1. Introduction
Agriculture is an important source of livelihood for millions of people in South Asia, including Pakistan. Pakistan’s economy heavily relies on agriculture despite an increasing contribution by the industrial and services sectors. It is still the largest employer of the rural labor force, and as such, the livelihood of the majority of the population directly or indirectly depends on it. Currently, almost 39% of the population of Pakistan receives employment from this sector. Agricultural production in the country is substantially complemented through groundwater in addition to a well-established canal irrigation system. Over the past few decades, the agricultural production and livelihoods of rural communities in Pakistan have significantly improved due to improved access to groundwater irrigation. This conclusion is generally valid for other South Asian countries too. For instance, the area equipped for irrigation in South Asia has tripled since 1950 [
1] and agricultural productivity has increased manifold. Currently, India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh are the largest groundwater users in the South Asian region. About 85% of groundwater in these countries is mainly used for agriculture, compared to 40% in the rest of the world [
2,
3]. Consequently, these three countries have 42% of the global groundwater-fed cropland [
4]. The major factors behind the heavy utilization of groundwater in agriculture include diminishing surface water supplies and the desire to produce more food for increasing populations in the region [
5]. On a micro-level, farmers desire to use groundwater because it provides greater flexibility and better control over the amount and timing of water application, which translates into reduced production risks and improved crop yields. This groundwater “irrigation surplus” enjoyed by farmers is directly related to the quality of irrigation service [
6]. However, studies have shown that the prolonged use of groundwater in Pakistan has raised many concerns about the sustainability of this vital resource. For instance, using scenario analysis and assuming the persistence of current dry conditions, Khan et al. [
7] find that the groundwater levels in Northeast Pakistan may decline by 10–20 m in the next 25 years. Specifically, due to the overexploitation of groundwater for irrigation, the groundwater level decline was found to be greater in the region where agriculture is more intense [
8]. In addition, the highest groundwater depletion rates are being observed in Northeast Pakistan and Northwest India, making them the top hot spots of groundwater depletion in the world [
9].
Although it is widely used in agriculture, groundwater irrigation is not equally accessible to all farmers in Pakistan. This is because groundwater pumping for irrigation requires an initial investment in tube well installation, which not every farmer can afford. In particular, the distribution of irrigation control afforded to farmers remains skewed because of the heterogeneity of their resources [
10]. Previous research showed that the amount of irrigated land owned per adult equivalent is the most important factor that determines the level of income inequality in rural Pakistan [
11]. In the current climate of declining groundwater levels and higher energy costs for pumping groundwater, even for tube well owners, the costs of groundwater irrigation are increasing [
5]. The scarcity of groundwater and the increasing demand for irrigation water by all farmers have led to the spontaneous emergence of informal groundwater markets in which groundwater is traded between farmers. At present, these water markets are active in all provinces of Pakistan, with Punjab being the largest agricultural producer and ranking first in such groundwater trading [
12].
There is evidence that informal groundwater markets positively increase agricultural productivity and enhance equity among farmers. Most of the literature on the impacts of informal groundwater markets on productivity and equity originates from India. For instance, Singh and Singh [
13] found that groundwater markets in Western Uttar Pradesh benefit the participants (buyers and sellers), with small and marginal farmers gaining more from the trade. The authors concluded that farmers should be educated about efficient water extraction devices. Kajisa and Takeshi [
14] examined the efficiency and equity of groundwater markets in Madhya Pradesh, India, and found that output-sharing buyers pay higher water prices to sellers than do farmers under other types of contracts. So, inequities exist which depend upon the type of contracts between buyers and sellers. Khanna [
15] estimated inequities in production and income for different farmers under various water market regimes in a North Indian village. This study found that water use efficiency was highest on plots irrigated by private tube wells, followed by plots serviced by joint tube wells, and lowest on plots owned by water buyers. In terms of equity and crop productivity, Srivastava et al. [
16] found that groundwater markets increase water access and crop water productivity of small farmers in the Central Plain Zone of Uttar Pradesh, India. Furthermore, the authors found that the availability of groundwater had caused farmers to switch to more water-intensive crops, which led to the depletion of groundwater.
The literature on the productivity and equity impacts of groundwater markets in Pakistan is limited. The most important study conducted on this issue was based on an IFPRI micro-survey of 1991–1992 in two districts of Pakistan (only one from Punjab). Based on this survey data, Mainzen-Dick [
12] found that purchased tube well water was not as productive as the water from their own tube wells. In addition, groundwater markets were found to positively impact equity as they give small farmers better access to water. However, this study was based on a micro dataset that included only 16 tube wells in the sample, for which the data were collected about 30 years ago. Since then, the dynamics of groundwater use have significantly changed due to improvements in water extraction technologies and increasing water scarcity. Additionally, since then the groundwater tables in Punjab have been significantly depleted, and groundwater irrigation costs have sharply increased. Numerous tube wells have run dry, and farmers are struggling to install new tube wells. These declining water tables are not only making groundwater irrigation expensive but also unreliable [
5]. Furthermore, recent studies showed mixed results in the productivity and equity impacts of groundwater markets. For instance, Wang et al. [
17] examined the effect of private tube wells on rural income levels and income distribution in Pakistan; their results showed that private tube wells have a positive effect on enhancing rural income and reducing income inequality. However, if monopolistic tube well owners force farmers to pay much higher water prices, groundwater markets may reinforce the disparity between tube well owners and non-owners [
18]. So, the question arises as to whether the equity and productivity impacts of groundwater markets are still relevant and economically justifiable, and what policies should be implemented to correct the course of informal groundwater markets to improve groundwater governance in Pakistan, especially in the Punjab province, which is the largest groundwater user. Considering this background, we aim to study the informal groundwater markets with a spatially versatile dataset to comprehensively understand their productivity and equity impacts and suggest appropriate policy measures in the context of the growing groundwater scarcity in the Punjab province of Pakistan.
Theoretical Background
The need for optimal water allocation gave rise to the idea of water markets. Socially optimal water allocation maximizes a region’s net production, and it is often thought of as a benevolent social planner’s optimum choice. If the allocation of resources (including compensating transfers of money) is such that no one can be made better off without making anyone else worse off, the social optimum is called the Pareto efficient in economics [
19]. A situation in which all welfare-enhancing trades and technological choices are implemented is another way of conceptualizing the social optimum. The main economic consequence of such allocation is that the marginal prices of water are equalized for all uses [
20]. In the water markets context, this social optimum is referred to as “efficient” by economists because water is distributed to those who value it the most [
21]. Early advocates of water reallocations identified water transfers from low-valued agriculture to high-valued municipal and industrial uses as socially optimal based on this definition [
22,
23]. Water transfer from low-value to high-value uses in agriculture was also suggested as a way to improve optimal allocation [
24].
Owing to the failure of governments in developing countries to respond to rapidly changing water demands, informal water markets have emerged to manage water scarcity. Although the water trade in these markets is technically illegal, they are politically popular and manage to reallocate water quickly and voluntarily. Therefore, the government usually turns a blind eye to these informal water markets [
25,
26,
27]. Water rights in these informal water markets such as those found in India and Pakistan already exist in some form. These rights are usufructuary and exist either implicitly (through custom) or explicitly (defined by laws and regulations). For informal groundwater markets, water rights are usually implicit and defined by custom. These are known as riparian rights, and they usually connect the right to use water with the ownership of adjacent or overlying land. For surface water, the rights to use water are usually based on public allocation and prior appropriative rights [
28]. Other countries are also moving toward improving the water rights structure. For instance, China has enacted laws to establish water rights. Some researchers have argued that the top priority for water user associations of developing countries should be to clarify and strengthen water rights [
29,
30].
Groundwater markets are known to have positive impacts on productivity and cropping patterns, especially in water-stressed regions. However, the evidence so far remains inconclusive. For instance, Singh and Singh [
13] found that groundwater markets in Western Uttar Pradesh benefit the participants (buyers and sellers), with small and marginal farmers gaining more from the trade. The authors concluded that farmers should be educated about efficient water extraction devices. In contrast, Bhandari and Pandey [
31] found that although water markets benefited the poor, the extent of these gains are too small and monopolistic, in which tube well owners gain more from the trading relationships of buyers and sellers. Other authors found inequities in benefit sharing and access to water. For instance, Kajisa and Takeshi [
14] examined the efficiency and equity of groundwater markets in Madhya Pradesh, India, and found that output-sharing buyers pay higher water prices to sellers than do farmers under other types of contracts. So, inequities exist which depend upon the type of contracts between buyers and sellers. Similarly, Khanna [
32] estimated inequities in production and income for different farmers under various water market regimes in a North Indian village. They found that water use efficiency was highest on plots irrigated by private tube wells, followed by plots served by joint tube wells, and lowest on plots owned by water buyers. In terms of crop productivity, Srivastava et al. [
16] found that groundwater markets increase water access and crop water productivity of small farmers in the Central Plain Zone of Uttar Pradesh, India. Furthermore, the availability of groundwater has shifted farmers toward more water-intensive crops which are responsible for groundwater depletion.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Study Area and Selection of Respondents
The Punjab province in Pakistan was chosen as the study universe. We selected this province because the groundwater is extensively used, and the informal groundwater markets are most active here. Estimates show that about 76% of the cultivated area in the province is directly or indirectly dependent on groundwater to meet irrigation demand (PID, 2018). Furthermore, Punjab is the largest agricultural producer in the country [
33], accounting for 63% of the total agricultural area in the country [
34]. The irrigated lands in the province are in the canal command areas of the Indus Basin Irrigation System (IBIS), which is a network of rivers and canals and the main source of irrigation in the province [
35]. However, there is a seasonal shortage in IBIS water supplies. Therefore, it cannot be relied upon year-round. Furthermore, the IBIS network does not cover the full province. Because of this unreliable water supply, farmers in some areas rely entirely on groundwater irrigation [
36,
37,
38].
Punjab is also the province that has witnessed the most development of tube wells in the past few decades. Although there has been an unprecedented growth in tube wells in the province, not everyone can afford to install a tube well. This is because 63% of farms in the province are owned by small farmers with a farm size of fewer than 5 acres [
34,
39]. These farmers are usually cash-poor, and most of them cannot install their own tube wells. Due to this heterogeneity in resource endowments, informal trading of groundwater is common in the province. Farmers facing irrigation water shortages usually resort to buying groundwater from neighboring well-off farmers. The informal trading of groundwater has resulted in the emergence of groundwater markets in many areas of the province. Currently, informal markets are most active in Punjab as compared to other provinces [
12,
26]. Due to heavy reliance on groundwater for irrigation and higher groundwater market activity, we chose Punjab province as the sample area to study the factors influencing farmers’ participation in informal groundwater. The map of Punjab and study districts is shown in
Figure 1.
Farmers, including water buyers, sellers, and self-users, were chosen from 12 villages in three districts in the Punjab province, namely Gujrat, Sahiwal, and Sargodha, using a multi-stage sampling technique following [
40,
41,
42]. In the first stage of sampling, to incorporate spatial features into the analysis for an in-depth understanding of the dynamics of groundwater markets, three districts were selected from each of the three main agro-ecological zones of Punjab. The Gujrat district belongs to the rice–wheat zone and is also a semi-arid region. The Sargodha district belongs to the mixed cropping zone, and the Sahiwal district belongs to the cotton–wheat zone. Groundwater is extensively used in all of these districts, which has resulted in the lowering of groundwater levels [
5]. In addition, these districts represent a varying degree of cropping patterns, farm structures, groundwater development, precipitation rates, and groundwater market activity. These differences provide sufficient heterogeneity in the dataset to capture the spatial effects. Most farmers in Punjab are small farmers who rear dairy animals and practice subsistence farming [
43,
44]. There is a heavy reliance on groundwater irrigation in the study districts. In many parts of Sargodha and Sahiwal, an estimated 50–60% of the land is equipped for groundwater, while in the Gujrat district, it ranges from 70–80%. Many parts of Gujarat are semi-arid. Many parts of the district rely on groundwater for irrigation. In some areas, canal water is available during the Kharif season (April–September) [
27]. Yet, canal water irrigation makes up only a very small percentage of the district’s irrigation system. Therefore, groundwater irrigation is the only option for farmers. Groundwater markets have developed as a result [
26]. On the other hand, canal water is available in most parts of the Sahiwal and Sargodha districts. Additionally, the groundwater in these districts is better than that in Gujarat. A moderate climate prevails in Sargodha, while Sahiwal is extremely hot in summer, averaging 45–50 degrees Celsius. In the winter, Sahiwal and Sargodha are more dependent on groundwater for irrigation, especially for the farmers at the tail ends of the canal [
27].
In the second stage, two tehsils were randomly selected from each district. A tehsil is an administrative unit in Punjab and, usually, each district is divided into various tehsils. In the third stage of sample selection, two blocks (union councils) were randomly selected from each tehsil. In the fourth stage, one village was randomly selected from each block. In this way, a total of 12 villages were selected from the three districts. In the last stage, a mixture of purposive and random selection procedures was used to select the respondents. A list of all the self-users, buyers, and sellers of water was prepared from each of the sample villages, and then 10 farmers from each category were randomly selected in each village, i.e., a total number of 30 farmers (10 water buyers, 10 water sellers, and 10 self-users) were selected from each village. The final sample size from 12 villages included 360 groundwater users i.e., 120 water buyers, 120 sellers, and 120 self-users.
2.2. Survey Data Collection
A well-structured and pre-tested survey instrument was used to collect data. In a face-to-face interview, the interviewer elicited detailed information from farmers involved in water trading as well as self-users of water. The survey instrument was designed to obtain information on socioeconomic characteristics, wheat production technology, costs of production and margins of other crops, cropping patterns, and detailed information on groundwater use, tube well ownership, specifications, installation cost, the life span of tube wells, mechanism of groundwater extraction, the power source of tube wells, contractual arrangements between groundwater users, and water prices. A team of trained enumerators carried out the survey. To improve the quality of data collection, several measures including in-field training of the enumerators and pre-testing of the questionnaire were implemented. The purpose of the study was explained to respondents before collecting any data, and their verbal consent was obtained. Those farmers who refused to take part in the survey were replaced by other farmers. The survey was voluntary. We retained the records of only the participants who expressed their willingness to participate in the study.
2.3. Analytical Framework
The following analytical techniques were used to estimate the impacts of groundwater markets on different outcomes.
2.3.1. Measurement of Equity
Different measures were used to assess the equity impacts of groundwater markets. These are described below.
2.3.2. Horizontal Equity
In essence, horizontal equity refers to distributing groundwater equally across different types of markets. Since we measured the actual volumetric access of groundwater for wheat, therefore, it was used as the proxy variable for water access. The significance of the impact of different forms of water markets was determined using an ANOVA (F-test) on the volume of water applied and the yield of the wheat crop. The following hypothesis was tested:
H0 (null hypothesis):
μ1 =
μ2 =
μ3 = …
μk, i.e., the mean of the variable under consideration (quantity of groundwater or wheat yield) will be equal under
k forms of water market regimes (buyers, sellers, self-users). In this case, the
F statistic is:
where
is the mean square of the variable under a water market,
MSE is the error mean square, and
n is the total sample size. If the ANOVA test finds that the mean of the variable under consideration for different water market regimes is statistically significant, Scheffe’s multiple comparison method was used to determine the source of such differences between any two water market types. Two different types of water markets, buyers (
B) and sellers (
S), can be compared using this method by testing the hypothesis H0:
μS −
μB = 0. The method entails constructing a Scheffe-type confidence interval on the comparison of interest as follows:
where
and
Xi represent the critical points used in rejecting or accepting hypotheses, error mean square based on an ANOVA, and factor means, respectively, under the
i-th form of the water market. The comparison between the means of the factor under consideration under any two forms of the water market is significant if the numerical interval constructed at the appropriate significance level does not contain zero.
The coefficient of variation was estimated as follows:
2.3.3. Vertical Equity
Vertical equity is defined by keeping in view the main view of society, which refers to the extent to which the effects of groundwater markets extend to a particular social or economic class at the expense of others (e.g., between small and large farmers).
Various methods were used to capture the vertical equity. In order to determine the relative access to groundwater by farms of different sizes under any type of water market, it was hypothesized that if large farmers have access to groundwater to a higher degree, then their productivity would be higher. The Cobb–Douglas production function was used to test the land productivity–farm size relationship. Wheat productivity was used as a proxy indicator of the fairness of groundwater access.
In addition, various measures of income inequality such as the Gini coefficient, the mean log deviation (MLD), and coefficient of variation (C.V.) were calculated. Following Edwards [
45] and Naseer et al. [
46], the Gini coefficient ratio was calculated as follows:
where
= cumulative percentage frequency w.r.t number of farmers corresponding to a particular landholding size in acres (Xi = 1, 2, 3, …, n)
= cumulative frequency percentage w.r.t wheat gross margins (PKR/acre) corresponding to a particular farm size (acres) ( = 1, 2, 3, …, n)
and = preceding observation of and , respectively
Furthermore, a Lorenz curve was constructed for different farm size categories. The extent to which the Lorenz curve departs from the equality line (diagonal line) indicates the extent of inequality in income distribution [
47].
It is also possible to measure income equality using the mean log deviation. If incomes are equal, then MLD is zero, but it increases as income becomes more unequal, especially at the top end. According to Haughton and Khandker [
48], the MLD of the household income is defined as:
where
N is the number of farms,
is the income of a farming household
i under a water market, and
is the mean of
. The equivalent definitions of MLD are:
where
is the mean of
ln(
x). The MLD definition indicates that it is non-negative, since
≥
by Jensen’s inequality [
49].
2.3.4. Impact of Different Sources of Irrigations on Plot-level Wheat Yields
We estimated a production function based on survey data to find out how groundwater market participation impacts wheat yields. The production function was estimated for wheat only due to the limited degrees of freedom for other crops in the sample. Additionally, wheat was the only staple crop that was grown by all farmers in the sample. The model was as follows:
where
YWHEAT = wheat yield in kg/acre
LABOR = hours of family and hired labor per acre
SEED = seed rate, kg/acre
FERTILIZER = quantity of fertilizer (urea, DAP, MOP, SOP, etc.) in kg/acre
CHEMICALS = number of chemical applications (pesticides, herbicides, fungicides) per acre
HYV = 1 if the farmer uses a high-yielding wheat variety
FERTILITY = 1 if farmers reported the soil on wheat plots to be fertile
BUYGWATER = 1 if the farmer purchases groundwater for irrigation
CANALWTR = 1 if the farmer also has access to canal water for irrigation
This type of analysis separates the impact of different sources of irrigation. Furthermore, we can distinguish the groundwater applied from purchased sources and own tube wells. The reason for including canal water as a variable in the model is that it is widely assumed that canal water is of high quality and yields higher returns. So, we hypothesize that it has a positive impact on yield. Although we were able to reduce selection bias in the choice of these variables by using a multistage random sampling procedure, it cannot be completely mitigated.
2.3.5. Impact of Participation in Groundwater Markets on Farmers’ Income (Propensity Score Matching)
In assessing the farmers’ decision to participate in water markets and its relevant impact on farm incomes, a random utility framework was employed following Kato et al. [
50]. The main motivation of the farmer to participate in water markets is improving well-being (sellers and buyers) and reducing crop losses associated with the unavailability of adequate irrigation water (buyers). A water seller might be interested in participating because s/he wants to earn some extra income from selling water, while a buyer wants to increase productivity by applying irrigation water to the crops. For both types of farmers, the net benefit difference can be indicated as:
where
is the unobservable latent variable,
is a vector of explanatory variables, the
is a logistic regression coefficient, and
is the error term. In this case, the corresponding observable part of
is:
In Equation (9), the ith farmer will participate ( = 1) in the water markets if the net benefit of participation is positive, i.e., . In contrast, a farmer does not participate if s/he perceives the net benefit to be non-positive, i.e., .
The farmer welfare and net income are associated with many variables and their relative efficiency of utilization. Differentiating the welfare effects for participants and non-participants of water markets is not an easy task. However, it might be easier to achieve this distinction in experimental data that is composed of randomized information against the counterfactual position. In the case of no counterfactual information, the outcomes of participants and non-participants may be biased or misleading [
51]. So, there may be a problem of self-selection bias in assessing the impacts of water market participation on farmers’ well-being or net income. Such a comparison will be biased because of differences in the characteristics of the two groups. The importance of this self-selection bias can be indicated by looking at the assumptions of the ordinary least square (OLS) reduced form equation, which links the relationship of farmers’ income and with explanatory variables as follows:
where
is the vector of outcome variables (income and productivity),
is the error term,
is a vector of explanatory variables, and
and
are the regression coefficients. These regression coefficients are also called the slope and measure the steepness of the regression line. Now, the main concern is whether the participation decision
is independent when the unobserved variables influence farmers’ managerial skills, etc. It is right to expect that the error terms in Equations (9) and (11) are correlated, which may produce biased estimates [
52,
53]. Several approaches have been used to overcome this bias. For instance, Heckman’s two-step method has been used in several studies. Furthermore, the instrumental variable approach is also suggested, but in reality, it is difficult to identify a suitable instrument [
54]. One useful approach to solve the problem of self-selection bias is the propensity score matching (PSM) technique. Using a list of control variables, the PSM estimator constructs a comparison group that can match participants and non-participants, i.e.,
is controlled for all unobserved factors. Thus, the propensity score matching can be presented as:
where
P indicates propensity score,
indicates the participation in water markets,
Pr indicates probability, and
indicates the characteristics of the respondent’s pre-participation. The participants and non-participants are assumed to have a similar conditional distribution of
[
53].
Our main goal is to assess the average treatment effect (participation) on the treated (participants). It can be expressed as follows:
where
indicates that the farmer experiences the treatment, i.e., participates in the water markets, and
, otherwise. Likewise,
= 1 is the outcome variable when the farmer experiences the treatment, and
, otherwise. Since we could not observe the two outcome variables simultaneously, therefore we used the PSM method. The one-to-one matching, nearest neighborhood methods (NNM), and kernel methods were used to study participants and non-participants. The unmatched groups were excluded, while matched groups of participants and non-participants were included in the analysis [
55]. The conditional independence is the primary assumption of the underlying matching estimator, which stipulates that the participants and non-participants of water markets have a similar mean outcome under a particular set of observable variables (Heckman and Navarro-Lozano 2004). The outcome variable in our case is the total farm income of the respondents.
2.3.6. Measurement of Volume of Groundwater Extracted
The amount of groundwater used for irrigation was estimated indirectly using the information on tube well specifications obtained from farmers. This information included irrigation duration for the wheat crop, depth of bore, the diameter of the suction pipe, and horsepower of diesel engine, electric motor, or tractor used to operate the tube well. Following Srivastava, Kumar, and Singh [
16], Eyhorn, et al. [
56], Watto and Mugera [
57], and Razzaq, Qing, Naseer, Abid, Anwar, and Javed [
26], a pre-tested formula was used to estimate the quantity of groundwater applied to wheat crop:
where
Q stands for the amount of groundwater extracted (liters),
t stands for the duration of irrigation (hours),
d is the depth of the borehole (meters),
BHP is the engine power of the pump (HP), and
D stands for the diameter of the pump suction pipe (inches). We converted the quantity of water to cubic meters to include in the calculations.
4. Conclusions
This study assessed the impacts of water markets on the equity and productivity of farmers in Punjab, Pakistan. The equity analysis was conducted using various techniques such as ANOVA and various inequity measures such as Gini coefficient, mean log deviation (MLD), coefficient of variation, and Lorenz curve. The effects of water markets on productivity and income were assessed using a multivariate analysis of the relationship between plot-level wheat yields and various explanatory variables including sources of irrigation. Furthermore, water productivity and the incremental output ratio of water were calculated for different forms of water markets. Finally, the propensity score matching technique was employed to assess the impact of water markets on farmers’ incomes, in which outcomes were compared for participants and non-participants of water markets.
We find that informal groundwater markets are still relevant in the province and continue to benefit farmers. In particular, water markets lead to increased agricultural land utilization since buyers and sellers had far greater cropping intensity than self-users. In addition, these groundwater markets facilitate the transfer of water from large farmers to small farmers, thus providing convenient access to water for resource-poor farmers. In the horizontal equity analysis, the tube well owners (sellers and self-users) were found to have better access to irrigation, resulting in higher wheat yields on their farms. Vertical equity analysis, however, showed that variations in yield were caused by factors other than accessibility to groundwater. Furthermore, the measures of income inequality showed that water buyers, despite being the small and marginal farmers, could realize net returns which were comparable to those of large farmers. This finding implies that participation in water markets improved income distribution in the study area irrespective of farm size. The results also showed that participation in groundwater markets helped water buyers to realize better crop yields that were comparable to those of large farmers. This was further confirmed by higher water productivity and incremental output ratio of water for water buyers.
The results of the propensity matching score showed that participants of water markets produced about 150 kg/acre more wheat than non-participants and generated about PKR 4503 per acre more returns for participants. A higher level of productivity and crop income for water market participants suggests a positive effect on farmers’ overall welfare. Overall, the study confirms the relevance of groundwater markets in Punjab, Pakistan, and supports the claim that water markets provide substantial benefits to farmers by enhancing their income and equity of access to water. However, efforts are needed to curtail the overextraction of groundwater because the water markets in their current form have no inherent mechanism to control the overuse of groundwater. Although water sellers seem to earn profits from the selling of water, there are still many tube well owners who do not participate in water markets and continue to operate with lower efficiency. Keeping in mind the economic benefits of water markets as well as their limitations in controlling the overexploitation of water, the government needs to consider the benefits and limitations of groundwater markets in its Punjab Water Act.
Furthermore, water users could be encouraged to adopt participatory irrigation management approaches to jointly control the overexploitation of groundwater. These organizations could formulate rules and regulations aimed at reducing water use to improve the welfare of the whole community by using groundwater irrigation more efficiently. To ensure the sustainability of groundwater use, farmers’ incomes, and food security of the population, there is an urgent need to devise policy options to improve the water use efficiency in the province. Pakistan has taken some steps to improve groundwater management. The Punjab Water Act of 2019 is perhaps the most important of these measures, in which the government attempted to define water rights, devise a pricing mechanism for groundwater, and encourage the use of water conservation techniques. In addition, the new law has implications for groundwater markets because it focuses on water rights and water pricing. Although the newly introduced Punjab Water Act 2019 raises a lot of questions about groundwater management, it is not clear how the state will establish a system of tube well licensing and abstraction under the new legislation. The findings of our study may provide policymakers with valuable insights as they implement the new law.
Limitations and Future Research
There are a few limitations to our study. First, despite carefully selecting Punjab province based on its higher water market activity and the highest agricultural production share in the country, other provincial water markets exist in Pakistan. Nevertheless, we were unable to collect data from provinces other than Punjab because of financial and time constraints. Even so, we believe that including data from other regions will give a more complete picture of Pakistan’s water markets. Second, we focused on the groundwater market because groundwater is the most widely traded resource among farmers. However, because of the complex allocation system for surface water in Punjab, many farmers are now purchasing canal water shares, resulting in the birth of surface water markets. It would be worthwhile to investigate whether any interactions between these two different water markets affect Punjab’s overall allocation of irrigation water. Finally, this study was limited to the assessment of groundwater water markets that are relevant to agriculture. In recent years, however, groundwater markets for non-agricultural purposes have emerged in several regions because of groundwater shortages. The limited supply of groundwater could leave agricultural and non-agricultural buyers in competition. A future study may also examine non-agricultural groundwater markets to determine whether they impact agricultural water markets, especially prices and contracts.