Land Use Change and Biocultural Heritage in Valle Nacional, Oaxaca: Women’s Contributions and Community Resilience

Abstract

Territorial transformations in Indigenous regions are shaped by intersecting ecological, political, and cultural dynamics. In San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional, Oaxaca, the construction of the Cerro de Oro dam disrupted river flows, displaced livelihoods, and triggered the decline of irrigated agriculture. This study examines the long-term impacts of these changes on land use, demographics, and cultural practices, emphasizing women’s contributions to community resilience. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study integrates geospatial analysis (1992–2021), census data (2000–2020), documentary review, and ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory mapping. Results show a shift toward seasonal rainfed agriculture, fluctuating forest cover, and a rise in female-headed households. Women have emerged as central actors in adapting to change through practices such as seed saving, agroforestry, and backstrap-loom weaving. These spatially grounded practices, enacted across varied socio-ecological zones, sustain food systems, preserve biodiversity, and reinforce biocultural memory. Although often overlooked in formal governance, women’s territorial agency plays a vital role in shaping land use and community adaptation. This research highlights the need to recognize Indigenous women’s roles in managing change and sustaining territorial heritage. Acknowledging these contributions is essential for building inclusive, culturally grounded, and sustainable development pathways in regions facing structural and environmental pressures.

1. Introduction

Contemporary territorial movements are complex processes that reflect both structural transformations and symbolic disputes over the use, control, and meaning of space [1,2]. These changes are shaped by external drivers such as market expansion, infrastructure megaprojects, and state-led development policies [2,3], which, individually or collectively, generate structural transformations that deeply impact community life, economic dynamics, and cultural heritage [4,5]. In the Papaloapan regions of Oaxaca, Mexico, territory represents more than a productive base; it is a social construct shaped by customary practices, traditional knowledge, and communal governance expressed through collective labor, community assemblies, and the defense of biocultural heritage [6,7].

Territorial governance and development are deeply connected to the people who inhabit the land [8]. Land use is influenced by cultural values, economic activities, and social structures, including gender roles [9]. Territorial transformation often depends on the degree of social organization, the sense of belonging, and the historical memory maintained by the community. In many Indigenous localities, spatial knowledge is transmitted orally and preserved through symbolic markers such as boundary stones, rivers, or ancestral footpaths [9,10]. However, climate variation, economic pressures, and cultural shifts are gradually altering the landscape and erasing these longstanding territorial references [11].

In this context, the knowledge of elders plays a central role in maintaining the memory of how territories have changed over time [5,12,13,14]. Their guidance is key in assemblies, where collective decisions are made regarding land use, cultural preservation, and local development. However, demographic changes caused by migration, social conflicts, or the emergence of dominant groups have transformed the composition of rural populations [15]. In many cases, women and older adults remain and assume increasing responsibilities in land and resource management [16].

In Oaxaca, territorial transformation has also been shaped by state-led modernization processes that often fail to consider the ecological and cultural particularities of Indigenous territories [17,18]. Infrastructure expansion, extractive policies, and centralized spatial planning have fragmented landscapes, reduced access to agricultural land, and weakened traditional systems of land control [18,19]. These changes have intensified precarious working conditions and led to the depopulation of rural areas, significantly altering the dynamics of community participation and land use [19].

The continued presence of women in these territories has given rise to new forms of agency [20]. Women engage in productive and care work while also participating in community organization [21]. They are key actors in sustaining local economies, often through agroecological initiatives, food systems, and artisanal production such as textiles [22,23,24,25,26]. These contributions, though often invisible, support household livelihoods and are central to the cultural continuity and resilience of the territory [5,20,22,27].

The Papaloapan region of Oaxaca, commonly known as Chinantla, provides a relevant case for analyzing these interactions. Development planning in this region operates across three levels: local, municipal, and regional. At the local level, decision-making occurs through assemblies and is based on available resources and community involvement. At the municipal level, public infrastructure projects are coordinated across wider areas. At the regional level, economic development policies are often implemented without sufficient alignment with local priorities and social structures. The interaction or disconnection between these levels has a significant impact on the success of conservation and sustainable development efforts.

The main research gap addressed by this study lies in the limited empirical evidence on how community-based territorial management, supported by women’s participation and intergenerational knowledge, influences land use transitions while preserving biocultural heritage. Unlike conventional top-down planning approaches, this study demonstrates how collective decision-making can promote equitable access to natural resources, strengthen local governance, and support the regeneration of cultural identity through sustainable territorial practices.

This study aims to contribute to the understanding of cultural landscapes as living territorial constructions shaped by both ecological conditions and social processes. It offers a critical perspective of land use change in Indigenous rural contexts, with particular attention to the role of women as agents of cultural continuity, community adaptation, and sustainable development. These dynamics are explored through the case of San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional, located in the Chinantla region of northern Oaxaca, where Indigenous women play a central role in shaping biocultural resilience amidst ongoing territorial transformations.

2. Theoretical Background

This research is grounded in an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that integrates feminist political ecology, territorial governance, and Indigenous epistemologies rooted in biocultural memory. These perspectives provide critical tools to understand the interplay between gender, land use change, cultural continuity, and socio-ecological resilience in Indigenous communities.

2.1. Feminist Political Ecology and Territorial Governance

Feminist political ecology (FPE) offers a lens through which to analyze how socio-environmental transformations differentially impact men and women, particularly regarding access to resources, decision-making authority, and ecological knowledge systems [21,22,23,25]. It underscores the central—yet often undervalued—role of women in sustaining agri-food systems, conserving biodiversity, and transmitting intergenerational knowledge, especially under conditions shaped by male outmigration and institutional neglect [16,20,22].

Territorial governance complements FPE by emphasizing local agency in shaping land use trajectories and resisting top-down impositions. Moving beyond technocratic approaches, it focuses on the symbolic, affective, and cultural dimensions of territory. In regions like Valle Nacional, state-led interventions such as the construction of the Cerro de Oro dam are not passively accepted [17,18,19]; rather, they are reinterpreted, resisted, or adapted through grassroots organizing, customary land management practices, and collective mobilization [6,7,8,28].

From a broader perspective, territorial transformation is also shaped by dynamic and contested processes of access, exclusion, claim-making, and territorialization [29]. These processes reflect historical struggles and complex agrarian structures, often reproducing inequalities through institutional arrangements that govern land ownership, use, and control. Thus, governance is not neutral; it reflects and reproduces power dynamics.

In Valle Nacional, governed by customary law, community-based institutions play a central role. Through assemblies and collective labor, residents demonstrate strong organizational capacities for natural resource management and conflict resolution. Meanwhile, municipal and state authorities influence territorial dynamics through social and productive development programs. The intersection of these governance layers creates complex negotiation arenas that shape land access and decision-making processes.

2.2. Indigenous Epistemologies and Biocultural Memory

Indigenous epistemologies deepen the understanding of territory by framing it as a living and relational entity imbued with cultural meaning, historical continuity, and collective responsibility [13,14]. Knowledge is place-based and transmitted orally through direct engagement with the landscape, linking spiritual beliefs, daily practices, and environmental stewardship.

Practices such as seed saving, home gardening, and textile weaving are deeply embedded in this worldview. Beyond their practical utility, they serve as symbolic expressions that sustain identity and preserve ecological balance [16,27,30,31,32,33,34,35,36,37,38]. In particular, weaving encapsulates narratives of ecological and cultural memory, with motifs that reference mountains, rivers, and native species—bridging the tangible landscape with its symbolic representation. These actions embody biocultural memory—the cumulative reservoir of ecological and cultural knowledge, values, and practices that co-evolved with specific environments.

Biocultural memory encompasses localized agricultural calendars, traditional ceremonies, and artisanal production such as the huipil chinanteco, all of which reflect embedded knowledge systems. These expressions serve as strategies for continuity and resilience, particularly in the face of marginalization or environmental degradation. They also represent epistemological resistance to development paradigms that externalize or commodify natural and cultural resources.

Acknowledging these epistemologies not only legitimizes Indigenous ways of knowing but also reveals the crucial role of cultural continuity in sustaining socio-ecological systems. Their relational approach to land and stewardship offers critical insights for biodiversity conservation, climate adaptation, and territorial governance in contexts of rapid change. For this reason, it is essential to promote the autonomy of Indigenous peoples, ensuring that their self-determination is respected as a foundational principle in the design and implementation of sustainable land use practices.

2.3. Biocultural Resilience and Adaptive Socio-Ecological Systems

Biocultural resilience refers to the adaptive capacity of communities and ecosystems to respond to environmental, social, and economic disruptions while maintaining core functions, cultural identity, and social cohesion. Rooted in reciprocal human–environment relationships, this resilience depends on flexibility, intergenerational learning, and innovation. Nonetheless, it requires balance: overexploitation of natural resources can lead to negative outcomes when ecological thresholds are exceeded [39]. This concept underscores the interdependence of social and ecological systems and the importance of preserving both biodiversity and cultural integrity. It is particularly relevant in contexts of overlapping vulnerabilities, where hybrid knowledge systems—blending ancestral practices and adaptive innovations—enable continuity and well-being.

Biocultural diversity [40], understood as the co-evolution of biological and cultural systems, reinforces resilience by maintaining heterogeneity and context-specific practices. Its erosion through homogenizing pressures can lead to cultural dislocation and ecological degradation. In contrast, reinforcing biocultural resilience strengthens a community’s capacity to navigate change.

2.4. Biocultural Heritage as a Tool for Territorial Continuity and Cultural Resistance

Biocultural heritage refers to dynamic, place-based knowledge systems, practices, values, and memories that connect communities to their landscapes and sustain local livelihoods [41]. It includes ecological knowledge, as well as spiritual, linguistic, and symbolic dimensions embedded in daily life. As such, it embodies both continuity and adaptability in response to environmental transformations.

Home gardening, seed conservation, and textile production are not merely productive strategies; they are acts of cultural affirmation. These practices reinforce community identity while resisting cultural homogenization and ecological degradation. Weaving, in particular, operates as a cultural cartography—encoding symbolic representations of territory, kinship, and ancestral knowledge—thus serving as a textile form of territoriality. Analyzing landscape multifunctionality through the lens of biocultural heritage enables the identification of vulnerable areas, conservation priorities, and sustainable development opportunities [42].

In this study, biocultural resilience is defined as the collective capacity of Indigenous communities to respond to socio-ecological uncertainty through cultural cohesion, adaptive stewardship, and the revitalization of ancestral practices. It manifests in actions that promote food sovereignty, defend territorial rights, and maintain spiritual and material relationships with the land.

Together, these frameworks provide an integrated lens to examine how gender, cultural practices, Indigenous knowledge, and collective action shape resilience and sustainable land governance in Indigenous territories undergoing transformation.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Study Site Location

The municipality of San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional (commonly referred to as Valle Nacional) is situated in the northern region of Oaxaca, Mexico, between 17°46′ N latitude and 96°08′ to 96°31′ W longitude, at an average elevation of 60 m above sea level [43]. According to the 2020 Population and Housing Census, it has a total population of 23,067 inhabitants, of whom 47.6% are men and 52.4% are women [44]. The presence of Chinantec Indigenous communities is highly significant, with 51.8% of the population speaking an Indigenous language and 41.48% self-identifying as Indigenous [45]. Valle Nacional’s local economy is predominantly based on primary sector activities, particularly agriculture, forestry, and fishing, which together engage 46.97% of the economically active population [45].

Land tenure in Valle Nacional is governed predominantly by social property regimes. The municipality comprises 33 ejidos and two communities with communal land tenure systems, each managed by local agrarian authorities [46]. In total, the municipality encompasses 18 police precincts, 10 municipal precincts, and 27 rural settlements.

Valle Nacional is part of the broader Chinantla region, renowned for its exceptional biodiversity, humid tropical forests, and rich sociolinguistic diversity. Sites such as Cerro Baúl, Cerro de Uva, Montebello, Cuchara, and San Mateo Yetla are located within the municipality and form part of the “Ruta Chinantla,” a cultural and ecological circuit promoted by the Oaxaca State Secretariat of Tourism [47].

In addition to its natural wealth, the municipality is a repository of intangible cultural heritage, particularly the traditional weaving of huipiles on backstrap looms. This artisanal practice, passed down through generations, remains a vital expression of Chinantec women’s identity and territorial memory [34,37]. Recent documentation efforts have drawn attention to the decline of this tradition due to economic pressures and generational shifts [31], making Valle Nacional a critical site for examining the intersections between land use, gender, and cultural resilience.

3.2. Methodological Approach and Data Collection

This study adopts a qualitative, diachronic approach aimed at understanding territorial dynamics from a socio-spatial and cultural perspective. A multiscale and longitudinal design was employed to examine changes in land use and demographic structure over a thirty-year period.

Spatial analysis was conducted using ArcGIS Pro software 3.5.2 [48], based on official land use and vegetation maps from the National Land Use and Vegetation Inventory for the years 1992, 2001, 2005, 2009, 2013, 2017, and 2021 [49,50,51,52,53,54,55]. Eight land use categories were digitized and analyzed: irrigated agriculture, seasonal rainfed agriculture, pine-oak forest, montane cloud forest, permanent cultivated grassland, tall evergreen rainforest, secondary shrubby vegetation of tall evergreen rainforest, and secondary arboreal vegetation of tall evergreen rainforest. This allowed the identification of spatial trends and territorial transitions in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional.

In parallel, demographic data and gender-disaggregated indicators were gathered from the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) Population and Housing Censuses for 2000, 2005, 2010, and 2020 [56]. Variables such as marginalization levels, educational lag, lack of access to basic services, and population structure by sex and age were used to contextualize territorial transformations through a socio-economic and gender lens.

The spatial and demographic analyses were complemented by archival research and review of press articles documenting the impacts of the Cerro de Oro dam and other state-led infrastructure projects [57]. To understand women’s spatial practices across different socio-ecological zones, the research incorporated participatory mapping and field-based observations conducted between 2020 and 2024. These interactions enabled the identification of gendered land use practices related to rainfed agriculture, home gardens, milpa–agroforestry systems, and permanent grasslands. The resulting typology was developed by cross-referencing observed practices with geo-referenced landscape features using ArcGIS, supported by iterative field visits. Although not based on a quantitative survey, this approach provides a grounded framework for analyzing spatial agency from a feminist political ecology and biocultural heritage perspective, shedding light on knowledge systems and territorial engagement often excluded from formal land classifications.

4. Results

4.1. Land Use Transitions and Vegetation Cover Change (1992–2021)

Geospatial and temporal analysis of San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional reveals a profound transformation in land use and vegetation cover from 1992 to 2021. One of the most significant changes was the expansion of seasonal rainfed agriculture, which increased from just 78 hectares in 1992 to 10,290 hectares in 2021. This growth coincided with the complete disappearance of irrigated agriculture after 2001, a land use that previously occupied 3934 hectares. The transition toward less water-dependent agriculture reflects the cumulative effect of altered hydrological regimes and local adaptation strategies (Figure 1).

Earlier dynamics are illustrated in Figure 2, showing how forested areas declined and were replaced by secondary vegetation types between 1992 and 2009. This period marked a turning point toward a more fragmented, yet flexible, territorial configuration.

A comprehensive overview is provided in

Table 1. Land use changes in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional, Oaxaca (1992–2017) in hectares.

Land Use	1992	2001	2005	2009	2013	2017	2021
Irrigated agriculture	3934	0	0	0	0	0	0
Seasonal rainfed agriculture	78	4811	5191	5082	4781	10,283	10,290
Pine-oak Forest	131	819	0	0	0	0	0
Montane cloud forest	2961	4100	4034	4034	4047	4047	4047
Permanent cultivated grassland	1043	819	622	706	1221	1515	1631
Tall evergreen rainforest	22,398	8406	40,526	40,622	41,924	39,339	37,627
Secondary shrubby vegetation of tall evergreen rainforest	23,606	22,088	10,669	10,598	9067	4198	3713
Secondary arboreal vegetation of tall evergreen rainforest	14,289	28,005	7188	7188	6344	8656	10,616
Urban zone	0	147	147	147	356	356	456
Water bodies	0	66	66	66	66	49	63

Source: own elaboration based on geospatial information from INEGI [49,50,51,52,53,54,55].

, which summarizes changes across all land use classes. These data show not only linear expansions or reductions but also ecological cycles—degradation followed by partial regeneration—across multiple ecosystems and productive zones.

Among forested ecosystems, the tall evergreen rainforest experienced the most dramatic changes. A sharp decline of 62% occurred between 1992 and 2001, driven by intensified land use. However, partial recovery was observed starting in 2005, with the area reaching a peak of 41,924 hectares in 2013, followed by a gradual reduction to 37,627 hectares by 2021 (Figure 3).

Secondary shrubby vegetation steadily declined by 84% during the study period, indicating both degradation and forest recovery processes. Secondary arboreal vegetation, on the other hand, followed a non-linear trajectory—initially expanding, then declining, and finally stabilizing above 10,000 hectares.

The montane cloud forest remained relatively stable over time, with minimal surface loss. Permanent cultivated grassland showed early reduction but experienced recovery after 2013. These combined trends, including modest urban expansion, are illustrated in Figure 4.

4.2. Socioeconomic Dynamics and Gender Roles

Demographic and household-level data suggest an ongoing transformation in the gender composition of population and land management. Between 2000 and 2020, the total population of San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional rose slightly from 22,886 to 23,067. Male population steadily increased from 11,140 to 12,081, while the female population peaked in 2010 (11,758) and declined to 10,986 by 2020 (Figure 5).

Household dynamics changed more noticeably. Total households increased from 4586 to 6027 between 2000 and 2020. Female-headed households more than doubled, from 819 to 1724, while male-headed households remained relatively constant (Figure 6).

Further analysis (Figure 7) shows that the number of individuals living in female-headed households grew from 3219 to 5680, underscoring women’s growing responsibility for domestic and economic resilience.

These findings indicate a redistribution of household authority and rural labor roles, suggesting a gendered transition in the spatial and productive organization of the territory [44,46,58].

4.3. Gendered Territorial Practices Across Socio-Ecological Zones

Women’s engagement in land management in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional reveals a profound spatial awareness, expressed through daily practices across diverse ecological zones. These zones—rainfed plots, home gardens, milpa–agroforestry systems, and grasslands—are not neutral or interchangeable spaces. Rather, they constitute socio-ecological niches where women navigate topographic constraints, resource access, and household needs, transforming these environments through situated knowledge and care.

Each ecosystem type reflects distinct gendered practices. On sloped or marginal terrain, women cultivate rainfed plots through seasonal intercropping and soil conservation strategies. Adjacent to their homes, gardens are used for seed saving, cultivation of vegetables and medicinal plants, and raising poultry. In the milpa–agroforestry systems [59], women foster biodiversity by integrating fruit trees, coffee, native timber, and shade crops—often within landscapes that border secondary forests. Coyuchi cotton (Gossypium hirsutum)—from the Nahuatl word coyōichcatl, meaning “coyote-colored cotton” (light brown or beige)—is a native variety of Oaxaca, Mexico. It is intercropped in these plots in small quantities and used for weaving huipiles, napkins, and other handcrafted items [60]. Although its production has declined, it held substantial economic value in the past, representing 34% of the municipality’s total agricultural production in 1980 [61]. In lower riverine areas, pasturelands are managed through fodder planting and rotational grazing, sometimes collectively organized.

This diversity of spatial practices underscores women’s territorial agency in adapting to ecological constraints and shaping multifunctional landscapes. Their decisions about where to grow, graze, or regenerate ecosystems reflect both environmental knowledge and cultural continuity, contributing to the creation of resilient and productive territories (

Table 2. Gendered management practices and spatial characteristics of ecosystems.

Ecosystem Type	Management Practices by Women	Spatial Characteristics
Rainfed agricultural plots	Seasonal cropping, maize–bean intercropping, soil conservation	Hillsides, former irrigation zones, marginal terrain
Home gardens	Seed saving, vegetable cultivation, medicinal plants, poultry raising	Adjacent to homes, fenced patios or backyards
Milpa–agroforestry systems	Integration of fruit trees, coffee, native timber, shade crops, and small-scale cotton cultivation for artisanal use	Edges of secondary forests, partially shaded areas, interspersed crops
Permanent cultivated grasslands	Fodder cultivation, rotational grazing, water access planning	Lowland pastures, individual or communal plots, near rivers

Source: Own elaboration. This typology reflects women’s differentiated ecological roles and their contribution to food systems, textile production, and the resilience of biocultural landscapes.

).

4.4. Adaptive Land Management in Response to Territorial Change

Women’s land practices have responded dynamically to environmental shifts, particularly following the hydrological changes caused by the dam’s construction. As irrigated plots became less productive or entirely unviable, women intensified the use of rainfed areas through techniques such as soil recovery, organic composting, and integrating short-cycle crops such as maize (Zea mays), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), squash (Cucurbita pepo), radishes (Raphanus sativus), tomato (Solanum lycopersicum), and edible greens such as Opuntia spp. and Piper auritum, adapted to rainfall variability, demonstrating how these strategies, often applied on sloped and marginal terrains, reflect a deliberate shift toward agroecological restoration.

In the milpa–agroforestry system [59], women’s adaptive responses include adjusting planting calendars, selecting drought-resistant seed varieties, and diversifying with shade-tolerant crops such as coffee and fruit trees. The continued cultivation of coyuchi cotton within these plots illustrates not only ecological adaptation but also the maintenance of ancestral production systems, even at a reduced scale. This spatial reorganization and knowledge application has led to visible transformations: abandoned lands were re-integrated into productive mosaics, increasing both ecological functionality and household autonomy.

4.5. Spatial Agency and Biocultural Resilience

The land use decisions made by women in Valle Nacional are not only practical but also symbolic, rooted in the transmission of cultural identity and collective memory. Home gardens, for example, serve as living archives of edible and medicinal biodiversity. Their arrangement often follows ancestral knowledge, including planting by lunar cycles or slope orientation.

These practices embody what might be termed invisible geographies—forms of spatial agency that are underrepresented in cartographic data yet crucial for ecological and cultural resilience. By managing the edges of forests and watersheds, interplanting tree species, and maintaining soil fertility through organic methods, women ensure continuity in food security and biodiversity retention. Their spatial agency bridges the tangible (soil, water, species) with the intangible (rituals, calendar, identity), making them pivotal actors in sustaining territorial integrity.

4.6. Weaving Practices and Cultural Continuity

The weaving of huipiles and other traditional textiles represents a territorial expression grounded in women’s ecological practices. Though often excluded from land use analysis due to its domestic and artisanal character, weaving is intrinsically linked to territorial management. The raw material—coyuchi cotton—is cultivated within milpa systems; the natural dyes derive from local flora; and the motifs themselves encode ecological and cosmological knowledge.

Motifs such as mazorcas of maize, birds, or rivers are not merely decorative—they serve as symbolic references that evoke territorial knowledge, narrating the cyclical rhythms and sacred features of the landscape. In the context of increasing outmigration and generational shifts, textile production becomes a medium of resilience, maintaining a tangible connection between domestic life and the surrounding environment. Women thus act as cultural cartographers, weaving territorial narratives that sustain biocultural heritage across generations.

4.7. Historical Drivers of Territorial Transformation

Territorial change must also be understood within its historical context. In the 1960s, flooding prompted the construction of the Cerro de Oro dam, which dramatically reduced water availability and led to the decline of irrigated agriculture between the 1970s and 1990s [18,62,63]. This large-scale infrastructure significantly reduced river flows, resulting in the loss of irrigated agricultural areas and a gradual shift toward seasonal rainfed systems starting in 1996 [63,64]. Women’s territorial engagement—through the management of marginal lands, diversification of crops, and adaptation to rainfed conditions—must be understood as an integral part of this broader adaptive process. These transformations in land use were further reinforced by national conservation programs, such as the Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES), launched in 2003 [65].

Concurrently, women upheld the tradition of textile weaving, which gained renewed institutional visibility after 2000 through cultural programs and legal protections [30,31,32,33,64,66]. Although textile production had long served as a form of cultural expression, this period marked a turning point in its external recognition. In 2019, the government advanced the promotion of collective intellectual property rights for Indigenous communities [67], further reinforcing its political visibility. However, this institutional validation did not emerge spontaneously—it was the result of sustained efforts by Indigenous women to defend and assert the originality of their textile designs, a process that exemplifies biocultural resilience [39,42,68]. However, the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 disrupted the intergenerational transmission of this knowledge, contributing to demographic shifts that also impacted territorial practices (Figure 8).

5. Discussion

5.1. Territorial Change as a Historical and Socioecological Process

The historical trajectory outlined in the previous section underscores how territorial change in Valle Nacional has been shaped by overlapping processes of environmental intervention, state-driven infrastructure, and community adaptation. Rather than isolated events, the construction of the dam, the decline of irrigated agriculture, and subsequent conservation efforts reflect a continuum of imposed and negotiated transformations. These pivotal moments not only reshaped the physical landscape but also redefined social roles and community structures over time [1,2,19].

Such transformations are not merely technical or environmental in nature; they are also deeply symbolic, influencing cultural practices, gender roles, and territorial meanings. In the Chinantla region, women engage actively in the use and transformation of territory—through agriculture, textile production, and environmental stewardship—yet they often remain excluded from formal land tenure and decision-making structures. This mirrors similar cases in Africa, where women farmers continue to seek recognition of their land rights and struggle for equitable participation in governance [21].

5.2. Migration, Depopulation, and the Reconfiguration of Rural Life

Migration—particularly of men—intensified in the early 2000s, largely in response to declining agricultural productivity, land scarcity, and insufficient institutional support. One of the key drivers was the region’s loss of commercial importance following the construction of the Cerro de Oro dam, prompting residents to seek alternative employment in other areas [64]. Between 2015 and 2020, 34,644 people from Oaxaca migrated abroad, with 2% of this figure originating from the Chinantla region [69]. This trend reflects broader patterns of structural displacement in Indigenous territories affected by state-led development interventions [2,5,17].

According to INEGI, the primary reasons for migration from Valle Nacional were family reunification (67.3%), followed by employment (18.2%), education (6%), insecurity (2.7%), and other causes (5.8%) [43,44,45]. This demographic restructuring has resulted in the visible feminization of rural life. Women have assumed not only caregiving and subsistence roles but also increasing responsibility for agricultural plots and household economies.

These roles are grounded in specific territorial practices. Women in female-headed households cultivate rainfed plots in marginal lands and former pastures, manage forest patches through agroforestry systems, and oversee communal grazing areas for small livestock. In areas where irrigation is no longer viable due to the dam’s impact, women have reorganized production strategies around seasonal cycles and microclimates, relying on local knowledge to optimize land suitability and resource access. This spatial adaptation constitutes a form of territorial management that redefines how land is occupied and utilized.

The sharp rise in female-headed households—from 819 in 2000 to 1724 in 2020—indicates a broader gendered realignment in land and resource management. This demographic shift has had a direct impact on land use. Between 2000 and 2005, the expansion of tall evergreen rainforest—from 8406 ha to 40,526 ha—suggests a temporary reduction in agricultural pressure, likely linked to rural depopulation and the abandonment of cultivation zones [49,50,51]. This pattern supports the hypothesis that while depopulation is socially disruptive, it may enable ecological regeneration when not followed by extractive activities [7,9].

5.3. Repopulation, Institutional Support, and the Return to Territory

By 2010, repopulation trends began to emerge, coinciding with the stabilization of rainfed agriculture and the rise of community-led conservation initiatives. The increase in the total number of households during this period can be attributed to several factors.

First, although many residents had emigrated for economic reasons, favorable local conditions encouraged their return. These conditions included renewed opportunities for sustainable livelihoods supported by public policy interventions from the Oaxaca state government and federal initiatives such as the Payment for Environmental Services program promoted by the National Forestry Commission (CONAFOR), alongside support from civil society organizations [29,65]. Return migration was also driven by a strong sense of belonging and cultural attachment, particularly among Indigenous residents who view land as both a material and symbolic space.

Second, demographic changes contributed to household growth. Many local offspring who had reached adulthood formed new nuclear households, either within the community or nearby, often maintaining strong ties to their extended families [46,58].

Third, repopulation was not limited to returning residents. In-migration from neighboring communities also played a role, drawn by local productive initiatives, collective land management practices, and territorial governance structures that enabled access to land and social integration [44,46,69].

Importantly, this repopulation process was shaped by the intersection of state support and strong local governance. Customary institutions played a pivotal role in reinforcing communal land rights, enabling collective decision-making, and facilitating community participation. These governance structures enhanced the appeal of returning, as they offered real opportunities for dignified livelihoods anchored in cultural continuity and ecological sustainability.

In Indigenous communities, attachment to territory is not only utilitarian but deeply symbolic. Migration is often a necessity rather than a choice, and the possibility of returning is conditioned by the potential to reestablish one’s role within a culturally meaningful and ecologically viable setting. In this context, repopulation reflects more than demographic recovery—it signals the resilience of territorial identity and the capacity for adaptive self-determination within socio-ecological systems.

The COVID-19 pandemic further encouraged return migration, particularly among men who lost employment in urban centers. These dynamics reflect the complex interplay between external shocks, social responses, and territorial memory—mediated by cultural values and collective agency [4,6,12].

5.4. Women’s Agency, Community Governance, and Biocultural Resilience

Throughout this period, community-based governance has played a pivotal role in maintaining territorial resilience. Local committees have responded to pressing threats such as wildfires, illegal resource extraction, and land degradation. The introduction of the national Payment for Environmental Services (PES) program in 2003 helped institutionalize conservation efforts by providing economic incentives for the protection of ecosystem services [6,28,65]. These decentralized and participatory mechanisms contrast sharply with earlier technocratic approaches, which frequently excluded Indigenous perspectives from land management and spatial planning decisions [8,19].

By 2020, 28.6% of households in Valle Nacional were headed by women. While this figure captures a demographic shift shaped by factors such as male outmigration, widowhood, and aging, it also provides an entry point for examining how women navigate rural life under changing conditions. In some cases, women become the primary economic providers and take on decision-making roles within their households. However, female-headed households do not inherently signal greater autonomy or collective power; rather, agency emerges through broader socio-cultural dynamics and support networks.

In the Chinantla region, long-term participatory research has documented how Indigenous women, regardless of household structure, contribute decisively to community life, subsistence farming, and ecological stewardship. Some women face structural barriers to public engagement due to restrictive gender norms and unequal domestic burdens. Others, however, are actively involved in local governance and collective initiatives—especially when supported by family networks and community-based institutions.

Women across these contexts are central to the preservation of agroecological knowledge. They cultivate a diversity of crops [16,70,71] that sustain food sovereignty and agrobiodiversity [10,19,22,24]. These contributions are not confined to female-headed households but are part of a broader gendered division of labor that shapes biocultural resilience.

These gendered roles are not only symbolic or cultural; they have material consequences for land use patterns and territorial dynamics. Women’s participation in agroforestry, rainfed agriculture, and cattle management—particularly in response to male outmigration—has directly influenced land occupation strategies. As such, the transformations documented in Table 1 are not solely driven by environmental or demographic pressures, but also by the adaptive agency of women who sustain food systems and shape community resilience.

In addition, women safeguard ancestral knowledge through agroecological practices such as seed saving, intercropping, and home garden management. These techniques—often overlooked or undervalued by mainstream rural development programs—are essential for maintaining ecological integrity and enhancing community resilience [12,13,14,16,38]. Beyond their practical function, they facilitate intergenerational knowledge transfer and reinforce cultural identity and a deeply rooted sense of place. Figure 9 illustrates this multifaceted role, highlighting how women act as custodians of both ecological systems and cultural continuity.

5.5. Cultural Heritage, Symbolism, and the Paradox of Recognition

This stewardship also extends to the realm of textile production—particularly the weaving of huipiles on backstrap looms—which has long been recognized within Chinantec communities as a vital cultural expression. Since the mid-20th century, these garments have obtained national visibility through their presence in rituals and dances such as the Flor de Piña at the Guelaguetza festival. Weaving traditions encode cosmological knowledge and territorial memory through specific motifs—birds, rivers, trees, and maize—that symbolically represent ecological elements and social values [27,32,33,35,36,37,38,47].

However, it was not until the early 2000s that institutional policies began to formally support and promote the revitalization of these practices. For example, Mexico’s Alternative Tourism Program in Indigenous Zones (PTAZI), launched in 2007 by the former National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples (CDI), fostered the preservation of Indigenous cultural heritage by promoting artisanal production, community tourism, and environmental stewardship [72]. In this context, weaving has not “suddenly” gained recognition but has instead become more publicly valorized through initiatives such as storytelling, educational workshops, and local exhibitions.

Today, huipiles continue to serve as living archives of identity, worn in communal festivities and proudly exhibited as embodiments of collective memory and cultural pride [11,27,31,38,73,74] (Figure 10). Yet, the practice faces increasing threats due to generational disinterest, economic hardship, and migration to urban areas [20,25,75]. Outside the community, these garments are often abandoned as young women face pressures to assimilate or avoid ethnic discrimination [75].

Despite their vital cultural and ecological contributions, women remain marginalized within formal governance structures. Community decision-making continues to be shaped by customary law, which often limits women’s participation to auxiliary roles in church groups, school committees, or supportive tasks [20,21,22,46]. Leadership positions are predominantly held by men, reflecting persistent gender hierarchies embedded in both traditional norms and institutional frameworks [23,26,74]. This underscores a structural paradox in which women sustain critical territorial practices yet remain politically invisible. In Valle Nacional, this invisibility is most striking in the cultural domain: while the Chinantec huipil has gained national recognition, the social systems that support its production—land access, gender equity, and intergenerational learning—remain fragile.

6. Conclusions

This study shows that land use change in San Juan Bautista Valle Nacional is shaped not only by ecological and infrastructural shifts—such as the construction of the Cerro de Oro dam—but also by community-based responses rooted in cultural memory, gender roles, and local governance. The decline of irrigation agriculture prompted transitions to rainfed systems and contributed to demographic restructuring, including a notable rise in female-headed households due to male outmigration.

Amid these transformations, Indigenous women have played a central role in sustaining community life and biocultural resilience. Their contributions—ranging from agroecological food production and seed saving to textile weaving—reflect adaptive strategies grounded in ancestral knowledge and daily territorial decision-making. These practices enhance food security, strengthen cultural identity, and help maintain biodiversity across complex ecosystems.

The analysis of women’s spatial practices—including in rainfed plots, home gardens, agroforestry systems, and pastures—reveals a gendered geography of land management. Through decisions related to planting, water use, soil restoration, and ecological regeneration, women have reconfigured land use patterns to respond to environmental and socio-economic pressures. This spatial agency remains largely invisible within formal land use planning frameworks, yet it plays a crucial role in ecological recovery and the continuity of cultural landscapes.

Recognizing these practices as valid forms of territorial governance is essential for developing inclusive and resilient strategies. Women’s agency—though often operating outside formal institutions—shapes reterritorialization processes that are simultaneously social, ecological, and symbolic. Territory, as shown in this case, is not governed solely through infrastructure or state policy but through the embodied, everyday decisions of women who preserve and transmit biocultural knowledge.

Nevertheless, a paradox persists: women are vital to maintaining land, culture, and biodiversity, yet they remain politically marginal in both customary and state governance structures. This institutional gap limits the recognition of gendered contributions to territorial transformation. In Valle Nacional, land use change, cultural heritage, and gender dynamics must be understood as interconnected—not isolated—dimensions of rural transformation. Women’s agency is not simply reactive to environmental crises; it represents a force of continuity that preserves memory, resists marginalization, and shapes future trajectories.

While this study integrates participatory mapping and field observation to document women’s land practices, it is not exhaustive. Limitations include the lack of high-resolution temporal data to track short-term change and the absence of systematically collected oral histories, which would enrich the symbolic and historical reconstruction of the territory. Future research should strengthen participatory approaches, engage younger generations, and pursue comparative analysis to better understand intergenerational resilience and spatial memory.

This research underscores the importance of designing public policies that explicitly include women in the conservation of cultural heritage and territorial management. Such policies should not only increase economic opportunities for women but also promote a more equitable distribution of household responsibilities—enabling greater participation in collective and community-based initiatives.