual’s lifetime, from short-term budget management to long-term wealth accumulation. Furthermore, these financial outcomes demonstrate not only what children have learned about finances, but also how their family experiences create their financial identity, financial capability, self-regulatory ability, and access to financial opportunities across their lifespan. The theoretical integration of the Planned Behavioral Theory, Capability Theory, and Behavioral Economics demonstrate that optimal outcomes occur when alignment exists across cognitive (knowledge), affective (attitude/motivation), behavioral (skills/habits), and structural (resources/opportunity) dimensions. Each of these dimensions is dramatically influenced by parents through their financial socialization processes. This three-dimensional outcome framework illustrates why most interventions that focus exclusively on providing financial literacy education result in few or no behavioral changes. In fact, they focus on only one of several complex developmental components through which parental influence affects financial behaviors over multiple developmental stages.
While Theme 1 identified the mechanisms and Theme 2 documented outcomes achieved, Theme 3 addresses the psychological processes through which parental influence is internalized and expressed in financial decision-making. Several top-cited studies explicitly model attitudes, self-efficacy, self-control, and perceived control as mediating constructs, drawing on Social Cognitive Theory, Theory of Planned Behavior, and Money Script Theory.
Financial attitudes are evaluative judgments that serve as a bridge between parental socialization and financial practice across several domains. Saving is associated with the perception that saving money is both important and possible, depending on what parents model and the message that parents send about financial safety and security. Attitudes about borrowing (debt) and credit are related to the perceived acceptability of borrowing. Children whose parents exhibit careful borrowing behavior develop conservative borrowing attitudes, and therefore, have lower credit card uses on average. Attitudes regarding consumption and materialism are associated with the perceived link between possessions and happiness; therefore, children of parents who value intrinsic values will likely exhibit less materialistic attitudes than children of parents who do not place a high value on intrinsic values and who practice sustainable spending habits. Finally, attitudes about planning their finances and risk will determine long-term behaviors (e.g., retirement planning, risky investments). Reference [
18] demonstrated that parental influence impacts behavior through attitudes toward money. Parents teach children how to view money, and subsequently, children develop behaviors based on the beliefs associated with those attitudes. Reference [
33] observed that having positive perceptions of the socialization processes of parents are significantly associated with progressively improving financial behaviors, as demonstrated by perceived controllability and perceived financial efficacy reflecting the most powerful predictors of improved financial behaviors among children. Furthermore, the longitudinal studies identified that changes in child attitudes are associated with changes in behavior, thus demonstrating that attitude serves as an intermediary connection between the learning process and eventual action.
The belief that one can successfully complete financial tasks, or financial self-efficacy, has been shown to be a significant mediator of human behavior. Based on Social Cognitive Theory, self-efficacies were developed via mastery experiences, observational experiences (observing parents), verbally persuading (encouragement) through messages from parents, and through their ability to control their emotions. Therefore, parents provide an all-encompassing position of financial self-efficacy for their children that allows them to feel confident in making sound financial decisions. Reference [
38] clearly refers to the “knowledge-behavior disconnect” and provides a developmental model that demonstrates that knowledge, attitude, and perceived self-efficacy influence financial behaviors. In other words, knowledge is not predictive enough by itself to determine behavior. In addition, individuals with high knowledge but low self-efficacy frequently do not effectively apply their knowledge while individuals with moderate knowledge but high self-efficacy are more likely to engage in positive financial behaviors. Lastly, individuals who have high self-efficacy are also more likely to continue to engage in financial behaviors even after experiencing setbacks.
The degree of perceived behavioral control includes an individual’s belief regarding both their ability to perform financial activities easily, as well as whether the results of those actions can be controlled by either themselves or others (i.e., an internal/external locus of control). The ability to control one’s finances through proactive measures—such as planning ahead, placing money in safe accounts, and investing—contains strong links to perceptions of an internal locus of control. The way in which a parent socially combines the experiences their child has will determine how they perceive their own locus of control, based on whether their parent has focused on success due to their efforts and planning (internal), or through external sources (i.e., luck) or people (external), ultimately resulting in the development of learned helplessness.
Self-Control, the ability to resist short-term temptations and prioritize long-term goals, serves both as a mediator and a moderator. Self-control develops via parental modeling of delay of gratification, providing structured opportunities for savings, and teaching children techniques for regulating their impulses. Children who observe their parents making choices for the sake of long-term financial security rather than immediate consumption learn to internalize strategies for self-regulation. Self-control mediates the socialization–outcome connection and also moderates it. Individuals with high levels of self-control are able to apply the financial knowledge and positive attitudes acquired through socialization because, when tempted, they translate their intentions into action. Self-control is associated with both “hot” emotional processes through which individuals resist short-term temptations and “cold” cognitive processes where individuals plan and monitor their actions.
For individuals who have low levels of self-control, converting the financial knowledge gained through socialization into actual behavior is tougher and less consistent, resulting in variations among those who have received the same parental socialization. Executive function skills, such as working memory, cognitive flexibility, and inhibitory control, represent the neuropsychological underpinnings of financial self-control. Parents can aid the development of financial self-control through the use of cognitively stimulating financial activities and implementing predictable and structured routines. Executive function skills enable individuals to pursue multiple goals, adjust strategies, and suppress impulsive behaviors.
Money Scripts are unconscious and learned beliefs about money developed as children that can act as deeper psychological mediators that explain persistent behaviors. Four distinct Money Scripts can be identified: Money Avoidance (i.e., belief that Money is Evil), Money Worship (i.e., belief that Money equals Happiness), Money Status (i.e., self-worth equals net worth), and Money Vigilance (i.e., money should be saved). The creation of Money Scripts occurs through the education and experience of parents, and these scripts create cognitive-affective pathways that determine how we interpret financial situations. For example, someone who has Money Avoidance Scripts will often sabotage their financial success regardless of the quality of player’s education regarding finances. In comparison, someone with Money Worship Scripts will render themselves financially successful due to compulsive income generation regardless of how thoughtfully and balanced they were raised. The emotional messages provided by the parent often will overpower any knowledge stated verbally.
Time Perspective, which is a measure of how someone regards and prioritizes the past, present, and future when it comes to their behaviors, is another important area of discussion. According to [
39], Time Perspective and the outcome of saving provide a substantial influence on the ways that individuals act with regard to savings and investment over an extended time frame. Children whose parents encourage them to think about their long-term financial goals and how their present behavior will affect their ability to accomplish these long-term goals will develop a “future” foundation for socialization and saving. The rewards of saving money are typically derived from the positive feelings that come from having security, pride, and progress, which is often an important part of developing the parents’ “socialization-saving” connection.
In conclusion, these studies indicate that psychological variables play a vital role in influencing how parents socialize their children regarding money, in addition to providing them with financial knowledge. For example, psychological variables influence how individuals feel about money, self-efficacy, control beliefs, ability to delay gratification, views on money, and their time horizons, which together influence how they behave with respect to money. The relationship between psychological variables and money-related behavior provides insight into the knowledge-behavior gap; the manner in which individuals differ in the way they respond to their parents’ socialization regarding money; and the persistence or decay of their behavioral response over time. Moreover, the interplay of these psychological variables creates an integrated system: Positive attitudes create motivation for self-efficacy, thereby increasing perceived control and creating an upward spiral. Conversely, strong self-control creates the ability to act on positive attitudes, while viewing the future enhances the motivational power of long-term goals. Therefore, to promote healthy financial development, it is necessary to address every psychological variable that affects how individuals think about and relate to money by developing adaptive thoughts, emotions, and behaviors associated with financial well-being.
The fourth theme addresses the idea that financial socialization processes and effects occur within larger systems of diverse factors such as culture, socio-economic status, gender, education systems, and government policy. These factors provide no consistent impact across all outcomes, but rather modify how parents socialize their children, and how much the resulting socialization translates into capabilities and behaviors. Therefore, understanding how cultural, economic, educational and institutional differences impact these moderating mechanisms can help explain why children from similarly situated families receiving the same types of parental financial practices produce disparate outcomes.
First, the relationship between parental socialization and financial outcomes is influenced differently by cultural factors through a set of various intertwined mechanisms rooted in the cultural values, norms, and overall social structure. For example, two contrasting cultural orientations, individualistic versus collectivistic, create a different meaning and purpose for financial behavior. In cultures that categorize individuals as independent (i.e., predominantly Western culture), those individuals tend to seek tangible evidence of independence through obtaining their financial status. This is evidenced in the emphasis placed by parents on supporting a child’s autonomy, encouraging personal responsibility, and supporting independent goal planning concerning the acquisition of wealth. The process by which parents provide financial guidance is through teaching the ability to be independent and achieving successful financial outcomes, whether by managing their finances independently or building up personal assets. Additionally, the relationship between socialization and materialism across cultures (i.e., comparing U.S. and Hong Kong youth) demonstrates that high levels of parental financial socialization may act to decrease materialism and unhealthy behaviors in one cultural context, while exhibiting the opposite effect in other cultures, particularly when the sacrifice made by parents to support their child’s financial goals is emphasized.
In collectivist cultures, which are prevalent in Asia, Africa and Latin America, there is a high degree of financial behavior interwoven with familial and intergenerational obligations. In this sense, it is crucial to note that parents do not raise their children to be financially independent individuals; rather, they raise them to assume responsibility for the needs of their family, care for their aging parents, contribute to their extended family and maintain their family’s honor. Therefore, parents teach their children about saving for purposes of being responsible, but the outcome of these teachings will differ considerably based on context. In individualistic contexts, individuals save for purposes of personal security and consumption. However, in collectivist contexts, individuals save for the purposes of fulfilling their filial and family obligations. Parental financial sacrifices also serve as very strong socialization mechanisms in the collectivistic cultures. These financial sacrifices of parents, which prioritize their children’s education over their personal consumption, are particularly significant in the context of socialization, as they instill in children two values: delayed gratification and sense of responsibility. Children who have observed parental sacrifice will develop an intrinsically strong motivation to be financially responsible, not simply for the sake of their own personal competence, but also as a moral obligation to honor their parents’ investment in them.
Second, cultural norms about discussing money moderate how parental communication translates into outcomes. In those cultures where money is viewed as a taboo subject, as is found in many Asian cultures, parents are likely to provide less direct and explicit types of financial education, relying instead on their own examples as role models. In those situations, more children will be required to use their observational learning pathways to determine the underlying principles of finance and as such, will result in more variability in the financial outcomes for children. Conversely, cultures that have more open financial communication have a greater capacity to share financial knowledge and values through family discussions. Reference [
37] discovered that cultural norms, national financial systems and ethnic background all contributed to the level of financial literacy and the intensity of family investments in developing financial literacy. Therefore, the same degree of family investment will yield different financial literacy knowledge outcomes depending on the cultural communication norms of that particular culture.
Third, cultural beliefs regarding proper financial interaction between parents and their children influence the effects of parental financial assistance. In a Western context, the provision of continuing financial assistance is frequently associated with feelings of failure to achieve independence and lack of self-efficacy, as illustrated by research conducted by [
34]. In contrast, in collectivistic cultural contexts, adult children receiving financial assistance from parents is considered to be typical behavior that demonstrates family connection and support rather than dependence. Thus, the same behavior of parents in terms of providing financially continues to influence the relationship between parental socialization and child outcomes very differently in individualism versus collectivism.
Parental socialization is determined by the opportunities and resources available in both structural and institutional forms. The socio-economic status (SES) of the family also moderates the effects of socialization on the child through a number of pathways. Families with a higher SES have greater access to financial resources that allow them to provide experiential learning opportunities to their children (bank accounts, investment accounts, and supervised spending), a greater opportunity to access financial services and institutions, and the ability to provide a buffer for their children’s financial mistakes. Thus, this builds an environment for learning that is more forgiving than the environment in which children are raised by lower SES parents. The financial behaviors demonstrated to children by parents in high SES contexts include sophisticated financial behaviors (e.g., investing, tax planning, estate management), which result in the development of complex financial competencies. Families of low SES often model financial behaviors that display strong values and behaviors associated with prudent money management. However, the financial resources available to these families are limited, which restricts the opportunity for children to experience financial learning through experience and the likelihood that children will experience stress associated with their finances, which may impact their ability to have self-efficacy and perceived control.
The findings presented in [
35] regarding how the size of a sibling group and the level of wealth inequality impact socialization processes suggest that family composition and resource dilution influence the effectiveness of socialization. The larger the sibling group, the greater the financial resources, time, and educational investments divided among the children. As a result, each child receives a lower intensity of socialization compared to children from smaller sibling groups, and the amount of resources available for experiential learning is further decreased. Therefore, the accumulation of wealth during adulthood is reduced. Thus, the findings indicate that the process of parental socialization is undertaken within resource limitations that affect the effectiveness of socialization no matter what the intentions or level of knowledge of a parent.
Educational systems and policies create institutional environments that can augment or act as substitutes for parental socialization. Reference [
40] presents an evaluation of high-school financial education in Brazil, displaying that education based on a curriculum significantly increases financial knowledge and, to some extent, influences behavior. However, these positive effects will vary according to the level of implementation intensity and local conditions. Most importantly, formal financial education appears to be more effective when it is used in conjunction with parental socialization. The strongest outcomes were found when the messages equally reinforced both from school and home. In countries where formal financial education systems are weak, parental socialization plays a significant role in developing financial capabilities. This results in a relatively high level of inequality, as it depends upon the resources possessed by the family and the knowledge possessed by the family. Conversely, where comprehensive institutional supports exist, parents are assisted in partially compensating for their limited level of socialization, and thus, the strength of the relationship between the family and the child’s outcomes can be moderated.
The relationship between parents’ desire to socialize financial behavior and the outcome of this socialization is also influenced by the regulatory environment. The Credit Card Act provides insight into this relationship through the way risky behavior associated with credit cards is regulated within a regulatory framework that both constrains and directs young adults’ behavior in regard to financial practice [
32]. Ref. [
36] provides insights into how regulatory environments across multiple countries affect parents’ ability to translate their socialization of financial behaviors into the capability to save or the perception of financial security. For example, individuals’ planning behaviors with regard to retirement, savings and creating a financial plan in the future do not affect financial well-being when social insurance and retirement savings exist. This weakens the relationship between socializing children with a view towards financial security with financial security itself. Conversely, when individuals have limited access to social insurance and retirement savings, parents must educate their children to save and plan for financial security, thereby strengthening the relationship.
Taken together, these studies make clear that financial socialization is not a universal, context-free process. Instead, its forms and consequences are contingent upon cultural values that define the purpose and meaning of financial behaviors, economic structures that provide resources and opportunities for learning, institutional frameworks that complement or substitute for family influence, and intersecting social identities (including gender and ethnicity) that shape expectations and opportunities. Understanding these moderating contexts is essential for developing culturally appropriate interventions, explaining heterogeneous research findings across populations, and recognizing that effective parental financial socialization practices in one context may require adaptation in others.
In conclusion, prominent studies in this field collectively support a multi-level, integrated view of financial socialization. They show that (a) parents and families shape financial development through multiple, often overlapping socialization mechanisms; (b) these processes are strongly linked to a wide range of financial outcomes; (c) psychological constructs mediate much of this influence; and (d) cultural, socioeconomic and institutional contexts moderate both processes and outcomes. This thematic synthesis provides a strong conceptual foundation for the present study’s conceptual model, which positions parental financial socialization as a key driver of financial capability and behavior, operating through psychological pathways and within specific socio-institutional environments.
Table 1 shows a summary of mapping prominent articles across four themes.