The Attitude–Behaviour Gap in Young Adults’ Sustainable Consumption: The Case of Poland

Abstract

This article examines the attitude–behaviour gap in sustainable consumption among young adults in Poland, focusing on the psychological and contextual mechanisms that hinder the translation of pro-environmental attitudes into everyday practices. The findings show that declared support for sustainable solutions does not translate into behaviour when decision costs are elevated, particularly in terms of price, limited availability of green alternatives and low label readability. Drawing on six focus group interviews and reflexive thematic analysis, this study identifies the dominance of transactional over normative factors, a reliance on simple heuristics (e.g., packaging material) rather than verified certifications, and the central role of habit and convenience in consumption choices. Interpreting these results through the Theory of Planned Behaviour, the analysis shows how price- and supply-related barriers reduce perceived behavioural control and undermine sustainable decision making. This article contributes to behavioural research on sustainable consumption by identifying key mechanisms underlying the attitude–behaviour gap in a Central and Eastern European context. Practical implications include simplifying environmental labels, low-cognitive-load consumer education and interventions that increase the accessibility and visibility of sustainable options. Limitations stem from the qualitative design and the urban profile of the sample, suggesting cautious generalisation and the need for replication using diverse populations and methodological triangulation.

1. Introduction

Existing research highlights a persistent gap between consumers’ pro-environmental attitudes and their actual purchasing behaviour, creating a growing need to broaden conceptual and behavioural insights into the drivers of sustainable consumption [1,2,3]. In this context, various terms are used to address the behaviour with regard to sustainable consumption, such as pro-environmental behaviour, environmentally friendly behaviour, environmentally sustainable behaviour, environmentally significant behaviour, or green behaviour [3,4,5]. A better understanding of the drivers behind sustainable consumption is not only critical for firms in their transition towards circular and sustainable business models, but also for consumers, who increasingly consider social and environmental issues in their purchasing decisions.

A sustainable consumption approach involves the reduction of waste, the production of pollution, and the choice of products and services that best meet certain ethical, social and environmental criteria [6,7]. Research data indicate that consumers become increasingly interested in ethical, social and environmental issues, looking for goods and brands that correspond with their value systems. This is particularly true for the so-called eco-consumers (or green consumers), who are characterized by making informed and well-considered choices based on personal and moral beliefs [8,9,10,11].

However, studies have found that consumers demonstrating a positive attitude towards sustainable products and consumption often do not translate their attitudes into actual behaviour. This so-called attitude–behaviour or value–action gap represents the contradiction between consumers‘ beliefs and their actual actions [12,13,14]. So far, however, existing studies in Poland remain limited in explaining the behavioural motives behind green purchases, in particular the motives of young consumers. Young adults (aged approximately 19–25) representing the emerging adulthood stage are particularly interesting as this group seems not only willing to pay more for sustainable products and services [15], but also has the potential to influence others towards sustainability and environmental protection [16,17,18,19,20].

The aim of this paper is to identify young consumers’ perceptions, motives and buying habits related to sustainable consumption and green products, focusing on consumer behaviour in Poland. The contribution of the study is twofold. First, we identify the behaviours and consumption patterns of young consumers in Poland, thereby providing a better understanding of their motives and perceptions behind sustainable consumption. Second, by analysing these perceptions and motives, this study identifies the barriers that drive the attitude–behaviour gap and highlights their implications for managers and policymakers seeking to translate pro-environmental attitudes into actual behaviour. Understanding this gap requires examining not only attitudes, but also contextual and behavioural constraints that shape perceived behavioural control and social norms in everyday consumption decisions. In contrast to many previous studies that treat these barriers as isolated factors, this study highlights how economic, cognitive and social barriers interact and reinforce the attitude–behaviour gap within the specific institutional and market context of Central and Eastern Europe.

The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. The next section reviews the literature on sustainable consumption and the attitude–behaviour gap. The methodology section then outlines the focus group research design. The subsequent sections present the empirical findings and discusses their theoretical and practical implications.

2. Literature Review

Environmentally friendly consumption can be characterised “as a highly complex form of consumer behaviour, both intellectually and morally” [21]. The essence of sustainable consumption is the optimal, conscious and responsible use of available natural resources, products and services by individual consumers, households, local communities, local governments, enterprises, national governments and international structures [22,23,24,25]. For example, Haller et al. [26] found that six out of ten consumers were willing to adjust their shopping habits to reduce their negative impact on the environment, and eight out of ten said that sustainable consumption was important to them.

At the same time, an emerging body of evidence suggests a drastic attitude–behaviour or value–action gap, highlighting the difference in their purchasing behaviour, i.e., between what consumers think and how they behave [13]. In other words, this gap illustrates a paradox between consumer attitudes and actions, where a positive attitude towards sustainable consumption is not expressed in actual purchasing behaviour [27]. Similarly, Cowe and Williams [28] found and highlighted the so-called 30:3 syndrome, where 30 per cent of consumers declare a willingness to purchase eco-friendly products; however, only around 3 per cent translate these attitudes into actual consumption behaviour. Therefore, determinants of sustainable consumption should be unpacked in the context of changes in the needs, attitudes, motivations, hierarchy of values and lifestyles of contemporary consumers. From a behavioural perspective, sustainable purchasing decisions are also shaped by cognitive shortcuts and habitual consumption patterns, which reduce the effort required in everyday decision making but may also reinforce the gap between pro-environmental intentions and actual behaviour [2,8]. There is, therefore, a need for a multidimensional analysis of the factors affecting consumers’ green decisions [29].

The existing literature interprets the attitude–behaviour gap in two ways. First, scholars see the gap as a result of psychological barriers that restrict consumer actions, thereby limiting the influence of attitudes on actual behaviour [30,31]. In this perspective, consumers’ intentions and behaviours are influenced by the perceived social benefits associated with sustainable consumption, which may limit their ability to act consistently with their pro-environmental beliefs [32,33,34]. More specifically, scholars found that the discrepancy between sustainable attitudes and actual behaviour depends also on (a) the specific product category, (b) the relative functional performance, and (c) the potential match between the brand positioning and the cause promoted [35,36,37,38]. As such, the mix of influencing components has a direct impact on the attitude–behaviour gap; however, studies also show that the stronger the consumer’s belief towards sustainable products and consumption, the more likely it will translate into actual sustainable behaviour, highlighting that the consumer’s belief in their ability to drive change depends on closing the gap between attitudes and behaviours [39,40].

Another explanation for the attitude–behaviour gap suggested in the literature is the phenomenon of social desirability bias [3,15,41,42]. Although consumers often claim to be pro-sustainability and environmentally friendly, the pro-social attributes of sustainable products may not provide sufficient value to stimulate more sustainable consumption choices. In other words, consumers’ attitudes cannot always be regarded as reliable indicators of behaviour, as individuals may be inclined to present themselves in a positive light when responding to research questions, leading to the conclusion that the “idea of a morally minded customer is a myth” [43]. In addition, previous studies indicate that scepticism toward environmental claims may also be linked to the phenomenon of greenwashing, where firms exaggerate or misrepresent the environmental benefits of their products [2,4,5]. Such practices may contribute to declining consumer trust in eco-labels and sustainability claims, reinforcing scepticism toward environmental marketing.

One of the most widely used theoretical frameworks for explaining the relationship between attitudes and behaviour is the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) [44,45]. According to this approach, behaviour is influenced not only by attitudes, but also by subjective norms and perceived behavioural control. These components provide a useful analytical framework for understanding the factors that contribute to the attitude–behaviour gap in sustainable consumption. In the context of sustainable consumption, these factors may include social expectations regarding environmentally responsible behaviour as well as practical constraints such as price, availability of green products or difficulties in recognising credible environmental labels [46,47].

Previous analyses indicate that the pro-environmental behaviour of young Poles (generation Y and Z) depends on the respondents’ gender, age, level of monthly disposable income and place of residence [48]. However, it is worth noting that other studies indicate that socio-demographic criteria are less important determinants in relation to the purchase of organic food [49]. Thus, this article expands the existing literature on the attitude–behaviour gap by focusing on young consumers in Poland, attempting to better understand the changes in sustainable consumption and the identified gap between attitude and behaviour.

The data presented in this study contribute to a better understanding of sustainable consumption from the perspective of young consumers. This includes identifying factors influencing purchasing decisions and perceived barriers to purchasing green products.

3. Methodological Approach

As the aim of this paper is to understand the perception of the concept of sustainable consumption by young consumers in Poland and to identify factors that contribute to their pro-ecological behaviour (including both factors influencing purchasing choices and perceived barriers to purchasing green products). We followed a qualitative approach and used focus group interviews with young adults to create a more natural research environment as it enables participants to influence one another [50]. This approach allowed us to frame questions around (a) the consumption patterns of young consumers (including what is most important to them; what they pay attention to when making purchases) in Poland, (b) how young Polish consumers understand socially responsible consumption, and (c) what barriers young Polish customers encounter while purchasing ecological/environmentally friendly products.

3.1. Data Collection

The applied methodology made it possible to collect data in its social context and gain insight into the participants’ perspectives, thereby ensuring that the focus group interview deals with “the issues that are central to the research question, but the type of questioning and discussion allows for greater flexibility than does the survey interview” [51]. The objective of this study was to investigate the characteristics and behaviours of the young consumers. Participants were university students aged approximately 19–25, representing the young adult demographic in Poland. Consistent with Arnett’s [52] conceptualisation of emerging adulthood, this age range falls within the 18–25 bracket commonly used to define young adults in the developmental and consumer behaviour literature. Six focus group interviews were conducted with representatives of young consumers who had been purposefully selected for the study, with from six to nine respondents taking part per group. A total of 40 individuals were interviewed for this study. Participants were recruited through convenience sampling from a university setting, with age as the primary inclusion criterion. This sampling strategy was chosen because the study aimed to explore perceptions within a relatively homogeneous segment of young adults who are frequently exposed to sustainability discourse. The sample consisted of 24 female and 16 male university students aged approximately 19–25. Data collection lasted three months (October–December), and focus group interviews lasted between 70 and 90 min. Data collection continued until theoretical saturation was reached, meaning that additional focus groups did not generate substantially new themes relevant to the research questions. By the fifth and sixth focus groups, no new themes emerged, and the discussions served to confirm and elaborate on previously identified patterns [53,54].

In the group discussions, a schedule with questions was used to reduce bias and to make sure that all questions were completed [55,56]. The questions were short and open-ended with a focus on perceptions and motives (a) “to stimulate discussion and thereby understand (through subsequent analysis) the meanings and norms which underlie those group answers” [57] and (b) to receive detailed information as well as personal descriptions [58,59].

In order to expand the information we gained from the focus group interviews, we further collected data from secondary data sources. These secondary sources were used primarily to contextualise the empirical findings rather than as an additional dataset for systematic analysis. Rabinovich and Cheon [60] argue that the use of secondary data has some unique advantages; for example, it is less subject to biases, has higher internal validity and is available in a large quantity. These advantages are valuable for providing additional contextual insights into consumer behaviour. Therefore, we used external data sources (articles, reports of agencies, industry reports) to gain further knowledge about the perceptions, motives and barriers behind the attitude–behaviour gap.

3.2. Data Analysis

The collected data were transcribed and analysed using reflexive thematic analysis following the six-phase framework proposed by Braun and Clarke [61,62,63]. The phases included: (1) familiarization with the data through repeated reading of the transcripts, (2) generating initial codes, (3) searching for themes, (4) reviewing themes, (5) defining and naming themes, and (6) producing the report. Although the focus group guide was structured around three broad areas of inquiry, the themes were generated through the analytical process and reflect patterns identified across the data. Coding was conducted by a single researcher using MAXQDA plus 2022 software. The single-coder design was complemented by peer debriefing discussions with the co-author, which served to critically review emerging interpretations and enhance analytical transparency. The generated codes and developed themes were subsequently critically discussed with the co-author through peer debriefing sessions. Consistent with Braun and Clarke’s [63,64] conceptualization of reflexive thematic analysis, a single-coder design is considered methodologically appropriate, as this approach positions the researcher’s subjectivity as an analytical resource rather than a source of bias. The analytical process was guided by the context of the attitude–behaviour gap [65]. We searched for shared storylines concerning motives, perceptions and barriers for the purpose of achieving a higher level of abstraction [66]. The identified storylines represent the overarching themes and serve as the building blocks for answering the research questions. Following the approach used by Arnould et al. [67,68] and Osborne [69], the process of thematic analysis was iterative, with repeated engagement with the data to refine and contextualise the identified themes. Consistent with reflexive thematic analysis, the researchers acknowledge that interpretation is shaped by the analytical perspective of the researcher. Therefore, reflexive discussion between the authors formed part of the analytical process.

4. Results

Through reflexive thematic analysis, three main themes were generated: (a) the perception of green consumption as a recognised ideal yet distant practice, (b) the determinants of young consumers’ behaviour, i.e., what really matters at the point of purchase, and (c) the barriers to pro-environmental behaviour, i.e., the gap between intention and action. In this section, we present and discuss each topic and illustrate it with quotes from the interviews.

4.1. Perception of Green Consumption as a Recognised Ideal Yet Distant Practice

The respondents described the socially responsible consumer in a similar way in all focus groups as a person driven by a concern for the environment and guided by the desire to use natural resources rationally. Green consumption was associated with everyday behaviours such as using alternative transportation, waste recycling, saving water, or energy conservation as well as using their own shopping bags, paying attention to the behaviour of producers (e.g., fair trade), and minimising waste. This consistency across groups suggests a shared culturally embedded understanding of what it means to be a green consumer. For the participants, a green consumer is a person driven by a concern for the environment in their daily choices, perceived as a young person, more often living in an urban environment and active on social media. Due to their activity on social media, green consumers are aware not only of environmental problems, but also existing eco-trends. Interestingly, women identified more often with the role of green consumers. The respondents argued that the higher identification of women with green consumption may stem the traditional perspectives as, stereotypically, women in Poland are more often responsible for purchases [70]; on the other hand, according to the respondents, women pay more attention to environmental issues. This gendered pattern suggests that identification with green consumption in Poland is rooted in culturally specific social roles, rather than being solely a matter of environmental values. As one of the participants pointed out, a responsible consumer puts the idea of zero waste into practice through his/her choices.

People should buy as much as they need. And not that they just have money, they buy a full basket of food and throw out half of it.

R2 (M, 22 y/o)

Interestingly, only one respondent spontaneously identified herself as an eco-consumer during the focus group interviews. At the same time, she admitted that the primary reason for her interest in environmental issues was her health condition from which the need to ensure healthy nutrition arose. This suggests that a personal tangible trigger may be required for the transition to green consumption, rather than environmental concern alone. According to the participants, eco-consumers demonstrate consumer ethnocentrism in their behaviour and choose local products consciously, mainly because local products are perceived as more ecological and produced in ‘harmony’ with the environment. The fact that participants could easily describe the green consumer ideal but almost none identified with it personally highlights the core of this theme: green consumption remains a recognised but distant practice.

4.2. Determinants of Young Consumers’ Behaviour—What Really Matters at the Point of Purchase

Respondents pointed to a number of contingent factors that determine their purchasing choices. In every focus group, the importance of price was emphasised. In the case of most products, especially those for everyday use, the price is a key determining factor. From this perspective, products identified as organic are perceived as more expensive and this is one of the main reasons why they are not chosen. However, the price must go hand in hand with acceptable quality, which means that participants choose a compromise between the cheapest alternatives and expensive high-quality products. In the vast majority of cases, the respondents are individuals who are just beginning their careers; thus, their budget is limited. Moreover, it is worth bearing in mind that the pressure on the price of the products purchased may be due to their life situation. This pattern shows that, for young adults, sustainable consumption is not just a matter of willingness. It is limited by economic factors that make environmental considerations a low priority in decision making. Apart from the price, an important determinant for the respondents is habit. Familiar and ‘proven’ products are most likely to be chosen, as respondent R4 states.

If I have a product that I like (…) I will buy it the next time, I will not look if there are any other products, because I am already satisfied.

R4 (F, 21 y/o)

Another important factor for respondents is the convenience of purchasing. Respondents formed the opinion that the ability to easily purchase affects the selection of certain products.

I am guided by the fact that when shopping, as a rule, I want to get in, buy, go out. (…) I do not sit, do not analyse (…) I do not have time for it.

R1 (M, 21 y/o)

Consequently, habitual consumption and the pursuit of convenience foster a self-reinforcing cycle: familiar products require no deliberation, and the desire for uncomplicated effortless shopping discourages the exploration of alternatives, including sustainable options. This is confirmed by the fact that, in their statements, the respondents did not mention specific environmental issues. They argued that it was important to live in harmony with the environment, buy from socially responsible producers and pay attention to packaging. As such, environmental issues play a minor role in their daily choices, which only confirms the presence of the attitude–behavioural gap. This is best illustrated by the statement of respondent R3.

It means that I set myself these previous values a little higher. This means the price, quality or even recommendations from relatives and friends. On the other hand, if something is made in harmony with nature, it has some importance, but (…) it is not in the foreground.

R3 (M, 22 y/o)

The hierarchy of this theme is captured by R3′s statement: environmental considerations are not absent from young adults’ awareness, but they are consistently subordinated to more immediate pragmatic criteria. Only when all other conditions such as price, quality and recommendations have been met does sustainability enter the decision. It is important to point out that the participants pointed to another factor that sometimes affects their decision to choose more sustainable options. This factor is related to health concerns. Among the respondents, health considerations were only relevant in the case of food products. Products produced in harmony with the environment were perceived as healthier. For this reason, respondents in this product category included organic products and products purchased directly from farmers.

Overall, the data reveal a pattern of pragmatic decision making where price, quality, habit and convenience consistently take priority over environmental considerations. The only context in which sustainability gains priority is health-related, and even then, only within the food category. This suggests that the path to sustainable consumption may be more accessible for young Polish adults when framed through personal tangible benefits rather than abstract environmental concerns.

4.3. Barriers to Pro-Environmental Behaviour—The Gap Between Intention and Action

Figure 1 presents a thematic map illustrating the hierarchy and interplay of the barriers to pro-environmental behaviour that were identified during the focus group discussions. These barriers fall into three interconnected categories: economic and habitual (e.g., price sensitivity, habitual purchasing and convenience); knowledge and trust (e.g., inability to identify eco-certifications, distrust of corporate environmental claims and reliance on visual cues such as cardboard packaging); and social and systemic (e.g., perceived futility of individual action, lack of infrastructure and systemic incentives in Poland, and perception of eco-behaviour as a social trend rather than an internalised value). It is important to note that these categories of barriers do not operate in isolation; for example, the pressure of convenience can reinforce reliance on visual heuristics, while distrust of corporate claims can amplify the sense of futility. Together, these interacting barriers contribute to the attitude–behaviour gap observed among young adults in Poland.

As discussed in the previous section, price and habitual purchasing remain significant barriers. Eco-products are often perceived as more expensive, and the preference for familiar ‘proven’ products can limit the willingness to explore sustainable alternatives. This economic and habitual pressure leaves little opportunity to engage with product labelling. The respondents emphasised that one of the ways to distinguish environmentally friendly products could be certificates; however, they could not name those certificates. Additionally, they highlighted the lack of time during shopping as the reason for not checking for them on the labels. It has also been repeatedly pointed out that they do not believe in the declarations of companies regarding the products manufacturing in harmony with the environment. Often, they also suggested that, as a society, we are not ready for being “green”. The inability to identify certifications, time pressure and distrust suggest that the current labelling system is ineffective in guiding young consumers.

On the one hand, there is a lack of trust in the activities of companies (partly due to ignorance); on the other hand, there is a belief that efforts are futile. This pointlessness seems to result from the perceived little agency of individual actions. This way of thinking was vividly presented by one of the respondents on the example of waste segregation.

So what if I can sort the rubbish, the bin is shared anyway, so someone can sort it wrongly and throw it into the same bin, and all in all, the whole segregation does not make sense anymore.

R9 (M, 22 y/o)

R9′s statement illustrates how the perceived ineffectiveness of collective action can undermine individual motivation. Even when people are willing to act, the belief that others will not cooperate can make personal effort seem meaningless. It was also emphasised that there are not enough systemic incentives to be eco-consumer in Poland. Respondents believe that being eco requires more effort. At the same time, they pointed to the existence of many solutions in other countries that facilitate care for the environment, which are underdeveloped in Poland (e.g., bottle collection machines, campaigns to raise awareness about the need to conserve natural resources, events promoting green behaviour). The respondents believe that there is a lack of actions and norms (both social and legal) promoting sustainable consumption in Poland, but the trend to be eco-friendly has been noticed.

It’s also like this now (…) well that’s a bit stupid to say—fashion. Well, because in the past there was no such pressure on it all, and now, even on Instagram, everyone wants to be fit, everyone wants to be eco. It is very much promoted and publicised.

R10 (F, 26 y/o)

This observation reveals an important tension, namely that, while eco-trends are increasingly visible on social media, participants perceive them as being externally driven rather than rooted in genuine environmental concern. Consequently, the respondents believed that the eco-behaviour of many people does not result from a concern for the environment, but from the trend and the desire to feel better.

A very large number of people do it to feel better, that they do not clutter the environment, that they are more socially acceptable, that they are part of a group that cares about this environment and that is why they do it.

R5 (F, 25 y/o)

The difference between ‘genuine’ and ‘performative’ eco-behaviour that the participants make suggests a deeper scepticism about the authenticity of the green consumption movement, which, in turn, may mean that they are less willing to engage. It can be concluded that, for the respondents, if being green is seen as merely a social performance, there is little motivation to participate. The presented way of perceiving the barriers to green consumption allows us to better understand the existing attitude–behavioural gap among young Polish consumers. On the one hand, they are aware of the existing need for sustainable consumption; on the other hand, they often choose less-ecological alternatives due to a lack of knowledge and insufficient facilities for their purchase. Together, these barriers create a self-perpetuating cycle: distrust of corporate claims reduces motivation to seek out eco-friendly products, the absence of reliable labelling pushes consumers towards superficial visual cues and the lack of systemic support reinforces the idea that individual action is ineffective. This cycle encapsulates the discrepancy between intention and action highlighted in this theme.

5. Discussion

Our findings confirm a clear attitude–behaviour gap among young adults. Although participants had no difficulty describing the characteristics of a green consumer, almost none of them identified with this role personally. Previous research has highlighted the role of pro-social values and attitudes in shaping pro-environmental behaviour [47,71,72,73]. However, our results suggest that awareness of, and a positive attitude towards, sustainable consumption are not sufficient for adopting the identity of a green consumer. Declared support for pro-environmental solutions does not translate into practice when the decision cost associated with price, limited availability of “green” alternatives and the unreadability of labels increases. This pattern is consistent with the literature indicating that, in real consumer choices, transactional factors often dominate normative ones, especially under conditions of constrained resources and time pressure [39,73,74]. At the same time, our findings suggest that this gap is shaped not by isolated barriers, but by the interaction of economic constraints and cognitive shortcuts. In this context, label readability emerges as particularly important: under conditions of uncertainty, participants relied more often on simple cues (e.g., the packaging material) than on verified certificates, which may reinforce the discrepancy between intention and choice [5,27,35,49]. The labelling system is failing to fulfil its purpose, according to our findings. Participants were unable to name any certifications, had no time to check them, and did not trust the companies’ claims. These results are consistent with previous research [75], which suggests that environmental labels are not very effective among young consumers. Crucially, faced with this lack of trust, participants relied on visual heuristics as an indicator of the product’s environmental friendliness.

These findings can be interpreted through the lens of the Theory of Planned Behaviour. In particular, price and limited availability of green alternatives reduce perceived behavioural control, thereby increasing the gap between pro-environmental intentions and actual behaviour [1,47,76,77]. In this sense, the empirical material allows for the three TPB components—attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control—to be interpreted in relation to specific barriers identified in the focus group discussions. At the same time, social norms strengthen declarations; but, without institutional and infrastructural support, they rarely translate into real changes in actions [78,79]. The observed shift towards low-cognitive-load messages, such as simple categories and signals instead of complex labels, aligns with research findings on the role of categorisation, simplification, and information processing costs in sustainable consumption [34,38,43]. Moreover, these results suggest that reducing the cognitive and practical costs of sustainable choices may be crucial for translating pro-environmental intentions into behaviour.

The Polish context reveals several specific barriers shaping sustainable consumption among young adults. Three locally salient themes recur in respondents’ statements: (1) a lack of systemic facilitation (e.g., return/collection infrastructure, standardised labels, awareness campaigns), which increases the transactional cost of pro-environmental choices; (2) low individual agency (“my actions will not change anything”), which weakens the transfer of norms into action; and (3) low trust in companies’ environmental claims and limited familiarity with certification schemes, which leads consumers to rely on simpler informational cues instead. Taken together, these factors amplify the importance of perceived behavioural control and help explain why normative messages, without parallel infrastructural support, rarely result in lasting behavioural change [39,49,73]. In this sense, the attitude–behaviour gap observed in this study reflects not only individual attitudes, but also broader systemic and informational constraints.

Social media also appear to play an important role in shaping attitudes towards sustainable consumption. Respondents frequently referred to exposure to pro-environmental content online and described “eco” as a visible social trend. This exposure may reinforce pro-environmental declarations; however, in the absence of simple rules for assessing credibility, it may also contribute to a divergence between intention and actual purchasing behaviour. In such contexts, communication formats that impose a lower cognitive load—such as simple signals, short comparisons or clear “here-and-now” recommendations—may be more effective than extensive educational messages [34,38]. This observation also aligns with the role of social norms in the Theory of Planned Behaviour, which can strengthen attitudes but does not necessarily translate into behaviour without supportive decision environments.

Segment-specific nuances include health, locality, habit and convenience. In the food domain, “being eco” is linked to a health motive, and, in purchasing decisions, locality or origin is emphasised more than formal certificates; at the same time, the influence of habit and convenience is strong (quick shopping, lack of time to analyse labels), which further increases the premium on simplicity of choice [27,49,80].

In comparative terms, our results confirm the key role of price and availability [4,29,81], whilst simultaneously suggesting a stronger-than-usual influence of label readability as a separate factor independent of declared knowledge [27,36,49]. This difference may stem from fragmentation and low recognisability of the labelling system in the setting analysed; similar conditions are highlighted by reviews concerning the complexity of pro-environmental decisions and the “informational noise” around product attributes [7,35]. This indicates that interventions based solely on normative appeals are insufficient without a parallel reduction in informational noise.

The interpretation of these findings is also shaped by the practices of retail chains and smaller retailers (assortment, display, default recommendations or online filters) and by the maturity of the local market for green products: elements identified as important moderators in studies of young consumers’ behaviour [18,20,26].

These findings have several practical implications. The standardisation and simplification of labels, supported by education aimed at distinguishing reliable certificates, should reduce cognitive costs and facilitate decision making [39,73]. Broader educational activities, including those developing soft skills, may increase consumer agency, that is, an important component of perceived behavioural control in the Theory of Planned Behaviour [82,83]. In combination with simple decision frameworks, these measures increase the likelihood of choices consistent with intention [3,71,72]. The greatest effects are likely to emerge when informational and structural measures are implemented in parallel [25,34].

Limitations

The scope for generalising these findings should be considered with caution. The sample comprises young adults from urban centres, a segment more frequently exposed to sustainability discourse and to a wider availability of “green” product alternatives. A key limitation of this study is that all participants were university students based in one city, representing a relatively homogeneous, urban, and educationally privileged segment of young adults in Poland. Consequently, the findings should not be generalised to the broader population of young adults in the country. Barriers such as price and availability may manifest differently among young adults from diverse educational backgrounds, employment statuses, and rural areas. Future research should aim to include more diverse samples to capture this variability. In other populations (e.g., residents of smaller localities, different age cohorts, or product categories with lower availability of sustainable options), the relative importance of the identified factors may differ [15,17,48,80]. This study is exploratory and qualitative in nature, which implies cautious associational language of inference; these are well-known challenges of qualitative methods and consumer research [41,50,61]. We addressed them through procedures applied during data analysis (reflexive thematic analysis, contrasting positions); yet, a more comprehensive verification would require further triangulation and replication [56]. Additionally, the single-coder design, while consistent with the principles of reflexive thematic analysis and supported by peer debriefing, may limit the interpretive scope of the findings.

6. Conclusions

The main contribution of this study lies not in identifying entirely new barriers, but in showing how economic, cognitive and systemic factors interact to reinforce the attitude–behaviour gap among young adults in a Central and Eastern European context.

This study reveals a persistent gap between declared pro-environmental attitudes and the actual choices of young adults, the main drivers of which are price, limited availability of “green” solutions and a low level of recognisability and readability of labels. The contribution of this study is the qualitative capture of decision mechanisms (replacing complex certificates with simple signals, cognitive and situational friction) embedded in a specific market context. The results indicate that effectively closing the gap requires simultaneous action at the level of information (standardisation of labels, simple comparative tools, consumer education) and the structure of incentives and market supply (price-sensitive offers, greater visibility of alternatives, “frictionless” purchasing paths).

From the perspective of Poland, the priority lies in interventions combining simple comparable labels with systemic facilitation that lowers the cost of action (return and collection infrastructure, the display and filtering of “green” options in retail, pilots of price instruments), as well as the use of social media channels and opinion leaders as carriers of rules for “easy recognition” of credibility. In the food domain, we recommend combining ecological messaging with a health frame and local origin, which corresponds to the actual motivations of decisions described by respondents.

The conclusions should be interpreted with caution due to the qualitative nature of the data, the urban profile of the sample and the risk of socially desirable responses. Further work should include replications across diverse populations, quantitative scaling of the identified barriers and experimental tests of messages and label formats coupled with the measurement of implementation effects (pre–post, adoption, price sensitivity). These steps may have the greatest potential to transform pro-ecological intentions into repeatable behaviours [84,85]. Further quantitative analyses exploring the transactional versus normative balance across product categories could be an interesting addition to the research. This would help to determine in which categories the attitude–behaviour gap is more or less pronounced. Directions for further research also include replications in diverse populations, quantitative scaling of the identified barriers, and experimental (A/B) tests of labels and messages in real-world conditions combined with the measurement of implementation effects (pre–post, adoption of alternatives, price sensitivity) [13,84,85].