Arable Land Abandonment and Land Use/Land Cover Change in Southeastern South Africa

Abstract

Arable field abandonment is a major driver of landscape change in rural areas worldwide. It is defined as the cessation of agricultural activities and the withdrawal of agricultural management on land. This study examined arable land abandonment and subsequent land use and land cover (LULC) changes in Gotyibeni, Manqorholweni, Mawane, and Melani villages over a 20-year period. The aim was to understand these changes and how rural livelihoods and social relationships within and between households were perceived to have transformed following the LULC shifts. Landsat 5, 7, 8, and 9 multispectral imageries with a 30 m spatial resolution were analysed for two periods (i.e., 2000–2010 and 2010–2020). Five land cover classes were mapped: arable fields, grasslands, homestead gardens, residential areas, and shrublands. Post-classification change detection revealed a steady decline in arable fields, largely replaced by grasslands, shrublands, and residential areas. User accuracy was above 80% across all LULC maps, providing confidence in the LULC results. To link these spatial changes with social outcomes, 97 households that had abandoned field cultivation were purposively selected across the four villages. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to capture household experiences. Findings showed that reduced field cultivation was perceived to undermine household economic status, with households increasingly dependent on government social grants amid high unemployment. In addition, weakened social connections and shifts in cultural practices were reported. Overall, the study demonstrated how combining satellite imagery with community perspectives provides a comprehensive understanding of rural arable land abandonment and its consequences.

1. Introduction

Agricultural landscapes in rural areas worldwide are experiencing a significant decline in arable land cultivation [1,2]. Despite the crucial role played by small-scale farmers in global food production, the practice of field cultivation is decreasing both globally [3,4] and in Southern Africa [5,6]. The phenomenon of reduced participation in, or withdrawal from, farming in a landscape is often referred to as “arable land abandonment” or “deagrarianisation”. It pertains to the abandonment of areas previously used for farming, particularly for cultivating crops [7,8], where active agricultural management has not taken place for at least four years [8,9]. In its most extreme form, land abandonment involves a complete cessation of agricultural activities on the land, such that the agricultural land transitions to various non-agricultural land uses [10]. It is estimated that between 385–472 million hectares of arable land were abandoned globally between 1700 and 2000, with the most significant portion of this occurring during the 1900s [11,12].

Multiple factors contribute to this phenomenon varying by location and context, including unfavourable soil and climatic conditions for agriculture [7,8,13]. Socio-economic factors also play a significant role in some contexts, such as rural-to-urban migration in pursuit of new economic opportunities [13,14,15]. Urbanisation and industrialisation, which offer improved economic prospects, an aging farming workforce, rural youth seeking more secure and better-paying opportunities in urban settings, the diminishing status of farming as an occupation, and the decline in local agricultural incomes all contribute to this trend [7,8]. At the household level, the decision to engage or disengage from agricultural livelihood strategies over time depends on the available livelihood assets of individual households [16]. Additionally, political dynamics and responses [7,8,17], or inefficient farm structures can further accelerate the process of land abandonment [8,14].

This trend is not only pronounced in well-developed regions where intensive agriculture contends with urbanisation [8,18], such as Europe [8], but it is also observed in less developed areas, particularly remote rural areas where the loss of agricultural income can exacerbate already fragile economic and social structures [7,8]. For example, in the rural, communal tenure areas in South Africa [16,17], as well as in mountainous pastures and hilly territories in China and Spain [8,18].

Moreover, abandonment of arable land occurs at varying rates [19], as noted by Blair et al. (2018) [5], Ortyl et al. (2024) [14], and Winkler et al. (2021) [19]. For example, Xie et al. (2024) [13] showed that the average rate of cropland abandonment in the US between 1986 and 2018 was −0.51 Mha/year. Kgaphola et al. (2023) [20] showed that at Sekhukhune District Municipality, in Limpopo province in South Africa, the rate of change for subsistence cultivation was (−15.5%/year), while residential areas, and shrublands increased by 15.2%/year, and 10.7%/year, respectively, between 1990 and 2019. Shackleton et al. (2013) [17] showed that between 1961 and 2009 the annual rate of change for arable land cultivation in Willowvale in the Eastern Cape province in South Africa was −0.1%/year.

The decision to abandon arable land can result in negative effects on the formerly agricultural households and their quality of life [18,21]. The abandonment of arable land can result in the deterioration of agro-ecosystems and a decline in biodiversity within agricultural landscapes [22,23]. This, in turn, poses a risk to food security [24] and may lead to economic challenges for some rural communities [25], such as diminished cash income and self-sufficiency for households [5], as farming households have diversified income sources [26]. Additionally, there have been noticeable changes in social relations, especially concerning household and community-level activities associated with agriculture [6]. Consequently, the significant implications of arable land abandonment have garnered substantial attention from researchers and policymakers [23,27].

Arable land abandonment can be examined at various scales and through different methods [8]. These include qualitative approaches, such as household interviews or oral histories, as well as remote sensing (RS) and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) techniques. While qualitative methods provide rich, contextual insights, they are inherently subjective and may be influenced by factors such as personal bias, memory limitations, and individual interpretation. In contrast, GIS analysis offers a more objective, data-driven perspective, capable of revealing long-term trends and spatial patterns that may not be immediately evident through qualitative methods [28].

Recent studies have employed remote sensing techniques [14,29] to differentiate between productive, fallow, abandoned and recultivated farmland [8], and assess rates of change. Such studies have been conducted at both local and global scales, involving the calculation of NDVI time series using various high-resolution satellite sensors [8,29]. Remote sensing and GIS prove to be effective tools for obtaining precise and up-to-date information about changes in land cover across extensive areas [28,30]. However, Ortyl et al. (2024) [14] and Hong et al. (2023) [28] caution that remote sensing of land use can suffer from a range of difficulties, which include the occurrence of clouds and low spatial resolution of data which may affect the accuracy of the analysis.

Numerous methodologies have been developed and implemented to identify changes using remotely sensed data to monitor shifts in land cover [31]. These techniques encompass image differencing, post-classification comparison, and variations in vegetation indices [28,32]. These indices provide numerical values that yield insights into how land use and cover in a specific landscape has evolved and changed [32]. However, while GIS methods are reliable and efficient for detecting Land Use/Land Cover (LULC) changes, they cannot capture how these changes affect local livelihoods. To address this, household interviews are essential, as they provide insights into people’s experiences and perceptions. Combining quantitative GIS analysis with qualitative interviews therefore allows for a more comprehensive understanding of both the physical changes and their social impacts.

This study examined LULC changes over a 20-year period in four villages of South Africa, namely Gotyibeni, Manqorholweni, Mawane, and Melani. The analysis focused on mapping land use and computing the area (ha and %) of each land-cover class, as well as generating a change matrix with a focus on arable land to quantify how much was converted to other land-cover types over time. In addition, household questionnaires were used to capture perceptions of how LULC changes have influenced rural livelihoods, social relationships, and cultural identity and what these transformations imply for household and community resilience. The overall aim was to provide a comprehensive understanding of the socio-economic and cultural impacts of arable field abandonment to better inform policy and intervention strategies.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Areas

The four study villages were purposefully selected from the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces of South Africa (Figure 1). The Eastern Cape study areas, Gotyibeni village under King Sabata Dalidyebo local municipality in the former Transkei homeland and Melani village under Raymond Mhlaba local municipality in the former Ciskei homeland were selected after consultation with an agricultural adviser and researcher from University of Fort Hare, respectively, who advised on villages that previously cultivated fields, but their levels of field cultivation had declined. The KwaZulu-Natal study areas, Manqorholweni village in Umzimkhulu local municipality and Mawane village in Umuziwabantu local municipality were selected after consulting a community forester in the Harding area who advised on areas that used to actively cultivate their fields but had been noted to have abandoned them. These villages are also characterised by high levels of unemployment (56%), with most households (74%) dependent on government social grants due to declines in field cultivation and limited formal employment opportunities. Even those who are employed typically work in the informal sector, where wages are generally low. The average size of fields in these villages was approximately four hectares.

While all the sites share high unemployment rates, they differ in terms of population size, with Mawane being the largest and Manqorholweni the smallest. These villages primarily consist of Black African populations, with IsiXhosa and IsiZulu being the predominant languages spoken. Climate-wise, Mawane stands out with the highest mean maximum temperature, while Manqorholweni has the lowest. Rainfall patterns demonstrate similar divergence, with Gotyibeni experiencing the highest mean annual rainfall and Melani the lowest. Moreover, the vegetation types vary, encompassing grasslands, forests, and savannas, reflecting the ecological diversity between and within the villages (

Table 1. Climate, demographics, and vegetation for the study villages.

Variable	Gotyib	Manqor	Mawane	Melani
Latitude	−31.467715°	−30.437159°	−30.661973°	−32.722392°
Longitude	28.850192°	29.651365°	29.754546°	26.869953°
Altitude (m)	984	1169	904	601
Village area (ha)	369.1	573.8	556.5	241.0
Village population	753 2	608 2	1090 2	783 2
Number of households	155	111	220	279
Population group	Black African 2	Black African 2	Black African 2	Black African 2
First language spoken	IsiXhosa 3	IsiZulu 3	IsiZulu 3	IsiXhosa 3
Average household size (persons)	4.2	4.4	4.5	3.9
Unemployment rate (%)	46	63	56	59
Mean temp
Max (°C)	20 1	18 5	25 4	23 1
Min (°C)	13 1	−1 5	0.6 4	10.97 1
Mean Annual rainfall (mm)	1044 1	850 5	800 4	500 1
Vegetation	Themeda triandra grassland 1	Grassland with scattered areas of scarp forest 1.	Drakensberg foothill grassland 1	Open savannas dominated by Vachellia bush clumps or individuals 1

¹ Mucina and Rutherford [33], 2006; ² StatsSA, 2011 [34]; ³ Community Survey, 2016 [35]; ⁴ Umuziwabantu 2019/20 Integrated Development Plan Review [36]; ⁵ Umzimkhulu Spatial Development Framework, 2021 [37].

). These variations suggest a complex socio-environmental landscape in these traditional areas, with unique challenges and opportunities shaped by both natural and societal factors.

2.2. Data Collection

Landsat 5, 7, 8, and 9 multispectral imageries with a 30 m spatial resolution were obtained from the South African National Space Agency (SANSA) for the four study villages. The images cover the period from 2000 to 2023, with Landsat 5 and 7 representing the early and intermediate 2000s and Landsat 8 and 9 providing the more recent data (

Table 2. Landsat imagery acquisition details for the study villages.

Village	Imagery Date	Path	Row	SPACECRAFT_ID
Gotyibeni	06/05/2013	169	82	L7_ETM
	17/05/2022	169	82	LANDSAT_8
Manqorholweni	27/05/2006	169	81	L5_TM
	21/10/2016	169	81	L7_ETM
	08/03/2023	169	81	LANDSAT_9
Mawane	25/09/2006	168	81	L5_TM
	21/10/2016	168	81	L7_ETM
	18/10/2023	168	81	LANDSAT_9
Melani	12/12/2000	170	83	L5_TM
	27/04/2013	170	83	L7_ETM
	10/04/2023	170	83	LANDSAT_9

). For Gotyibeni, however, the early 2000s imagery was of low quality, and the first clear images were only available from 2013 after checking multiple image sources. In contrast, clear images were available for Manqorholweni and Mawane starting from 2006, and for Melani from 2000. For the three study areas with clear images from the early 2000s, comparisons were made between three time points: the earliest, intermediate, and latest. For Gotyibeni, comparisons were only possible for two time points, earliest available and latest available due to the inability to analyse the low-resolution images from the early 2000s.

The exact year point for a specific village was determined by availability of images. The following classes: arable field, grassland, homestead gardens, residential area, and shrublands, were classified. Arable fields were defined by land cover that contained visible, linear (i.e., human-made) boundaries [5], while grasslands were defined by land cover where there were no discernible field boundaries around the vegetated areas [5]. Homestead gardens, trees and shrublands and residential areas were clearly visible for classification.

The change detection in the study areas was done using post-classification. Post-classification is a simple technique used to identify changes in land cover [38]. It involves comparing the extent and areas of land cover categories between two different points in time [38]. This method is also referred to as “bitemporal change detection” [38]. Post-classification allows for the determination of the direction of change, which means understanding how land cover has changed from one time to another. In the context of this study, the comparison was made between the earliest, intermediate and latest available image in the 2000s. The change detection matrix and statistics were generated using a ha/year formula, described by Musetsho et al. (2021) [38] and Meshesha et al. (2016) [39] as follows:

R∆ = (t2 − t1)/z

where R∆ is the rate of change and t is the time in years. The amount of change in an area of land-cover class from an initial time (t1) to a later time (t2), z, is measured as the time interval between t1 and t2 in years.

Since the LULC analysis revealed a decline in arable fields, a questionnaire was developed to purposefully survey households that had abandoned their arable fields, covering ninety-seven (97) households across the four villages, including 21 from Gotyibeni, 28 from Manqorholweni, 25 from Mawane, and 23 from Melani. Targeted household interviews were then conducted using semi-structured questionnaires containing a combination of closed- and open-ended questions. The questionnaire was divided into three sections. Section 1 focused on demographic characteristics of the respondent’s household, including the gender and age of the household head, education level, and primary source of income. Section 2 considered the household’s economic status in the absence of field cultivation. Section 3 considered the effects of field abandonment on social relations and cultural identity. The interview was conducted with the head of the household. Approximately 60 min were spent per household. Weekends were also used for conducting interviews to accommodate potential respondents who worked during the week. The research design and questionnaire were approved by the Rhodes University Human Research Ethics Committee (ref 2022-5116-7021).

2.3. Data Analysis

I.

Satellite Imagery Preparation

Landsat imagery was obtained from SANSA and imported into ArcGIS Pro 3.5. The images were georeferenced to align with the South African projection Hartebeesthoek94 to ensure spatial accuracy.

II.

Study Area Definition

The boundaries of the study area were delineated in Google Earth Pro 7.3. The resulting KMZ file was imported into ArcGIS Pro 3.5 using the “KML to Layer” tool and then exported as a shapefile, then after projected to the same coordinate system as the imagery. The Landsat imagery was subsequently clipped to this study area boundary to focus the analysis on the region of interest.

III.

Training Data Preparation

Training polygons were digitised in Google Earth Pro 7.3 for five land cover classes: Arable Land, Grasslands, Homestead gardens, Residential areas, and Shrublands. For each class, 50 polygons were collected. The polygons were exported as KMZ files, imported into ArcGIS Pro 3.5 using the “KML to Layer” tool, and converted to shapefiles. The shapefiles were then overlaid on the clipped satellite imagery of the study area, with both datasets projected to the same coordinate system. A classification schema was created, assigning each land cover class a unique name, number, and colour. This schema was then applied to the imported polygons, which were used to train the satellite imagery, ensuring that each polygon corresponded to its designated land cover class during the supervised classification.

IV.

Classification

A supervised classification using the Maximum Likelihood algorithm was performed, applying the spectral characteristics of the previously defined training samples to classify the entire imagery into the five specified land cover classes. The resulting LULC map legend was then customised by assigning cartographically appropriate colors to each class.

V.

Ground Truth Data Collection

Field surveys were conducted using a Garmin eTrex 10 GPS, and a total of 50 points per land-cover class were collected for each village. The GPS points were then imported into Google Earth Pro 7.3 as a quality control step to identify any mistyped coordinates, misplaced points, or mismatched land-use labels. This step also served to organise the data into KMZ files, which could be easily imported into ArcGIS Pro. After this, the points were exported as KMZ files, imported into ArcGIS Pro using the “KML to Layer” tool, and converted to shapefiles. These validated points were subsequently used for accuracy assessment.

VI.

Accuracy Assessment

In the classified raster, accuracy assessment points were generated in ArcGIS Pro using the Create Accuracy Assessment Points geoprocessing tool. A confusion matrix was then created to compare the GPS-based reference points with the classified LULC map. From this, overall user accuracy and the Kappa Coefficient were calculated to assess the reliability of the classification results. All the LULC maps achieved user accuracies above 80% and Kappa coefficients above 75% (

Table 3. Confusion matrix results.

Village	Year	User_Accuracy (%)	Kappa Coefficient (%)
Gotyibeni	2013	89	86
	2022	96	95
Manqorholweni	2006	89	84
	2016	85	79
	2023	85	75
Mawane	2006	91	88
	2016	90	87
	2023	90	87
Melani	2000	87	81
	2013	89	85
	2022	99	98

), indicating good and reliable analysis for all the villages.

The area of each land use class was calculated in hectares (ha) and recorded in an Excel spreadsheet for subsequent analysis and representation.

For determining of the LULC change matrix, (i) A intersection analysis was conducted in ArcGIS Pro by overlaying data from the time point with data from the subsequent point. This process helped identify which land use categories from the second time point occupied the same geographic areas as those from the previous time point. (ii) After the intersection, the attribute table was exported to Excel. (iii) The resulting data was then organised into a pivot table in Excel for analysis. (iv) Filters were then applied to isolate and focus on arable land, as the primary area of interest in the study. This step aimed to determine which specific land use types from the previous time point were converted to other land uses. (v) To quantify these changes, a percentage count was calculated to indicate the extent of arable land change due to different land uses from the previous year.

The questionnaire responses were captured in an Excel worksheet and subsequently imported into the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS 20) for analysis. Continuous variables, such as age were analysed using descriptive statistics and are presented as means. As most data were not normally distributed, the Kruskal–Wallis test was employed to determine whether there were statistically significant differences in field size and years of abandonment across the four villages. The Kruskal–Wallis test, is a non-parametric method for comparing more than two groups. The test is used to determine if there are statistically significant differences between the distributions of the groups.

Chi-square tests were conducted to determine whether categorical variables such as gender, education level, and main source of income differed significantly between villages. The Chi-square test was also used to assess impact of fields on household economic status, as well as on social relations and culture. The Chi-square test of independence is used to determine if there is a significant association between two or more categorical variables.

3. Results

3.1. LULC in the Four Villages

The examination of LULC change at the village scale revealed distinct spatial and temporal differences in LULC change patterns. These variations were contingent on the specific village, the time period under consideration, and the LULC change category in question.

At Gotyibeni, the changes in land cover between 2013 and 2022 are indicative of substantial transformations (Figure 2A,B). Specifically, there was a significant decrease of 44 ha in arable fields (

Table 4. Changes in LULC classes in the villages over different time periods measured in ha.

	Gotyibeni			Manqorholweni						Mawane						Melani
LULC Class	2013 (ha)	2022 (ha)	Change (ha)	2006 (ha)	2016 (ha)	2023 (ha)	Change (2006–2016) (ha)	Change (2016–2023) (ha)	Change (2006–2023) (ha)	2006 (ha)	2016 (ha)	2023 (ha)	Change (2006–2016) (ha)	Change (2016–2023) (ha)	Change (2006–2023) (ha)	2000 (ha)	2013 (ha)	2022 (ha)	Change (2000–2013) (ha)	Change (2013–2022) (ha)	Change (2000–2022) (ha)
Arable fields	142.9	98.9	−44.0	225.5	173.6	36.9	−51.9	−136.7	−188.6	238.6	132.8	64.5	−105.8	−68.4	−174.1	161.7	141.1	58.3	−20.6	−82.8	−103.4
Residential	10.4	18.0	7.6	37.1	69.9	73.0	32.8	3.1	35.9	6.9	31.5	40.8	24.6	9.3	33.9	8.7	9.8	10.1	1.1	0.3	1.4
Homestead gardens	23.8	12.0	−11.8	16.6	14.0	10.1	−2.6	−3.8	−6.5	5.9	21.6	28.2	15.6	6.6	22.3	8.2	2.1	1.3	−6.1	−0.8	−6.9
Grasslands	137.9	170.5	32.6	261.8	266.4	390.6	4.7	124.2	128.8	226.4	298.9	320.7	60.3	21.8	94.3	50.8	66.7	127.2	15.9	60.5	76.4
Shrubs	54.1	69.7	15.6	32.8	49.9	63.1	17.1	13.2	30.3	78.6	71.8	102.4	−6.8	30.7	23.8	11.6	21.3	44.1	9.7	22.8	32.5

) during this nine-year period indicating a percentage change of −12% (

Table 5. Changes in LULC classes in the villages over different time periods measured in percentages.

	Gotyibeni			Manqorholweni						Mawane						Melani
LULC Class	2013 (%)	2022 (%)	Change (%)	2006 (%)	2016 (%)	2023 (%)	Change (2006–2016) (%)	Change (2016–2023) (%)	Change (2006–2023) (%)	2006 (%)	2016 (%)	2023 (%)	Change (2006–2016) (%)	Change (2016–2023) (%)	Change (2006–2023) (%)	2000 (%)	2013 (%)	2022 (%)	Change (2000–2013) (%)	Change (2013–2022) (%)	Change (2000–2022) (%)
Arable fields	39	27	−12	39	30	6	−9	−29	−33	43	24	12	−19	−12	−31	67	59	24	−9	−34	43
Residential	3	5	2	7	12	13	5	0.5	6	1	6	7	4	2	6	4	4	4	0.5	0.1	0.6
Homestead gardens	6	3	−3	3	2	2	−0.5	−0.7	−1	1	4	5	3	1	4	3	1	1	−3	−0.3	3
Grasslands	37	46	9	46	47	68	0.8	22	22	41	54	58	11	4	17	21	27	53	7	25	32
Shrubs	15	19	4	5	9	11	6	2	5	14	12	18	−1	6	4	5	9	18	4	9	13

). Concurrently, homestead gardens also experienced a noteworthy reduction (−3%), in the same period (Table 5).

The shifting patterns of land cover in Manqorholweni between the years 2006, 2016, and 2023 provide a clear picture of the primary changes in land use (Figure 3A–C). Notably, there was a substantial decrease in arable fields, from 225.5 ha to 36.9 ha, marking a considerable loss of 188.6 ha in arable land (Table 4) over the 17-year period from 2006 to 2023. The substantial decrease in arable fields could be attributed to the high rate of change in relation to arable land experienced in this village between 2016 and 2023 (

Table 6. Annual rate of change in LULC in the villages over the years.

	Gotyibeni				Manqorholweni						Mawane						Melani
	R∆ (2013–2022)		R∆ (2006–2016)		R∆ (2016–2023)		R∆ (2006–2023)		R∆ (2006–2016)		R∆ (2016–2023)		R∆ (2006–2023)		R∆ (2000–2013)		R∆ (2013–2022)		R∆ (2000–2022)
LULC Class	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year	ha/year	%/year
Arable fields	−4.9	−1.3	−5.2	−0.9	−19.5	−4.1	−11.1	−1.9	−10.6	−1.9	−9.8	−1.7	−10.2	−1.8	−1.6	0.7	−9.2	−3.8	−4.7	−2.0
Residential	0.8	0.2	3.3	0.5	0.4	0.1	2.1	0.4	2.5	0.4	1.4	0.3	2	0.4	0.1	0.03	0.03	0.01	0.1	0.03
Homestead gardens	−1.3	−0.3	−0.3	−0.1	−0.5	−0.1	−0.4	−0.1	1.6	0.3	0.9	0.1	1.3	0.2	−0.5	0.2	−0.08	−0.03	−0.3	0.1
Grasslands	3.6	1	0.5	0.1	17.7	3.1	7.6	1.3	6.0	1.1	3.1	0.6	5.5	1	1.2	0.5	6.72	2.8	3.4	1.5
Shrublands	−3.9	0.4	1.7	0.6	1.9	0.3	1.8	0.1	−0.7	−0.1	4.4	0.9	1.4	0.2	0.8	0.3	2.53	1	1.5	0.6

). Simultaneously, grasslands and residential areas saw a consistent increase during the same period.

At Mawane, an analysis of land use changes was conducted across three distinct time points: 2006, 2016, and 2023. In 2006, arable land constituted the predominant land use, accounting for 43% of the total land use in the village (Table 5). However, by 2016, its dominance began to diminish, with arable fields making up only 24% of the total land area (Table 5), by 2023 it had further dwindled to 12% of the total land area. While arable fields decreased significantly over these years, other land uses such as grasslands, homestead gardens, and residential areas experienced increases (Figure 4A–C). Shrublands on the other hand experienced a decrease in 2016 and an increase in 2023 (Table 4).

The changes observed in Melani over the years highlight a notable decline in arable fields, with a reduction of 103.4 ha, along with a decrease of 6.9 ha in homestead gardens. Conversely, other land use categories exhibited growth, with grasslands expanding by 76.4 ha, shrublands by 32.5 ha, and residential areas by 4.4 ha (Table 4). The changes in LULC in this village are also depicted in Figure 5A–C.

3.2. Proportion of LULC Transition

The shift from one LULC category to another was particularly notable for arable land, but comparatively smaller for other land use types as arable land decreased significantly as other land uses increased (Table 4). In many instances, the proportion of land cover remaining in its initial category and increasing was notably higher for grasslands, residential and shrublands, as they experienced minimal losses to other land uses (

Table 7. LULC transition proportions from arable field to other land uses (%).

LULC Class	Gotyibeni	Manqorholweni		Mawane		Melani
Change Period	2013–2023	2006–2016	2016–2023	2006–2016	2016–2023	2000–2013	2013–2022
Unchanged arable land	39	88	53	63	67	77	24
Arable land to residential	2	6	2	6	13	0	2
Arable land to gardens	0	0	0	0	10	0	0
Arable land to grasslands	24	5	42	23	15	23	48
Arable land to shrubland	35	1	3	8	10	0	26

). For example, in Manqorholweni, 136.7 ha of arable fields present in 2016 transitioned to other land uses by 2023. Of this, 2% were converted to residential areas, 42% to grasslands, and 3% to shrublands (Table 7). Moreover, in Melani, between 2013 and 2022, there was a significant loss of 34% of arable land, reducing it from 141.1 ha in 2013 to 58.3 ha in 2022. Of these changed ha, 2% was converted to residential, 48% to grasslands and 26% to shrublands (Table 7).

3.3. Household Demographics and Impact of Field Abandonment on Household Economic Status

A profile of the sample households that previously cultivated fields but have abandoned is provided in

Table 8. Demographic and economic characteristics of non-cropping households.

		Proportion of Respondents per Village %
Attribute		Non-Cropping Households
		Gotyib (n = 21)	Manqor (n = 28)	Mawane (n = 25)	Melani (n = 23)	Mean
Gender	Male	48	21	12	35	29
	Female	52	79	88	65	71
Age category (Years)	≤25	14	7	0	4	6
	26–35	10	7	16	4	9
	36–45	0	7	16	22	11
	46–55	19	25	32	13	23
	>55	57	54	36	57	51
Highest education	None	10	0	20	0	8
	Primary	24	64	56	44	47
	Secondary	64	32	24	48	42
	Tertiary	2	4	0	8	3
Employment status	Unemployment	46	63	56	59	56
	Off-farm	90	79	92	92	88
	On-farm	10	21	8	8	12
HH main source of income	Social grants	60 a	80 a	87 a	70 a	74
	Off-farm employment	35 a	8 b	13 b	13 b	17
	Remittances	5 a	8 a	0 a	0 a	3
	Off-farm self-employment	0 a	0 a	0 a	13 a	3
Household cash income enough	No	95 b	93 b	96 b	91 b	94
HH economic status after field abandonment	Less stable	95 a	96 a	100 a	96 a	97
	Stable	0 a	4 a	0 a	0 a	1
	More stable	5 a	0 a	0 a	4 a	2
Home garden cultivation	Has a garden	86 a	79 a	80 a	61 a	77

Villages with the same superscript have comparable responses regarding household cash income, HH economic status after field abandonment and HH garden cultivation, while different superscripts highlight significant differences between villages.

. Slightly more than 70% respondents were female and only 29% were male. The age distribution shows that individuals over 55 years old were the most represented, while those aged 25 and under were the least. Educational attainment varied, with primary education being the most common (Table 8). The primary source of income for many households was government social grants with over 70% depending on them. Gotyibeni village was less dependent on government social grants compared to other villages (χ² = 21.71; p < 0.05). The social grants identified in the villages included child support grants, pensions for the elderly and the newly introduced social relief of distress grant (SRD) (introduced as part of the national government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic). Generally, household monthly income was insufficient, as indicated by most respondents (94%) across villages, with no significant differences between villages (χ² = 1.92; p > 0.05). Consequently, ninety-seven percent of those who had abandoned fields indicated that their household’s economic status after abandoning fields had become less stable (χ² = 5.69; p > 0.05). Therefore, to assist in meeting some of their food needs most households (77%) were cultivating home gardens even though they no longer cultivated arable fields (χ² = 4.13; p > 0.05) (Table 8).

3.4. Effects on Social Relations, Culture, and Identity

A majority of respondents (82%) indicated that the cessation of field cropping had negative implications on how people now interact and connect with other within and between households in the villages (χ² = 2.63; p > 0.05) (

Table 9. Percentage of respondents affirming statements regarding the effect of field abandonment on social relations, culture, and identity.

Variable	Proportion of Respondent’s Responses (%)
	Gotyib (n = 21)	Manqor (n = 28)	Mawane (n = 25)	Melani (n = 23)	Mean	SD
Has field abandonment affected social relations within-household	86 a	86 a	84 a	70 a	82	7.7
Has field abandonment affected power relations within households	67 a	57 a	64 a	91 b	70	14.8
Has field abandonment affected social relations between-households	81 a	57 b	64 b	78 a	70	11.4
Has field abandonment affected membership in community groups	86 a,b	68 b	72 a,b	96 a	81	12.9
Has field abandonment affected cultivation as part of culture and identity	91 a	78 a	80 a	87 a	84	5.9
Has field abandonment affected people’s connection to the land	57 a	64 a	60 a	78 a	65	9.3

Villages with the same superscript have comparable responses regarding affirming statements regarding the effect of field abandonment on social relations, culture and identity, while different superscripts highlight significant differences between villages.

). Within households, a majority of respondents (70% ± 14.8) indicated that the decline in field cultivation had weakened traditional power dynamics. In particular, parents could no longer command their children to participate in field cultivation, which had historically reinforced their authority. Respect from the youth had declined, more so at Melani than the other villages (χ² = 13.17; p < 0.05).

Almost three-quarters of respondents (70% ± 11.4) further indicated that social connections between households had also declined (Table 9). Households previously used to work together in the fields, maybe share produce and go to sell together during harvesting times. This built social relationships and resilience. Most felt that social connectedness had suffered as more and more households ceased cultivating fields; especially so in Gotyibeni and Melani relative to Manqorholweni and Mawane (χ² = 16.35; p < 0.05). Respondents stated that people now keep to themselves, and they no longer work together as a community. This also affected other community institutions with reduced participation in community groups (81% ± 12.9), with Manqorholweni significantly different from Melani (χ² = 16.28; p < 0.05).

The majority of respondents (>77%) in all villages (the differences were not significant (χ² = 1.86; p > 0.05)) alluded that field cultivation used to be a central part of the culture and identity in their villages (Table 9). It was part of culture and identity because the wealth of a household was previously determined by how much they could produce and sell from their fields and also certain foods they were producing. However, the cessation of cropping fields had led to a decline in the feeling of an agricultural identity amongst households and a decline in feeling a connection to the land (65% ± 9.3) (χ² = 11.36; p > 0.05) (Table 9).

4. Discussion

The analysis of the satellite images for the study villages provided valuable insights into the changing landscapes, including both land use and land cover patterns. While the specific characteristics of each village varied, several common trends and similarities emerged. Similarly, GIS studies conducted by Blair et al. (2018) [5] in Transkei, KwaZulu, Lebowa, and Venda regions of South Africa; Xie et al. (2024) [13] across the United States, Lidzhegu and Kabanda (2022) [29] in Thulamela Local Municipality in South Africa; Kabadayi et al. (2022) [40] in Plovdiv in Bulgaria; Fonji and Taff (2014) [41] in Latvia; Meyer and Früh-Müller (2020) [42] in Nuremberg, Germany; and Nadal-Romero et al. (2023) [43] in Araguas in the Central Spanish Pyrenees all showed that the landscape had changed substantially over the recent past.

4.1. Abandonment of Arable Fields and Home Gardens

A common finding across the four sites was the decline in cultivated land. This trend indicates that arable fields are being abandoned and replaced primarily by grasslands, followed by shrublands and residential areas. These changes reflect a reduction in agricultural activities and an increase in alternative land uses. This shift in land use by local people affects the state of the environment and the environmental services it provides to them. This aligns with Kyriazopoulos et al. (2017) [44], who note that human activities play a determining role in shaping social-ecological systems.

Keenleyside and Tucker (2010) [10] and Hatna and Bakker (2011) [45] note that, evidence of field abandonment is indicated by new land cover types replacing former agricultural fields, such as the emergence of natural grasslands or shrublands. This demonstrates that when arable fields are abandoned for an extended period, they transition to a new state. Yussif et al. (2023) [46] note that “state” refers to the condition of socio-ecological systems and their components (such as natural or built-up land and social systems). For example, in some European mountain regions, arable field abandonment in 1990 led to their conversion to grasslands and shrublands by 2006 [45]. The reduction in agricultural fields and replacement by other land uses is observed as long-term abandonment, as often considerable time has to elapse before a new land cover can fully develop through plant succession [10,45]. The data from the villages shows a shift away from traditional agricultural landscapes, which Hebinck (2007) [47] described for the Eastern Cape as landscapes where each household once had a distant, large cultivated field, a small garden with a variety of vegetables planted year-round, and an enclosure (“kraal”) for livestock within the homestead, this traditional setup is no longer prevalent. Traditionally, arable fields in these villages represented a mosaic of cultivated fields, reflecting a diverse range of crops and land management practices. However, arable land abandonment has changed this landscape structure. As the former cultivated areas transition to grasslands and shrublands, the landscape’s once distinctive and heterogeneous character is giving way to a more homogenous land cover. As Nadal-Romero et al. (2023) [43] and Agnoletti (2014) [48] argue, the process of arable field abandonment shifts the landscape from a diverse, mosaic-like landscape characterised by a high degree of diversity and numerous patches to a more uniform landscape usually dominated by natural features. This shift affects ecosystem functioning in these landscapes, as Hatna and Bakker (2011) [45] note that ecosystem functioning is strongly determined by land use. This transition may signify not only changing land use priorities but also alterations in the cultural and ecological tapestry of these areas.

The significant declines in arable land, averaging of 29.7% across the villages, corroborates other studies such as by Blair et al. (2018) [5] regarding long-term analysis of land cover changes in communal tenure sites. Blair et al. (2018) [5] pointed out a widespread increase in the abandonment of cropland from the 1950s to the 2010s. Similar trends were evident in several studies in other countries, indicating rapid declines in arable lands, with rates exceeding 10% per decade, as observed by Errea et al. (2023) [30] and Nadal-Romero et al. (2023) [43] in the Central Spanish Pyrenees, Fonji and Taff (2014) [41] in Latvia, Meyer and Früh-Müller (2020) [42] in Germany, and Van Dijk et al. (2005) [49] in Europe. However, Fonji and Taff (2014) [41] demonstrated that during the same period when old fields were abandoned, new fields, comprising 8.6%, were gained. This is in contrast to observations of the study as the LULC analysis did not show any new fields in any of the villages. The trend of arable field abandonment and its subsequent conversion to other land uses raises important questions about how landscape dynamics are evolving in these villages. Grove and Rackham (2000) [50] argue that human activities altered the vegetation and landscape in Europe over 7 000 years ago through deforestation and cultivation to support agriculture and livestock. However, a reversal of this trend began in the mid-20th century, with some earlier signs in the 19th century, leading to the abandonment of significant arable areas across Europe [51,52,53]. This process is expected to continue in the coming decades [54,55].

The area of homestead gardens also declined in three of the four study villages. On average, these gardens experienced a reduction of 4.0 ha during the study periods. This is similar to findings from Shackleton et al. (2013) [17] who observed an increasing abandonment of home gardens in the Wild Coast, albeit not to the same extent as fields. Moreover, Hebinck et al. (2018) [56] also reported a decreasing trend in garden cultivation in Guquka and Koloni villages located in the former Ciskei, Eastern Cape. However, these results contradict the observations of numerous studies (see [57,58,59]). For instance, Fay (2009) [57] and Shackleton and Hebinck (2018) [59] indicated that following field abandonment, rates of garden cultivation in Dwesa, Cwebe, and Willowvale increased, with more than 80% of households cultivating them. These researchers’ observations are similar to those from Mawane, that have shown a simultaneous increase in homestead garden cultivation by households cultivating them, as field cultivation decreases.

Furthermore, in Mawane it was also observed that 10% of previous arable land were converted to homestead gardens, this phenomenon occurred concurrently with 13% of the arable land becoming residential areas. Homestead gardens typically accompany residential developments, and as individuals began to convert previous arable lands into homesteads, they simultaneously established gardens in this area between 2016 and 2023. This was a compensatory response strategy by people in Mawane as they expanded homestead gardens in the face of loss of arable fields. As Yussif et al. (2023) [46] explain, responses are the actions taken by individuals or groups to address changes. Pagan et al. (2020) [60] further note that when changes in social-ecological systems reach particular levels, they often trigger responses from society. Therefore, some communities implement responses like garden cultivation to mitigate the negative consequences of arable field abandonment. This aligns with Kyriazopoulos et al. (2017) [44] who assert that societal responses can enhance the resilience of social-ecological systems. Another possible explanation is that people sought employment outside agriculture. This seems likely in the other villages, where garden cultivation was declining. In contrast, Mawane maintained garden cultivation, supported by inputs from the Department of Agriculture such as tractors and seeds. The lack of such support in the other villages may have reinforced the shift away from agricultural activities.

4.2. Expansion of Grasslands

As shown in the LULC change matrix (Table 7), arable fields across all villages were replaced primarily by grasslands, which is reflective of the broader vegetation types in which the study villages are situated. Xie et al. (2024) [13] observed a similar pattern in the U.S., where more than 50% of the abandoned arable land was transformed into grasslands. According to Lasanta et al. (2015) [61] it usually takes a few years, typically within 3 to 5 years, depending on factors like soil fertility and climate, for abandoned plots to become covered with herbaceous vegetation. This is especially common in wet and sub-humid regions, leading to the formation of grazing or pasture meadows. Sluiter and de Jong (2007) [62] note that when cultivation ceases, the arable fields may eventually be recolonised by plants from the surrounding areas. However, this may also be a result of soil seed banks, which can facilitate the revegetation of abandoned land [63].

The abandoned fields in the villages may have transformed into grasslands due to the biomes in which they are situated. As noted in Table 1, the predominant biome in these villages, particularly at Gotyibeni, Manqorholweni and Mawane, is grassland. Additionally, livestock, particularly cattle, were frequently taken to the abandoned fields for grazing, as cultivation was no longer taking place. Livestock may maintain the herbaceous cover due to the browsing of any young woody seedlings and plants, preventing them from becoming dominant. As Lasanta et al. (2015) [61] point out, relatively high grazing pressure in former fields can cause them to serve as pasture for several decades, depending on the local biome. In Melani, although livestock also grazed in the abandoned fields, our observations during data collection revealed that these fields were largely covered with shrubs. This could be attributed to the local biome, which is open savanna, dominated by Vachellia bush clumps, a mix of grasslands and shrublands. Shackleton et al. (2013) [17] and Lasanta et al. (2015) [61] note that the encroachment of shrublands in abandoned fields can be caused by reduced grazing pressure. Therefore, it is possible that the livestock population in Melani was relatively low, leading to the dominance of shrubs that we observed over grasslands.

In contrast to these findings, Shackleton et al. (2013) [17], Blair et al. (2018) [5], Errea et al. (2023) [30] and Meyer and Früh-Müller (2020) [42] reported a decrease in grassland of more than 20% in various regions, including the Wild Coast in South Africa, Venda in South Africa, the Central Spanish Pyrenees in Spain, and Nuremberg in Germany, respectably. Shackleton et al. (2013) [17] and Chalmers and Fabricius (2007) [64] proposed that the reduction in grassland might be attributed to a decline in cattle numbers, which, in turn, results in reduced browsing and trampling, thereby promoting the recruitment of woody plants. This was recently shown by Shackleton and Ntshudu (2023) [16] who reported marked declines in livestock numbers, especially cattle, in rural communal areas of the Eastern Cape.

4.3. Expansion of Shrublands

Shrublands also saw increases; in Manqorholweni they increased by 17.1 ha during the decade from 2006 to 2016, in Mawane, shrublands expanded by 30.7 ha over the analysed time periods from 2006 to 2023, and in Melani, there was a notable increase of 22.8 ha from 2000 to 2022. Similarly, in the Cal Rodo catchment on the southern margin of the Pyrenees [65] and the Central Spanish Pyrenees [30,42], there was a significant increase in forested areas, rising to above 20% of the initial forested area. In the United States, 12.2% of abandoned arable land, amounting to 1.5 Mha, was transformed into shrublands [13]. Similarly, in South Africa in the Wild Coast [17] and Venda [5] wooded areas increased between 5% and 15% by 2010, primarily due to reduced agricultural activity.

4.4. Expansion of Residential Areas

Residential expansion was a common trend across the villages, affecting both land use and land cover. Musetsho et al. (2021) [38], Riadi (2018) [66] and Putri et al. (2019) [67] emphasise that rapid population growth can lead to increased land demand within rural communities. As arable field abandonment progressed and land lay fallow, the growing population increased the pressure to convert this unused land into residential areas. Lidzhegu and Kabanda (2022) [29], Alawamy et al. (2020) [68] and Akinyemi and Speranza (2022) [69] point out that the growing global population and urbanisation are significant factors contributing to the loss of productive agricultural lands, as also highlighted in the work of Creutzig et al. (2018) [70]. This trend is evident in various regions, including parts of South Africa [28], China [71], Europe [72], and Africa [73].

The conversion of cropland into other land uses, particularly human settlements, is a universal challenge. For example, Akinyemi and Speranza (2022) [69] noted that between 2000 and 2018 approximately 28% of land in Africa that now includes human settlements and infrastructure was formerly cropland, while 8% was formerly grassland. Among the study villages, Gotyibeni experienced the highest rate of change to residential areas, with an annual growth rate of 0.5%. Munthali et al. (2019) [74] reported even more significant changes compared to the study, with built-up areas increasing annually by 1.9% and while agricultural land decreased at an annual rate of −1.9% from 1991 to 2015. Lidzhegu and Kabanda (2022) [29] noted that the transformation of arable land into built up areas can be ascribed to the inefficacy of land use management practices and policies within the rural regions.

4.5. Household Economic Status in the Absence of Field Cultivation

Household and overall community economic status and food security in all the villages was perceived to have become less stable after abandoning field cultivation. Ramankutty et al. (2018) [75] and Appiah et al. (2019) [76] support the notion that a reduction in arable land usage reduces community food security. Pawlewicz and Pawlewicz (2023) [77] also highlight that abandoning arable land can undermine local livelihoods by decreasing local incomes, a finding echoed by Zhang et al. (2023) [78]. Without income from farming, whether in the form of food or cash, rural communities experience increased food insecurity as they become more reliant on markets and external sources for their food needs, as noted by Khanal (2018) [79] in Nepal. For instance, Schierhorn et al. (2019) [80] demonstrated that in Russia, the collapse of the Soviet Union, which led to a decrease in agricultural land use and production severely compromised food security.

Over three-quarters of respondents in all villages indicated that their household did not have sufficient cash to meet all their needs. Households might have struggled with cash to meet all their needs prior to field abandonment, but after abandonment it was worse because of the increased need for to purchase of food. Similarly, Zhang et al.’s (2023) [78] meta-analysis showed that a 1% increase in arable land abandonment rate led to a 2.9% increase in rural unemployment and concomitant decreases in family income. Moreover, Hajdu et al. (2020) [81] showed that households at Cutwini and Manteku in the Eastern Cape of South Africa struggled to have sufficient cash due to declining field cultivation and employment. Similarly, Rickebusch et al. (2007) [82], Terres et al. (2015) [83] and Pawlewicz and Pawlewicz (2023) [77] showed that in Europe, the financial stability of rural households declined as engagement in farming activities waned.

Not having sufficient cash underscored the growing struggle that households faced in ensuring their basic livelihood requirements were met. For example, Chakona and Shackleton (2017) [84] stated that given the widespread poverty in South Africa, it is challenging for most households to afford an adequate amount of food for their entire family. The decline in economic stability and the ensuing shortage of cash had profound implications on various aspects of daily life in the villages, from nutrition and healthcare to education and other essential expenditures. Appelt (2022) [85] made similar observations in Southeast Asia. This echoes previous work showing that field abandonment leads to declines in farm income, shortages in food and increased dependency on the off-farm economy, thereby leading to heightened vulnerability and poverty (see [5,6,77]), especially in countries with high unemployment rates (like South Africa), which means there are relatively few off-farm opportunities in the formal sector.

The above arguments illustrate the importance of growing food locally because land is one resource that most rural households have access to. Nevertheless, there are a multitude of barriers to successful cultivation, which are compounded by climate change. But if there is sufficient labour and basic inputs like seeds and fertiliser, increasing arable land cultivation can offer direct benefits to cultivators, including, enhanced food security, which helps reduce poverty and overall improvements in human well-being [85,86,87]. This is because farming households have more diversified incomes [5] which improves their capacity to withstand shocks [5,88].

Dependence on Social Grants

Abandoning field cultivation in the villages led to more households becoming dependent on government social welfare grants as their primary source of cash income. The increased dependence on social grants after abandoning arable fields has been observed in other villages in South Africa. For example, at Lesseyton and Gatyana in the Eastern Cape, Shackleton and Luckert (2015) [88] observed above 60% of dependence on social grants in the absence of farming. Some respondents noted that their households were entirely reliant on social grants for the upkeep of their households. Similarly, Chakona and Shackleton (2019) [89] note that at Harrismith and Dundee (KwaZulu-Natal province) most of the households that receive a social grant do not have any additional source of cash income. The villagers noted that without social grants they would be extremely poor, echoing the sentiments at Harrismith and Dundee [89]. The respondents who were in their 50s could not wait to reach 60 years so they could receive a full old-age pension as well. They perceived that their household would be better in terms of access to food when they start receiving pensions. Shackleton and Luckert (2015) [88], and Chakona and Shackleton (2019) [89] supported that social grants are critical in contributing to food security.

However, social grants are not enough to ensure that recipient households are food secure for the whole month, although they made the situation better than if social grants were not available, as also noted by Chakona and Shackleton (2019) [89]. Respondents indicated that if they had a broken window, or a leaking roof, they could not buy materials to fix the damage with the money from the social grants because it only affords them to buy food. Similarly, Hendriks et al. (2020) [90] showed that in KwaZulu-Natal, Eastern Cape, Limpopo, and Northwest provinces, social grants only cover the costs of essential monthly staples such as maize meal, white flour, samp, oil, and sugar, as well as transportation to the nearest town. As Dubbeld (2013) [91] demonstrated in Glendale, the cash from social grants is insufficient, often resulting in a persistent deficit rather than a surplus.

4.6. Social Consequences Within Households

Cessation of field cropping was perceived to have played a negative role in how family members interacted and connected with one another within the household. Similarly, in Vietnam, Mulia (2021) [92] showed that abandonment of arable land had resulted in rural people seeking off-farm employment which had decreased communication and cohesiveness within families and had significantly affected social bonding within rural households. In the villages many respondents indicated that the decline in field cultivation led to a change in power relationships, as parents now could no longer require their children to do chores within the household. Older respondents claimed that respect from the youth had declined. However, this is likely to be a consequence of many other social changes and dynamics, and not just field abandonment.

There was a perception across the villages that field abandonment had decreased the time the youth and their parents spend together, with each person acting individually on various tasks, rather than the family as a whole. This is unlike when fields were active, and parents would take their children to the field during planting, weeding and harvesting, which would contribute to building strong intergenerational relationships. This lack of working together as a household had led to the deterioration of parental control and transfer of knowledge, customs and practices to their children. De la Hey and Beinart (2017) [93] found that in Mbotyi, the elderly recalled a time when children used to follow parental requests more readily, whereas today, due to children’s rights laws prohibiting physical punishment, it is harder for parents to enforce chores and activities.

4.6.1. Social Connections Between Households

Over half of the respondents indicated that they perceived social connections between households with their village had declined. The decreased field cultivation activities had increased economic disparities between impoverished and more affluent households, and this has created social tensions within some rural communities [94,95]. People in the villages previously used to work together in the fields and shared produce and go to sell together during harvesting time. Relations between households were viewed as good. Similarly, Fischer et al. (2024) [96] and Khanal et al. (2006) [97] noted that historically, rural communities had strong social cohesion, making it common and feasible to use labour from other households within the village. This shows that the activities of working together and exchanging labour brought the community closer and made it easier to perform agricultural practices (see similar findings by [92,98]). The social practices are important for shaping everyday community life while making it familiar to all members of the community [92,98].

However, as in our study villages, Khanal et al. (2006) [97] state that people keep to themselves now, and they no longer work together as a community. Fischer et al. (2024) [96] noted that in some rural villages, people have begun introducing new practices in which individuals are expected to pay for assistance offered by members of other households. This suggests a decline in social cohesion, although those engaging in the practice appeared uncomfortable or not proud of it [96].

4.6.2. Cultural Consequences

Respondents noted that they used to compete and brag about their harvest in a healthy way, as part of cultural practice and to motivate others to work harder the following season. The wealth of a family was determined by how much they could produce. In the villages there were no cultural festivities relating to farming that were being practised in 2021, because people were no longer engaging in high levels of farming. Field abandonment had taken away the practices of culture that local people had identified with for decades, which included celebration of harvests to enjoy hard work at the end of each season. Blair et al. (2018) [5], Shackleton et al. (2019) [6], and Chaudhary et al. (2018) [98] note this as they observed that field cultivation does not only provide self-sufficiency but is also an important means of establishing and maintaining identity along with social ties among kin and neighbours, e.g., through celebration of life-cycle feasts. Festive events are a key part of public life in rural areas and are usually open to all members of a community, they usually take place at special times and remind farmers about a community’s place in the world and perception of its own history and memory [98].

Respondents indicated that it is part of Xhosa culture to produce food for the family (see also [47]). However, they felt that now many people are more focused on Western culture, with an increasing lack of identity and people are no longer involved in cultural activities, especially those that connect people to the land. Mulia et al. (2021) [92] also showed that in Vietnam people expressed a significant concern for the preservation of local culture due to the growing number of individuals, particularly young people, who have disregarded their village identities.

5. Conclusions

The findings of this study reveal a consistent trend of arable field abandonment over the past two decades and their subsequent conversion to other land uses. This represents a major shift away from traditional agricultural practices, with arable fields at the center of this transformation. Historically, the communal tenure areas relied heavily on agriculture for household food security; however, the abandonment of fields now has substantial implications for household economic stability and food availability. Respondents reported declining household economic conditions, with over three-quarters indicating insufficient cash to meet their needs. As farming activity has diminished, households have become increasingly dependent on government social grants for financial support. While grants provide some relief, they do not fully offset the broader socio-economic and cultural consequences. The decline of communal farming has weakened social ties, altered household interactions, and contributed to shifts in cultural identity and power dynamics within the villages.