5. Discussion
This paper examined whether exogenous disruptions can operate as Moments of Change that weaken the relationship between habits and employees’ pro-environmental behaviour (PEB) at work, and whether they simultaneously strengthen the influence of individual (ESI) and organisational (CER) factors. We tested these questions across two natural experiments differing markedly in temporal scope: the brief nationwide blackout in Spain and the prolonged COVID-19 disruption.
In Study 1, we found that the short-term blackout was not sufficient to weaken the influence of habits on behaviour significantly, nor to strengthen the relationship between individual and organisational factors and PEB at work. No statistically significant changes were found in the relationships between habits, ESI, or CER with PEB across the blackout. The differences in regression coefficients between the two time points were not statistically significant, providing no support for H1 or H2 in the context of the short-term disruption. Interestingly, some specific pro-environmental actions did increase following the blackout, particularly those directly linked to the event, such as talking to management about installing solar panels or batteries. This suggests that a very brief disruption may be enough to trigger targeted behavioural responses, but insufficient to break the broader grip of habits or amplify the role of motivational factors.
In Study 2, extending the analysis to the prolonged COVID-19 disruption, we found clearer evidence of habit weakening. Habits were significantly less strongly related to PEB during the disruption than before it, and some pro-environmental behaviours, particularly those that are easy to change and do not depend on external infrastructure, increased after the disruption. The relationship between CER and PEB strengthened significantly from Moment 1 to Moment 2 (c2–c1, p = 0.012), though CER was not a statistically significant predictor at either individual time point. ESI’s relationship with PEB remained stable across both disruptions. Contrary to expectations, the weakening of habits did not reverse at the two-year follow-up, challenging the assumption that habit disruption is necessarily temporary.
Taken together, these findings point to disruption duration as a critical boundary condition for habit discontinuity processes in the workplace. Below, we organise the discussion thematically, integrating findings from both studies under each heading and connecting them to the research gaps identified in
Section 2.4.
5.1. Habit Disruption
We expected that exogenous MoC would weaken the relationship between habits and pro-environmental behaviour. In the study examining the blackout, we found that this relationship was weaker after the disruption; however, the difference was not significant. In the COVID-19 study, we observed a significant weakening of the link between habits and PEB, suggesting that the disruption of work routines over a more extended period—mainly through the shift to remote work—was effective in breaking habits. Taken together, these results support H1 in Study 2 but not in Study 1 and indicate that when external events disrupt employees’ usual work context, habitual patterns lose part of their influence on behaviour, at least temporarily. However, our findings also suggest that a very short, exogenous MoC may not be sufficient to produce substantial weakening of habits, as the opportunity window for change might be too brief and routines can quickly restabilise once the context returns to normal.
Theoretically, these findings are consistent with the habit-discontinuity hypothesis literature, which shows that contextual change can loosen the grip of established habits, creating temporary openings for deliberate action. For instance, studies on residential relocation show that it disrupts automatic travel routines and encourages more sustainable choices [
18], and significant life transitions similarly weaken habits and increase the role of values and deliberate reasoning [
23,
35].
Nonetheless, this process has rarely been examined in the context of exogenous disruptions, which differ from the biographical or planned transitions usually studied in this literature [
20]. Our results extend previous research by showing that externally imposed events that employees cannot control, such as a sudden blackout or a pandemic, weaken the impact of habits. We discuss future research directions in
Section 6.
5.2. Increased Role of Individual and Organisational Factors (ESI, CER)
Our findings reveal an intriguing pattern regarding the activation of individual and organizational factors during disruptions. In Study 2 (COVID-19), the difference in the regression coefficient for CER between Moment 1 and Moment 2 (c2–c1) was statistically significant, indicating a statistically significant difference in the regression coefficients across time points. However, it is important to note that CER’s relationship with PEB did not reach statistical significance at either individual time point, when considered in isolation, which limits the interpretability of this change and calls for caution in the strength of the conclusions drawn. We propose two complementary explanations for this pattern.
First, disruption duration matters: the blackout lasted only 10–12 h, while COVID-19 restructured work patterns for months. This extended timeframe may be necessary for employees to re-evaluate organizational factors and for CER to exert a stronger influence on behavior. The brief blackout, despite being energy-related, may have been insufficient to shift employees’ reliance on organizational cues.
Second, perceived contingency (i.e., the degree to which employees perceive clear connections between a disruption and relevant behavioral responses) may differ across events. COVID-19 required organizations to actively manage the disruption through visible restructuring (remote work policies, health protocols, resource allocation), making organizational commitment and goals highly salient in employees’ daily experience. In contrast, the blackout was a nationwide technical failure with minimal organizational involvement; employees experienced and coped with it individually, limiting organizational salience. Even though the blackout was energy-related, it was framed primarily as an infrastructure issue rather than an environmental or organizational challenge, reducing the perceived link to corporate environmental responsibility.
The lack of ESI activation in either study may similarly reflect limited perceived contingency. Neither disruption was explicitly framed in environmental terms: the blackout was discussed as an infrastructure issue, while COVID-19 was framed as a public health crisis. Without clear environmental framing, employees may not have strongly focused on their environmental self-identities, which therefore did not exert a stronger influence, even as habits weakened.
Also, the fact that CER’s influence increased but remained non-significant in Study 2 raises an important distinction. Organizational support through commitments (e.g., sustainability statements, expressed values, or general policy intentions) may be insufficient to drive behavior during disruptions if not paired with “hard” structural changes. Hard changes might include providing sustainable commuting alternatives, investing in visible green infrastructure, reducing office energy footprints, or embedding sustainability requirements into remote work policies. During prolonged disruptions, employees may become more attentive to organizational messages, but without tangible structural support for pro-environmental behavior, this awareness will not translate into stronger perceived CER.
Collectively, these findings suggest that disruption characteristics beyond duration (including the organization’s role in managing the event, the framing of the disruption, and the perceived relevance to environmental behavior) shape which factors become more influential during moments of change. Future research could directly measure perceived contingency and test whether organizational communication strategies can strengthen event–behavior linkages during disruptions. Additionally, studies may examine specific types of organizational interventions following disruptions to identify which are most effective at translating exogenous disruptions into actual behavioral change.
5.3. Increases in Pro-Environmental Behaviour (Workplace and Beyond)
Regarding behavioural change, we found that some PEB at work increased after the MoC. Thus, we found partial support for Hypothesis 3. Specifically, we found that after the blackout, people reported engaging more in actions closely tied to energy preparedness (i.e., bringing a power bank to work as a backup, talking to management about installing batteries or solar at work, installing batteries at home, and using the stairs more). In contrast, there were no changes for commuting by public transport or working remotely. Beyond the workplace, people indicated that they planned to increase pro-environmental behaviour in domains directly linked to the blackout, even if habits did not change: installing a home battery and switching to a renewable/resilient provider both increased, whereas purchasing an EV did not.
In the COVID-19 study, employees reported increases in most behaviours (only commute and switching off the lights did not change). Thus, the type and scope of the disruption shape the breadth of behavioural change, with brief events prompting shifts in a narrow set of behaviours that are particularly relevant for the disruption. For example, encouraging management to install batteries or solar power at work can help maintain an energy supply during future blackouts. Disruptions may affect a broader range of PEBs, including pro-environmental behaviours that are not directly related to the disruption. Future research is needed to test whether perceived contingency (the degree to which people link the disruption to specific behaviours) is indeed a key mechanism that explains which behaviours may be changed by the disruption.
Furthermore, future research is needed to test whether more prolonged disruptions indeed change a broader range of pro-environmental behaviors and to explain why this is the case. We found that the impact of habits on behavior indeed weakens after a long-term disruption. However, we did not find that the relationship between ESI and pro-environmental behavior strengthened, and we found little support for the idea that the relationship between CER and behavior strengthened. Future research is needed to test if other individual and organisational factors may explain the increase in pro-environmental behavior over time.
Theoretically, our findings extend the habit-discontinuity framework by highlighting that not all contextual changes automatically translate into behavioural change. The effect depends on whether individuals perceive a clear, meaningful connection between the disruption and a possible response. In this sense, exogenous MoCs do not act as general “reset buttons” but as situational triggers that activate behavioural reflection when contingency is high.
From a practical perspective, organisations and policymakers may be more effective at promoting actions aligned with the disruption. For example, following an energy shortage, workplace interventions that emphasise electricity savings or energy resilience may resonate more strongly than general sustainability campaigns. Future research could examine how organisations might strengthen this sense of contingency through targeted framing—emphasising how a disruptive event relates to specific sustainability goals or practices.
5.4. Long-Term Effects Under Prolonged Disruption (COVID-Only)
Finally, we expected that under a prolonged disruption, the predictive power of habits might gradually return toward baseline as new habits formed and the temporary influence of individual and organisational factors diminished. While most research on MoCs shows that, over time, the relationship between individual factors and behaviour weakens as new habits are established [
23], our results point in the opposite direction. Specifically, while the impact of habits on behaviour weakened right after the disruption, the relationship between CER and behaviour strengthened (though CER did not reach significance at individual time points), and ESI’s influence remained stable throughout.
Why did habits remain weakened? We propose several complementary mechanisms that may account for this finding.
First, a new habit may have formed. The COVID-19 disruption did not simply break old habits—it created conditions for the formation of new pro-environmental habits. The prolonged nature of the disruption (months of altered routines) provided sufficient repetition and stability for new behavioral patterns to consolidate. For instance, employees who began using online meeting tools, recycling more consistently, or using reusable mugs during lockdown may have repeated these behaviors frequently enough to establish them as new habits. By Moment 3, these new habits may have stabilized, but their automaticity may be distributed across a broader behavioral repertoire than pre-COVID habits.
Second, structural and infrastructural changes may have endured. COVID-19 prompted lasting changes in workplace organization (e.g., the normalization of remote work, reduced office occupancy, digitalization of meetings, improved recycling infrastructure, and reorganized office layouts). These structural changes altered the environmental cues that trigger habitual behavior. Unlike brief disruptions, in which employees return to identical contexts, the post-COVID workplace remained fundamentally different. If the cue environment at Moment 3 differed from Moment 1, then, even if new habits formed, they would be responding to a different cue structure, perhaps reducing the overall predictive strength of habits compared to pre-disruption contexts.
Third, increased reflective control may persist. The prolonged disruption may have fostered lasting increases in deliberate, reflective decision-making regarding pro-environmental behavior. Repeated disruption of automatic routines over months may have trained employees to consciously evaluate their actions rather than relying on automaticity. This shift toward System 2 (deliberate) rather than System 1 (automatic) processing [
47] may endure if employees internalized the value of conscious environmental decision-making during the disruption. Supporting this interpretation, we observed that ESI and CER remained stable (ESI) or elevated (CER, though non-significant) at Moment 3, suggesting that motivational factors continued to exert influence alongside habits rather than fading as habits returned.
Fourth, hybrid work patterns may sustain behavioral flexibility. Many organizations adopted hybrid work models post-COVID, meaning employees alternate between working from home and the office. This ongoing variability in context may prevent full habit re-consolidation. If employees work from home 2–3 days per week and in the office 2–3 days per week, the contextual instability may keep habits “loose” by preventing the repeated, stable cue–response pairings necessary for strong habit formation. Habits thrive on consistency; hybrid work introduces ongoing micro-disruptions that may maintain behavioral flexibility. Future studies can test this effect more explicitly.
Most habit-discontinuity research emphasizes the temporary nature of habit disruption. Studies on relocation, for example, show that habits typically re-strengthen within 3–6 months as routines stabilize [
15,
23]. Our findings challenge this temporal assumption by demonstrating that under certain conditions—specifically, prolonged disruptions that enable new habit formation, structural change, and lasting context alteration—the weakening of old habits can persist for years.
This has important implications for understanding when disruptions create lasting versus temporary change. Brief disruptions (like the blackout) may temporarily open windows for deliberate action, but these windows close quickly as old cues and contexts return. Prolonged disruptions that fundamentally reshape the organizational context may create enduring behavioral change not simply by breaking old habits, but by establishing new ones, altering cue structures, and shifting the balance between automatic and reflective processes. These findings must be interpreted in light of several theoretical and methodological limitations, which are addressed, along with future research directions, in
Section 6.
6. Conclusions
This paper shows that externally imposed disruptions can weaken habits and open the door to pro-environmental action at work. Still, disruption characteristics fundamentally shape both the magnitude and durability of these effects. Our comparative analysis of two natural experiments reveals that duration, organizational involvement, and perceived contingency determine whether disruptions create temporary or lasting behavioral change.
We found different effects per disruption type. During the brief, unexpected blackout (10–12 h), we observed modest, situation-specific shifts, mainly in behaviors directly related to energy infrastructure (e.g., bringing power banks, advocating for battery/solar systems). The blackout did not produce a statistically significant weakening of habit influence (p = 0.066) and did not strengthen the impact of ESI or CER on behavior. No significant changes were detected in the relationships between any of the predictors and PEB, and the observed behavioral increases were concentrated in actions linked to the disruption, suggesting that brief disruptions operate selectively, primarily affecting actions with high perceived contingency to the event.
By contrast, during the prolonged COVID-19 disruption, we observed broader increases in pro-environmental behavior and a significant weakening of habit influence. CER’s relationship with PEB strengthened significantly (though CER was not significant at individual time points), and this pattern persisted at the two-year follow-up. Habits remained significantly weaker predictors of PEB at Moment 3 than at baseline, challenging the assumption that habits quickly return to pre-disruption levels once contexts stabilize. We propose that prolonged disruptions may create lasting change through multiple mechanisms: the formation of new distributed habits, enduring structural changes to workplace contexts, increased reflective control over behavior, and ongoing contextual variability (e.g., hybrid work patterns) that prevent full habit reconsolidation.
Confounding contextual factors may have influenced the results of each study independently of disruption duration, and these must be carefully considered before interpreting the contrast between Study 1 and Study 2 as evidence that duration is the key moderating variable.
First, the two studies involve different countries. Study 1 was conducted exclusively in Spain, whereas Study 2 included employees from both Spain and the Netherlands. These countries differ in several potentially relevant ways: the Netherlands ranks consistently higher than Spain on pro-environmental attitudes, organizational sustainability culture, and the prevalence of active commuting (e.g., cycling). Dutch organizations also tend to implement formal environmental policies more extensively. These baseline differences may have amplified the effects of COVID-19 observed in Study 2, independently of habit disruption per se. That said, we note that the country confound is likely limited in scope: Spain was included in both studies, and the clearest country-level mechanism (greater infrastructure for active transport in the Netherlands) applies primarily to commuting behaviors rather than to the full range of PEBs examined. Country differences are therefore unlikely to account for the pattern of findings in its entirety but cannot be entirely ruled out.
Second, the two disruptions occurred at different historical moments. Study 2 (COVID-19) unfolded between 2020 and 2023, a period marked by a surge in global environmental awareness, the visibility of ‘green recovery’ agendas, and intense public debate on sustainability. Study 1 occurred in April 2025, in a different political and media climate. Increases in PEB observed in Study 2 may partly reflect broader societal shifts toward sustainability rather than disruption-induced habit weakening. Relatedly, the two disruptions differed substantially in media coverage and public salience: COVID-19 dominated global and national media for months, generating sustained discourse on sustainability and collective responsibility, which may have independently heightened the salience of ESI and CER. The blackout, by contrast, received brief coverage focused on technical causes and immediate inconvenience, with limited environmental framing. Furthermore, given that Study 1 was conducted in 2025 (after participants had already lived through the COVID-19 pandemic), many behaviors targeted in the blackout study may already have been substantially reorganized during the pandemic. This could create a ceiling or saturation effect: participants’ behavioral baselines at the time of the blackout may have been less rigid than typical pre-disruption habits, narrowing the observable window for further habit-breaking effects.
Third, and perhaps most critically, the two events differed fundamentally in the degree of perceived uncertainty and in their unprecedentedness. COVID-19 was a genuinely unprecedented global event: its duration, health consequences, and impact on work structures were unknown to participants. This extreme uncertainty may have prompted deeper reflection and identity questioning (i.e., processes that are known to facilitate behavioral change) beyond what a technical infrastructure failure, however disruptive, could produce. Greater uncertainty may also have lowered the threshold for abandoning habitual patterns, since habits are inherently cue-dependent and COVID removed virtually all familiar contextual triggers simultaneously. By contrast, the blackout, though unexpected, was short-lived and its resolution was swift, limiting the extent to which it could disrupt the cue–habit associations that sustain routine behavior.
In discussing these confounds, we have focused on factors for which a plausible explanatory mechanism can be specified. Future research using matched designs (e.g., same country, same historical period, and disruptions varying only in duration) would be needed to isolate the effect of duration from these structural confounds.
Theoretical contributions. Our findings refine the habit-discontinuity framework in three ways. First, they introduce a contingency principle: disruptions do not uniformly strengthen the impact of all factors on behavior; instead, the type and framing of the disruption shape which factors (ESI versus CER) become influential. Environmentally framed disruptions may particularly activate environmental self-identity, while disruptions requiring organizational restructuring may amplify corporate environmental responsibility. Second, our findings suggest duration as a critical boundary condition: only sufficiently prolonged disruptions appear capable of breaking established habits and strengthening organizational and individual factors. Third, our results challenge temporal assumptions in the habit-discontinuity literature by showing that under certain conditions, habit weakening can persist for years rather than months. However, these theoretical contributions must be interpreted with caution, given the methodological limitations discussed later.
Practical implications. For organizations and policymakers, moments of change offer strategic opportunities to promote pro-environmental behavior, but success depends on recognizing the characteristics of disruption and responding accordingly.
For brief, acute disruptions (e.g., power outages, equipment failures), organizations should deploy immediate, targeted interventions that explicitly link the event to specific pro-environmental actions. These may include communication strategies that frame the disruption in environmental terms and connect it to actionable responses, provision of practical resources (e.g., information about backup power systems, renewable energy options, organizational resilience measures), and time-limited incentives that create urgency (e.g., expedited procurement processes, subsidized access to pro-environmental technologies). Such interventions should be implemented within narrow temporal windows to capitalize on the brief period before habits re-consolidate.
For prolonged disruptions (e.g., relocations, restructuring, pandemic-like events), organizations have extended windows to implement structural changes that enable lasting behavior change. This may include investing in infrastructure (bike storage, recycling systems, energy monitoring technologies), embedding pro-environmental requirements into new work arrangements (e.g., sustainable commuting policies, green procurement standards), and using sustained communication to strengthen perceived corporate environmental responsibility. The extended temporal scope of such disruptions (months rather than weeks) allows for more comprehensive organizational responses that can support durable behavioral shifts.
Finally, public agencies can amplify organizational efforts by offering rapid-response toolkits deployable immediately following disruptions, implementing time-limited incentive programs (e.g., rebates for efficiency retrofits, expedited approvals for renewable installations), and facilitating partnerships that integrate technical guidance with financial support. The timing and targeting of such interventions should align with the temporal dynamics and perceived contingency of the specific disruption type.
Methodological Limitations. A significant limitation of this research is the reliance on self-reported measures for all key constructs (habits, PEB, ESI, CER), collected through the same survey instrument at each time point. This introduces several threats to validity. First, common method variance (CMV) may inflate observed relationships between variables, as shared method variance can create artificial correlations independent of the true relationships between constructs. While our longitudinal design in Study 2, which includes temporal separation between measurements, partially mitigates CMV by reducing the likelihood that participants use consistent response patterns over time, it does not eliminate this concern.
Second, social desirability bias may lead participants to overreport pro-environmental intentions and underreport habit strength, particularly given the explicit focus on environmental behavior. We attempted to reduce priming effects in Study 1 by measuring current habits and behaviors before mentioning the blackout event; nevertheless, participants’ awareness of the study’s environmental focus may have influenced their responses.
Third, the use of retrospective self-assessments to establish pre-disruption baselines introduces a specific and theoretically important memory bias that goes beyond general recall difficulty. As discussed in the introduction, Hirt [
42] and Hirt et al. [
43] have shown that expectancy-guided retrieval leads individuals who hold a clear theory of how the past unfolded to reconstruct prior states in ways consistent with that theory. In the context of this research, participants are likely aware (from their own experience and from media discourse) that the blackout or pandemic ‘changed things.’ This awareness may cause them to retrospectively report stronger pre-disruption habits and lower pre-disruption PEB than they actually held, not because they are being dishonest, but because memory reconstruction is inherently theory-driven. As a result, our retrospective pre-disruption baselines may be systematically biased toward exaggerating the disruption’s effects. This concern is especially acute for Study 2, where Moment 1 was retrospectively assessed in 2021, after participants had already experienced significant pandemic-related change (precisely the conditions under which Hirt’s model predicts the strongest expectancy-guided distortion). Study 1, which surveyed only 38 days post-blackout, may be somewhat less susceptible on this dimension, as the episodic memory trace of pre-blackout behavior was more recently encoded; however, the short retention interval also means the event’s salience was still high at the time of recall. Future research should use prospective longitudinal designs with pre-disruption baselines collected before any disruption occurs to avoid this confound entirely.
Notwithstanding the above, we acknowledge that exogenous disruptions are by definition unpredictable, making it practically difficult to collect pre-disruption baselines in advance. This represents a fundamental challenge for the field, and innovative designs (such as ongoing panel studies that can be repurposed when disruptions occur) may offer a partial solution.
Furthermore, our behavioral outcomes are based on self-reported intentions rather than observed actions. While intentions are significant predictors of behavior, they do not always translate into action, particularly for behaviors constrained by infrastructure, cost, or organizational policy [
48]. Future research may incorporate objective behavioral measures to validate self-reported intentions, such as organizational trace data (e.g., badge swipe counts for stair vs. elevator use, printer logs, energy consumption dashboards, recycling weight records, workstation standby patterns) or observational methods.
Lastly, our samples were limited to office workers in Spain and the Netherlands whose roles could be performed remotely. This limits generalizability to other sectors (e.g., manufacturing, healthcare, retail) where disruptions may affect work differently. Additionally, both studies used convenience samples recruited through Prolific, which may not represent the full diversity of workplace contexts and employee demographics.
Future research directions. The temporal dynamics of moments of change remain poorly understood in the broader literature. A recent systematic review highlighted that while contextual disruptions can trigger rapid behavioral changes, the durability of these changes and the time windows during which habits remain flexible are rarely systematically analyzed [
20]. Our two studies provide contrasting disruption durations that can serve as initial reference points, though systematic manipulation of disruption length is needed to identify precise temporal thresholds. Future studies can systematically vary disruption duration to identify temporal thresholds for habit weakening and for the activation of motivational factors.
Second, we introduced perceived contingency as a possible explanation for our unexpected results; we did not directly measure this variable. Future research may directly measure perceived contingency and test whether organizational framing strategies can strengthen event–behavior linkages during disruptions.
Third, while most research focuses on large disruptions, an interesting area to be explored is the smaller-scale, routine micro-disruptions (company-specific outages, building refurbishments, major software transitions) that could yield more frequent and tractable opportunities for intervention and behavioural change.
In sum, disruptions create opportunities for behavioral change, but realizing this potential requires understanding when, why, and how different types of disruptions operate. Timely, context-sensitive actions aligned with employees’ experiences and the nature of the disruption can transform momentary openness into lasting pro-environmental transformation.