1. Introduction
Global climate change has become one of the most significant global issues of the 21st century, profoundly affecting ecosystems, food security, and economic development. Against this backdrop, the carbon sink mechanism, as an important strategy to mitigate climate change, has increasingly attracted the attention of scholars and policymakers [
1]. The carbon sink mechanism provides a vital pathway for achieving global climate goals by increasing soil organic carbon storage and reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
Straw, as an agricultural by-product, holds multiple utilization values. On one hand, its average chemical composition includes 4–5% P
2O
5, 25–30% K
2O, and 15–20% C, demonstrating considerable energy utilization potential. Its calorific value ranges from 16.61 to 18.98 MJ/kg, with combustion efficiency varying under different humidity conditions [
2]. Additionally, returning straw to the field enhances soil fertility, reduces fertilizer use, and increases soil organic carbon storage, providing a feasible pathway for achieving carbon neutrality in agricultural systems. In the early stages of agriculture, straw was typically used as firewood or directly returned to the field, posing no environmental burden. With the development of mechanized agriculture, harvesting efficiency improved, but it generated large amounts of waste straw. To facilitate farming, farmers began burning straw, leading to severe air pollution. Straw burning has become an environmental issue in China’s agricultural production, with its resulting air pollution and long-term threats to soil health requiring urgent resolution. Research indicates that straw burning is one of the main sources of PM2.5 emissions, significantly exacerbating air pollution levels [
3]. Through proper management, these straws can significantly enhance the carbon sink capacity of agricultural systems while reducing fertilizer use and greenhouse gas emissions. Studies show that every ton of straw returned to the field can provide the soil with 30 kg of potassium and 5 kg of phosphorus. Additionally, the ash produced after its burning contains up to 60% potassium [
4]. These characteristics endow straw with significant application potential in agricultural carbon cycle management.
Agriculture plays a dual role in the carbon cycle. On the one hand, it is a major source of global greenhouse gas emissions, accounting for 24% of total global emissions, with livestock farming and fertilizer use being the primary contributors. On the other hand, through optimized management practices, agriculture also has significant carbon sequestration potential. For example, techniques such as cover crops and agroforestry systems can effectively enhance soil organic carbon storage [
5]. The study by Antle and Sturmvogel indicates that the carbon sink compensation mechanism can not only significantly increase rural incomes but also stabilize soil carbon storage and promote the sustainability of agricultural systems [
4]. This further underscores the importance of agricultural carbon sink compensation in achieving carbon neutrality goals. In recent years, the promotion of green agriculture and organic agricultural products has further demonstrated the immense potential of the agricultural sector in achieving carbon sequestration and environmental sustainability. Meanwhile, as an innovative approach, the carbon sink compensation mechanism integrates carbon sequestration with economic benefits through carbon credit markets and policy incentives. This provides a critical opportunity for advancing sustainable agricultural development [
6]. Although the carbon sink compensation mechanism has made some progress at the technical and policy levels, its promotion faces numerous challenges. The primary issue is the insufficient willingness of farmers to participate. Complex policy rules, a lack of targeted economic incentives, and distrust of policies significantly hinder the promotion of carbon sink projects in agriculture [
7]. Furthermore, the mechanisms by which social norms and personal norms influence farmers’ behaviors remain unclear. For example, how do community support and group pressure shape farmers’ environmental behaviors? How do individual values and trust in policies drive behavioral changes? The answers to these questions are crucial for optimizing policy design and enhancing the effectiveness of carbon sink compensation mechanisms.
Existing literature primarily focuses on the impact of technological pathways and economic factors on carbon sink behavior, such as the economic benefits of carbon credit markets and the carbon sequestration potential of biochar technology [
8]. However, while research on the role of norms has received some attention, it primarily focuses on the direct effects of social norms, neglecting the potential complex interactions between social norms and personal norms [
9]. Huber et al. [
10] mentioned that social norms significantly enhance individuals’ willingness to engage in pro-environmental behaviors through group feedback, but they did not explore its interactions with intrinsic norms such as personal responsibility. Meanwhile, the study by Steentjes et al. [
11] analyzed the role of norms in climate behaviors from a psychological perspective, emphasizing the importance of personal values and social expectations, but it also did not further reveal how the two jointly shape specific behaviors.
This deficiency limits a comprehensive understanding of the decision-making pathways in carbon sink compensation behaviors, particularly in complex social contexts where balancing the external influence of community norms and the internal drive of personal norms is crucial. Carbon sink compensation behaviors involve complex motivations and norm interactions, encompassing both the intrinsic drive of personal responsibility and the external constraints of community support and group norms. Existing literature often focuses on a single aspect, neglecting the potential synergistic or conflicting effects between the two types of norms. This theoretical gap hinders the optimization of policies for carbon sink compensation mechanisms and also limits the targeted implementation of practical promotion efforts.
Existing research indicates that straw burning not only depletes the organic matter content in soil but also affects the sustainability of agricultural ecosystems in the long term. The study by Guo and Zhao [
12] highlights that straw burning significantly reduces soil organic carbon storage and microbial activity while negatively impacting the composition of humus. Additionally, the high temperatures during the burning process cause significant nutrient volatilization in the straw, thereby diminishing its potential resource value. The study by Raheem et al. [
13] further reveals that straw burning has a significant impact on soil microbial communities, particularly reducing the population of beneficial bacteria critical for nutrient cycling and plant growth, thereby weakening soil health and productivity.
Current research mainly focuses on technological pathways for straw resource utilization, including field return, energy use, and fertilizer production. However, relatively little research has been conducted on behavior-driven approaches to reduce straw burning. Therefore, this study aims to investigate from a normative perspective, systematically exploring the combined influence pathways of social norms and personal norms on farmers’ carbon sink compensation behaviors. By integrating grounded theory, this study constructs a behavioral decision-making model for farmers and conducts an in-depth analysis of the role of norms in promoting carbon sink compensation mechanisms. Specifically, the innovations of this study include:
Innovative Research Perspective: The Interaction of Dual Norms. Addressing the lack of research on the interaction mechanisms between social norms and personal norms in the existing literature, this study adopts an “interaction perspective” to examine the issue, systematically analyzing the synergistic effects and potential conflicts between social norms and personal norms in farmers’ carbon sink compensation behaviors. The study by Batzke and Ernst [
14] indicates that the dynamic impacts of social norms and personal norms on behavioral decisions differ significantly. Social norms change rapidly and are more influenced by external environmental changes, while personal norms are more enduring, reflecting individual behavioral adaptability across different contexts. Exploring this dual norm interaction pathway helps to comprehensively reveal the complexity of farmers’ behavioral decisions, providing a new theoretical foundation for the optimization of carbon sink compensation policies.
Methodological Innovation: The Integration of Grounded Theory and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) and Its Unique Advantages. This study employs a combination of grounded theory and structural equation modeling (SEM). Grounded theory, through open coding, axial coding, and selective coding, enables the in-depth exploration of the potential influence pathways of norms on behavioral decisions from qualitative interview data. This bottom-up theory-building approach is particularly effective in exploring complex social phenomena. Coulibaly et al. [
15] emphasize that through the activation of normative theoretical frameworks, qualitative research can deeply reveal how community norms motivate individual behaviors, providing a methodological basis for the application of grounded theory in this study.
Structural equation modeling (SEM) further quantifies the conceptual framework generated by grounded theory, validating causal relationships and their significance among variables. This mixed research method, combining qualitative and quantitative approaches, provides a robust tool for the empirical examination of the interaction between social and personal norms. Moreover, given the complexity of relationships among variables in social science research, SEM can simultaneously analyze direct and indirect effects across multiple pathways, thereby more accurately uncovering the multidimensional driving mechanisms of farmers’ behaviors. Zhang et al. [
16], by comparing TPB and VBN theories, demonstrate the advantages of SEM in explaining complex behavioral decision-making pathways, providing a foundational validation tool for the model in this study.
2. Literature Review
In recent years, straw burning has become a significant environmental issue in rural China. Statistics show that approximately 30–50% of agricultural waste straw is burned annually. This practice not only directly results in substantial greenhouse gas emissions but also significantly increases atmospheric PM2.5 concentrations, becoming one of the primary sources of winter smog. The study by Huang et al. [
17] evaluated the effectiveness of China’s straw burning ban, pointing out that open-field straw burning is one of the main contributors to PM2.5 emissions, especially during peak burning periods when PM2.5 concentrations can significantly increase, further deteriorating air quality and adversely impacting public health. The comprehensive utilization of straw resources has received widespread attention. For example, Migo-Sumagang et al. [
18] proposed that the calorific value of straw can be utilized for rice drying and energy production, a process that not only reduces greenhouse gas emissions but also offers new directions for sustainable development in agricultural regions. Additionally, the ash from burned straw, used as a long-lasting potassium fertilizer, can significantly improve crop yields, further confirming the critical role of straw resource utilization in agricultural systems [
7].
2.1. Carbon Sequestration Compensation Behavior
Carbon sequestration compensation behavior reflects farmers’ participation in achieving economic and environmental benefits through low-carbon agricultural practices and carbon credit markets. Agricultural management practices significantly enhance soil organic carbon storage, becoming key pathways for promoting carbon sequestration compensation [
19].
The rise of green agriculture has further reinforced the implementation of carbon sequestration compensation behaviors, especially under policy support and technological incentives [
20]. However, complex market rules may limit farmers’ willingness to participate, necessitating policy design optimization to enhance fairness and attractiveness [
21].
The implementation effects of carbon sequestration compensation behaviors globally exhibit significant regional characteristics due to differences in natural conditions, agricultural practices, and policy support. For example, in China, straw return as a sustainable agricultural practice not only significantly increases soil organic carbon storage and crop yields but also enhances farmers’ economic returns due to its applicability in humid climates and high-fertility soil areas [
22]. Meanwhile, in Vermont, USA, regenerative agricultural practices have significantly increased soil carbon storage within a decade, and policy recommendations related to ecosystem service payments have been proposed [
23].
These studies suggest that by integrating pathways of social norms, subjective norms, and personal norms, the sustainability of carbon sequestration compensation behaviors can be significantly enhanced [
24]. Regional differences in studies further underscore the necessity of cross-cultural and cross-regional policy design and technology promotion, providing a reference for the global implementation of carbon sequestration compensation mechanisms.
2.2. Subjective Norms
Subjective norms refer to an individual’s perception of the expectations of significant others and the pressure to fulfill those expectations, which act as mediating variables in behavioral pathways, significantly influencing carbon sequestration compensation behavior. Liang et al. [
25] noted that feedback mechanisms and social expectations can significantly strengthen the role of subjective norms in promoting low-carbon behaviors. Kaushal and Rosendahl [
7] found that community cooperation strengthens farmers’ acceptance of environmental policies by increasing social pressure. Francaviglia et al. [
1] emphasized that subjective norms, through interaction with personal norms, drive participation in carbon credit markets and the adoption of low-carbon agricultural technologies.
Furthermore, policy interventions influence behavioral decisions by enhancing subjective norms. Chen [
26] demonstrated that subsidies and carbon credit incentives in policies can indirectly strengthen farmers’ subjective norms, increasing their willingness to engage in carbon sequestration compensation behaviors. Hermann, Sauthoff, and Musshoff [
27] further revealed that policy support mechanisms, such as fixed subsidies and market certificates, can effectively enhance farmers’ subjective norms through incentive pathways, boosting their enthusiasm for soil carbon sequestration.
Personal norms are defined as a higher-order latent variable, comprising two sub-dimensions: sense of responsibility and moral obligation. Based on the Norm Activation Model (NAM) and Value-Belief-Norm (VBN) theory, the sense of responsibility emphasizes an individual’s perception of the consequences of environmental behavior and the intrinsic responsibility arising from it, while moral obligation reflects an individual’s self-imposed requirement for environmental behavior based on internalized moral values [
28]. This structure illustrates the intrinsic motivation of individuals when confronting environmental issues, providing crucial theoretical support for understanding the formation of carbon compensation behavior [
29].
These studies collectively indicate that subjective norms serve as an essential bridge between personal and social norms, significantly driving carbon sequestration compensation behaviors under the combined influence of policy support and social expectations.
2.3. Social Norms
Social norms influence individual behavior through community rules and group behavior constraints, serving as a crucial social force in promoting low-carbon behaviors. Zheng et al. [
30] noted that community support and group feedback significantly enhance the driving force of social norms on behaviors, particularly among farmers. Thorman et al. [
31] emphasized that social norms strengthen the role of subjective norms through group interactions while increasing farmers’ acceptance of policies. The study by Saracevic and Schlegelmilch [
32] showed that cultural context significantly moderates the effects of social norms, with the influence of social norms being particularly pronounced in collectivist cultures. Additionally, social norms promote regional environmental behaviors through localized normative information [
33]. Community organizations, such as agricultural cooperatives, also increase farmers’ willingness to adopt low-carbon agricultural technologies by enhancing their sense of social belonging [
34].
Furthermore, the implementation effects of social norms vary significantly across different regional contexts. Gang Cui and Zhicheng Liu [
35] found that social norms significantly influence farmers’ behavior in reducing fertilizer use by strengthening community support and social network interactions, especially in regions with stricter environmental regulations, where the mediating role of social norms is more pronounced. This further underscores the regional adaptability and cultural moderation of social norms.
Subjective norms, as a higher-order latent variable, consist of two sub-dimensions: social pressure and expectations from significant others. Based on the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), social pressure reflects an individual’s perception of societal expectations regarding their behavior, while expectations from significant others are further refined to encompass concerns for specific close groups, such as family or community [
36]. This dual-dimensional structure indicates that subjective norms can enhance an individual’s intention to engage in low-carbon behaviors through external social influences, providing a crucial theoretical foundation for decision making in carbon compensation behavior [
37].
2.4. Personal Norms
Personal norms are behavioral drivers based on individuals’ intrinsic sense of responsibility and values, playing a crucial role in implementing low-carbon behaviors. Zeng et al. [
38] mentioned that individual environmental awareness directly increases farmers’ willingness to adopt low-carbon agricultural technologies, particularly under policy incentives. Moreover, Mouro and Duarte [
39] showed that the internalization of personal responsibility significantly enhances the longevity and stability of environmental behaviors. The balance between economic benefits and environmental values is particularly prominent in personal norms.
In recent years, the Chinese government has attempted to reduce straw burning by issuing policies banning burning and providing subsidies. However, farmers’ straw management decisions are influenced not only by economic incentives but also by social norms. For example, under community cooperation and social supervision, farmers are more likely to choose straw return to the field or centralized processing. Existing research lacks sufficient analysis of the association between social norms and personal behaviors, requiring further exploration.
Economic analysis shows that straw burning has significant impacts on air pollution and health hazards, while effective policies and market tools can internalize these social costs to improve straw management practices, thereby better guiding farmers toward sustainable management practices [
40]. Wei et al. [
41] noted that combining economic incentives with personal environmental values amplifies farmers’ willingness to engage in carbon sequestration compensation behaviors. Further studies show that personal norms, under the combined influence of economic incentives and social support, significantly strengthen farmers’ low-carbon behaviors. Bopp et al. [
42] emphasized that farmers’ intrinsic motivation plays a key role in the effectiveness of policy incentives. For farmers with low intrinsic motivation, policy incentives significantly increase their likelihood of participating in sustainable agricultural practices, whereas for farmers with high intrinsic motivation, the impact of policies is relatively weaker.
Zeweld et al. [
43] based their study on the theory of planned behavior, highlighting the significant role of social capital and training in shaping norms and enhancing smallholder farmers’ intentions for sustainable agricultural practices. Agricultural management practices driven by personal norms also become key pathways for achieving carbon sequestration goals [
44]. This suggests that strengthening individual environmental awareness and intrinsic responsibility, combined with economic incentives and social support, can effectively promote farmers’ long-term investment in low-carbon agricultural technologies and carbon sequestration compensation behaviors.
Social norms, as a higher-order latent variable, consist of two sub-dimensions: descriptive norms and injunctive norms. According to the Descriptive and Injunctive Norms Theory, descriptive norms reflect an individual’s observation and imitation of commonly exhibited group behaviors, while injunctive norms represent the explicit expectations and constraints imposed by society on individual behavior [
25]. By integrating these two dimensions, social norms can not only guide individual choices through exemplary behaviors but also enhance the social acceptance of low-carbon behaviors through societal expectations [
45].
2.5. Summary
A review of the literature on carbon sink compensation behavior, personal norms, subjective norms, and social norms reveals a gap in existing research regarding interaction mechanisms, particularly the lack of systematic empirical analysis on multi-level normative interaction pathways. Therefore, this study proposes a theoretical model of “social norms-subjective norms-personal norms-carbon sink compensation behavior” based on the Norm Activation Model (NAM), the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), and the Value-Belief-Norm (VBN) theory, aiming to explore the impact of multi-level normative interaction mechanisms on farmers’ carbon sink compensation behavior.
This theoretical model not only extends the application of normative theory in the field of environmental behavior but also provides a new perspective for policy formulation and practical implementation.
3. Theoretical Support and Hypotheses
3.1. Theoretical Foundation
This study integrates the Norm Activation Model (NAM) [
46], the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) [
47], the Value-Belief-Norm (VBN) theory [
48], and the Social Impact Theory (SIT) [
49] to construct a carbon sink compensation behavior model centered on social norms, personal norms, and subjective norms. According to the Norm Activation Model (NAM), personal norms are activated when individuals become aware of the consequences of their behavior and perceive personal responsibility, thereby driving moral actions [
46].
However, the activation of personal norms alone is insufficient to fully explain complex social behaviors, necessitating the introduction of subjective and social norm mediation mechanisms. Ajzen [
37], in the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), stated that subjective norms, i.e., individuals’ perceptions of important others’ expectations, significantly influence behavioral intentions. Additionally, Latane [
49] proposed in the Social Impact Theory (SIT) that social norms influence subjective norms through group pressure and social expectations, thereby indirectly affecting individual behavior.
To further refine the model, this study incorporates the Value-Belief-Norm (VBN) theory, which emphasizes that social norms enhance environmental beliefs and internalize responsibility into personal norms, thus, promoting pro-environmental behaviors [
49]. Based on this, the study proposes a theoretical model of “social norms-subjective norms-personal norms-carbon sink compensation behavior”, aiming to reveal the behavioral decision-making pathway under multi-level normative interactions.
3.2. Relationship Between Personal Norms and Subjective Norms
According to the Norm Activation Model (NAM) theory, when an individual becomes aware of the potential consequences of their actions and perceives personal responsibility, their personal norms are activated, thereby influencing their response to external social expectations. Ajzen’s [
37] Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) further states that subjective norms reflect an individual’s perception of others’ expectations, and this perception typically stems from the internalization of a sense of responsibility.
The literature indicates that personal norms not only directly influence behavior through a sense of responsibility but also indirectly amplify behavioral intentions through subjective norms. For example, Thøgersen [
49] found that, in environmental behavior, personal norms can significantly activate subjective norms, thereby strengthening intrinsic motivation for behavior. Bamberg, Hunecke, and Blöbaum [
50] further confirmed the close relationship between the two, demonstrating that subjective norms can activate and amplify the influence of personal norms on behavior.
Based on this, the following hypothesis is proposed:
H1. Personal norms positively influence subjective norms.
3.3. Relationship Between Personal Norms and Social Norms
According to Social Impact Theory (SIT), individual behavioral norms gradually expand through group interactions, thereby shaping social norms [
51]. In collectivist cultures, this expansion effect is particularly pronounced, as individual behaviors are often regarded as exemplars of group behavior.
Studies indicate that personal norms can drive the evolution of social norms through demonstration effects and dissemination. For example, Huber et al. [
52] pointed out that, when an individual’s pro-environmental behavior is accepted and recognized by the community, this behavioral norm gradually evolves into a common standard within the community.
Accordingly, it is inferred that, when more consumers choose green products based on personal norms, their behavior gradually spreads within the group, enhancing social acceptance of green consumption. Based on this, the following hypothesis is proposed:
H2. Personal norms positively influence social norms.
3.4. Relationship Between Personal Norms and Carbon Sink Compensation Behavior
The Value-Belief-Norm (VBN) theory suggests that an individual’s environmental values and sense of responsibility can directly stimulate their willingness to engage in pro-environmental behavior [
53]. This effect is particularly evident in carbon compensation behavior, especially when individuals have a clear awareness of the consequences of their carbon footprint.
Empirical studies have further validated this theory. For example, Chen found in a study on airline passengers’ participation in carbon offset programs that personal norms are the key determinant of participation willingness. Even in the absence of external incentives, a sense of personal responsibility can still drive carbon compensation behavior [
54]. Blasch and Ohndorf further confirmed this through carbon sink compensation experiments conducted in Switzerland and the United States, demonstrating that moral norms (personal norms) play a significant role in carbon sink compensation behavior and may be reinforced by social recognition and altruism. When an individual’s internal norms are activated, they are likely to voluntarily engage in compensation behavior even in the absence of external requirements [
55].
Based on this, it is inferred that in the context of green consumption, personal norms will significantly promote carbon sink compensation behavior by enhancing environmental responsibility awareness and moral obligation. This, in turn, drives carbon sink compensation behavior. Based on this, the following hypothesis is proposed:
H3. Personal norms positively influence carbon sink compensation behavior.
3.5. Relationship Between Subjective Norms and Carbon Sink Compensation Behavior
According to the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB), subjective norms reflect an individual’s perception of the expectations of significant others, and this perception can significantly influence behavioral intentions and choices [
37]. In the context of carbon compensation behavior, subjective norms amplify individuals’ willingness to act through group pressure and policy environments.
The literature indicates that under policy support, subjective norms have a particularly strong impact on low-carbon behaviors. For example, Ritchie et al. (2019) found in a study conducted in Australia that subjective norms can significantly enhance consumers’ recognition of carbon compensation behavior, particularly in contexts where social awareness is high [
56]. Tao, Duan, and Deng (2021) found that subjective norms have a significant impact on consumers’ willingness to voluntarily participate in carbon sink compensation, surpassing the influence of attitudes and personal moral norms [
57].
Accordingly, it is inferred that subjective norms significantly promote carbon sink compensation behavior through the perception of others’ expectations. Based on this, the following hypothesis is proposed:
H4. Subjective norms positively influence carbon sink compensation behavior.
3.6. Relationship Between Social Norms and Subjective Norms
The Descriptive and Injunctive Norms Theory states that social norms, as behavioral expectations at the group level, are gradually internalized into individuals’ subjective norms through cultural dynamics, thereby influencing individual behavioral intentions [
58]. This process is particularly dependent on cultural context; for instance, in collectivist cultures, the influence of social norms is significantly stronger than in individualist cultures [
32].
Empirical studies further indicate that social norms can shape subjective norms by strengthening individuals’ awareness of group behaviors. For example, Sieverding et al. found that descriptive social norms can significantly enhance individuals’ perception of subjective norms regarding low-carbon behaviors [
59]. Based on this, the following hypothesis is proposed:
H5. Social norms positively influence subjective norms.
3.7. Relationship Between Social Norms and Carbon Sink Compensation Behavior
Social Impact Theory emphasizes that social norms can significantly promote individuals’ pro-environmental behavior through group feedback and policy signals [
48]. In the context of carbon compensation behavior, social norms enhance individuals’ willingness to participate by fostering a supportive environment.
The literature indicates that when social norms exhibit high levels of group acceptance, individuals’ willingness to engage in carbon compensation behavior increases significantly. For example, Araghi et al. demonstrated through a choice experiment that a higher group participation rate can significantly enhance individuals’ recognition of and willingness to engage in carbon compensation behavior [
60].
In the context of carbon sink compensation, an experiment conducted by Huber, Anderson, and Bernauer [
52] confirmed that if group information (e.g., others’ attitudes and behaviors) and institutional signals (e.g., the social desirability of government policies) are introduced, the proportion of individuals voluntarily paying for carbon sink compensation increases significantly.
Based on this, it is inferred that when carbon sink compensation behavior becomes a prevalent norm in the social environment, individuals will be more inclined to conform to this trend. Therefore, the following hypothesis is proposed:
H6. Social norms positively influence carbon sink compensation behavior.
3.8. Model Construction
This study’s model is based on the integration of multiple theories, incorporating the NAM’s explanation of the activation pathway of personal norms, the TPB’s emphasis on the mediating role of subjective norms, and the VBN theory’s elucidation of the internalization mechanisms of social norms and values. By integrating these theories, this study systematically analyzes, for the first time, the impact of multi-level norm interactions on carbon compensation behavior, providing an innovative perspective for theoretical research.
The use of higher-order variables follows the research recommendations of Becker et al. [
61] emphasizing that in complex social behavior modeling, higher-order structures can effectively integrate factors from different dimensions, enhancing the explanatory power and adaptability of the model. Based on the results of in-depth interviews guided by grounded theory and existing literature, this study constructs a behavior decision-making model with social norms, personal norms, and subjective norms as core variables.
4. Research Methods
This study adopts a mixed-methods approach combining qualitative and quantitative methods, using both in-depth interviews and surveys to comprehensively analyze the influence pathways of social norms and personal norms on farmers’ carbon sink compensation behavior. The mixed-methods approach effectively integrates qualitative and quantitative data, enhancing the explanatory power and generalizability of the research [
62].
4.1. In-Depth Interviews
The design of this study’s interview outline is based on the preliminary coding process of grounded theory. During the design phase, the research topic was clarified through a literature review, and the question framework was refined based on the open coding results of a small sample of pilot interviews.
For example, in the dimension of personal norms, the outline focuses on exploring respondents’ sense of responsibility and moral obligation. In the dimension of social norms, the questions address the influence of descriptive and injunctive norms.
The design of open-ended questions aims to capture respondents’ diverse understandings of low-carbon behavior and its driving factors, while also providing preliminary themes and data support for quantitative research. To explore the influence pathways of social norms and personal norms in carbon sink compensation behavior, this study employed in-depth interviews, collecting and analyzing qualitative data from 13 agricultural workers. Following the case study and qualitative research design principles proposed by Yin [
63], a detailed interview outline was prepared prior to the interviews, and the sequence and content of the questions were dynamically adjusted during the interviews to enhance data authenticity and achieve theoretical saturation. The interviews focused on the following themes:
Farmers’ perceptions of the carbon sequestration compensation mechanism;
The impact of social norms on their behaviors;
The role of personal values in decision making.
The interview content was recorded, transcribed, and coded to ensure data integrity and reliability. Semi-open-ended questions were used to guide respondents to freely express their views, thus, uncovering potential influencing factors and providing theoretical support for questionnaire design and subsequent analysis.
This in-depth interview method is highly valuable for exploring complex social behaviors. Mills et al. [
64] revealed through 60 qualitative interviews how social and psychological drivers influence British farmers’ environmental management behaviors, demonstrating the effectiveness of in-depth interviews in uncovering behavioral drivers and barriers. Additionally, Farani et al. [
65], based on the theory of planned behavior, analyzed the impact of environmental attitudes and responsibility perceptions on behaviors through a survey of 400 Iranian farmers, emphasizing the critical role of mixed methods combining interviews and questionnaires in uncovering behavioral pathways.
This study draws on the aforementioned methods, conducting in-depth interviews to comprehensively analyze the influence of social norms and personal values on farmers’ carbon sequestration compensation behaviors, providing a scientific basis for subsequent questionnaire design.
4.2. Indicator Sources
The questionnaire design is based on the interview results and measurement frameworks from existing literature and is divided into the following three parts:
Screening Questions: To confirm whether the respondent is currently or has previously been engaged in agricultural production activities;
Basic Information: Including gender, age, education level, income level, and country of residence;
Variable Measurement: According to the research hypotheses, the scales for measuring the four core variables are as follows:
Personal Norms: Using the personal responsibility and consequence awareness scale by Setiawan et al. [
66], combined with items on environmental values and economic motivations (e.g., “I believe straw return to the field should be implemented.”) to validate the activation role of personal norms on behavior;
Subjective Norms: Subjective norms refer to individuals’ perceptions of the expectations of significant others and the pressure to fulfill those expectations. The questionnaire design references Kim et al. [
67], emphasizing the core roles of normative beliefs and compliance motivations in subjective norms, and suggests evaluating specific referents and willingness to comply. This study uses measurement items based on these frameworks, such as “I feel responsible to resist straw burning to reduce negative impacts.”;
Social Norms: Based on the dynamic social norms model by Gelfand et al. [
68] and the measurement framework by Cui and Liu [
35] on the impact of social norms and environmental regulations on farmers’ behaviors, items such as “Everyone has the obligation to implement straw return to the field to address climate change” were designed to reflect the formation and change mechanisms of social norms;
Carbon Sequestration Compensation Behavior: A combined measurement method of behavioral intention and actual behavior is used [
69], with items such as “I am willing to implement straw return to the field.” To ensure scientific measurement, this study references Hermann et al. [
27], which experimentally analyzed the positive effects of policy incentives on farmers’ efforts to increase soil carbon sequestration, validating the policy feasibility of measuring carbon sequestration compensation behaviors. Additionally, combining the research of Gruijter et al. [
70], specific items for quantifying carbon sequestration compensation behaviors were designed in this questionnaire (See
Appendix A for more details), to reflect the importance of farm-level soil carbon storage audits based on random sampling and predictive tools. This auditing method provides precision support for behavioral measurement and verifies the feasibility of farmers’ behaviors through model optimization.
All scales use a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) to ensure data comparability and consistency.
4.3. Survey Process
This study adopted a combination of online and offline approaches to distribute questionnaires to ensure the representativeness of the sample and the diversity of the data.
Online questionnaires were distributed via platforms such as Enjoining, targeting individuals engaged in agriculture-related work. Online surveys offer advantages of wide coverage and strong anonymity, effectively covering a geographically dispersed sample of agricultural practitioners. Ulrich-Schad et al. [
71] indicated that using online platforms for sample collection can significantly improve coverage and sampling accuracy, particularly when dealing with participants in government programs or private supplier lists.
Offline questionnaires were distributed in settings such as agricultural fairs and cooperatives, where agricultural practitioners were invited to complete the survey. The research team provided guidance during the questionnaire completion process to ensure data accuracy and reliability. Bharti et al. [
72] emphasized that using the Randomized Response Technique (RRT) in questionnaires can effectively address response bias and refusal issues in sensitive topics, thereby improving data authenticity and participation rates. Through face-to-face interactions with respondents, this study minimized the cognitive burden during the questionnaire process, ensuring data authenticity and completeness.
To ensure randomness and protect privacy, the study employed electronic questionnaires to maintain anonymity and randomly arranged the variable questions to prevent subjective guessing. By combining online and offline survey methods, the representativeness and diversity of the sample were enhanced, resulting in a broad research scope with minimal limitations. This diversified survey approach effectively avoids biases that may result from a single method and improves the overall reliability and interpretability of the questionnaire results.
4.4. Description of Sample Characteristics
To ensure the scientific rigor of the survey, this study was designed to improve response rates, referring to the study of Avemegah et al. [
73] and incorporating measures such as combining online and offline surveys, randomizing question order, and implementing privacy protection mechanisms, effectively enhancing data quality and survey participation.
The questionnaire in this study consists of three parts:
The first part screens respondents on whether they have engaged in agricultural product cultivation;
The second part collects basic demographic information such as gender, age, education level, and city of residence;
The third part measures four research variables, including personal norms, subjective norms, social norms, and carbon sink compensation behavior.
To ensure randomness and protect privacy, the study employed electronic questionnaires to ensure anonymity and randomized the order of variable-related questions to minimize subjective biases. The target respondents were the general public, with a broad research scope and relatively few limitations.
4.4.1. Pre-Survey
To ensure the effectiveness of the questionnaire survey, a pre-survey was conducted before the formal survey. Following statistical recommendations, each variable required 5–10 samples, and a total of 40 valid responses were collected in the pre-survey. The pre-survey was conducted from 10 June to 20 June 2024, targeting individuals from China, Japan, and South Korea who are or were engaged in agriculture, with a primary focus on individuals aged 18 and above.
The results indicate that respondents were primarily aged 26–30 (35%) and 31–40 (22.5%), reflecting strong socio-economic activity and falling predominantly within the agricultural workforce age range. In terms of city classification, third-tier cities had the highest proportion (27.5%), followed by first-tier cities (22.5%). The sample covered mid-to-high-tier cities as well as some small towns and rural areas, aligning with the characteristics of agricultural workers.
This study conducted a reliability analysis of the questionnaire using SPSS Statistics 25.0, yielding a KMO value of 0.761 (>0.7), with Bartlett’s test significance at 0.000 (<0.001), indicating that the data were suitable for factor analysis and met the basic conditions for further factor extraction and model validation. The study measured key factors using validated scales and conducted reliability analysis using Cronbach’s alpha to assess internal consistency across dimensions. The reliability coefficients ranged from 0.853 to 1, indicating excellent internal consistency, meeting the “very good” reliability standard, and ensuring high data quality. The scale design and data collection process of this study demonstrated high scientific rigor and reliability.
In the regression analysis of this pre-survey, the model’s R2 was 0.697, indicating that independent variables explained approximately 69.7% of the variance in the dependent variable, demonstrating strong explanatory power. The adjusted R2 was 0.672, with a Durbin–Watson value of 1.618 (within the acceptable range of 1.5–2.5), indicating good independence of residuals and no significant autocorrelation issues. The standard estimation error was 0.43006, supporting the robustness of the model. The confirmatory factor analysis in this study demonstrated good model fit, laying a solid foundation for subsequent research.
4.4.2. Formal Survey
To minimize confounding factors, I conducted the field survey from 1 July to 2 September 2024, targeting individuals in China, Japan, and South Korea who are currently or were previously engaged in agriculture-related work. The survey primarily targeted individuals aged 18 and above, collecting a total of 450 questionnaires, of which 409 were valid responses.
Therefore, after eliminating unreliable data entries, the final valid sample size was
n = 409. This sample size is significantly larger than the sample size recommendation by Maxwell [
74]. Thus, the sample size exceeded initial expectations, enhancing the reliability of data analysis.
Additionally, SPSS Statistics 25.0 and AMOS 23.0 were used for analysis. SPSS Statistics 25.0 is an open-source statistical tool with a relatively simple user interface, making regression analysis easy to perform. It was chosen for its ability to generate tables directly in APA format. AMOS 23.0 is a tool for Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis, which assists researchers in constructing and testing complex theoretical models through path analysis, causal modeling, and Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA), thereby facilitating a deeper understanding of relationships between variables. Descriptive statistics illustrate the demographic characteristics of the data, while inferential statistics are used to test hypotheses.
The results of the formal survey indicate that males accounted for 55%, with the majority aged between 26 and 40 years (57.4%). Respondents with a bachelor’s degree or higher comprised 77.5% of the sample. The primary occupations were students (22.5%) and freelancers (12.4%). The majority of respondents (57.2%) resided in third-tier or lower-tier cities. The sample exhibited a relatively high level of education and a certain degree of urbanization, providing reliable data support for subsequent research.
The city classification was based on China’s latest urban scale classification standard, which categorizes cities according to their permanent population and economic development level, dividing them into categories such as super first-tier, first-tier, second-tier, third-tier, and lower-tier cities [
75]. This classification method provides a scientific basis for describing the sample distribution and background, ensuring the representativeness and broad applicability of the data.
4.5. Data Analysis Methods
4.5.1. Qualitative Analysis
The study employs the three-stage coding method of grounded theory, including open coding, axial coding, and selective coding, to analyze interview data and extract conceptual themes.
4.5.2. Quantitative Analysis
Reliability and Validity Analysis:
The internal consistency and construct validity of the questionnaire are tested using Cronbach’s Alpha coefficient and factor analysis.
Structural Equation Modeling (SEM):
AMOS 23.0 software is used to analyze the research model and validate the path relationships between hypotheses. Relevant literature indicates that when a study aims to test a theoretical model and assess its overall fit, Covariance-Based Structural Equation Modeling (CB-SEM) is generally the preferred method. Hair et al. [
76] noted that CB-SEM is particularly suitable for theory-driven studies that aim to validate causal relationships, whereas Partial Least Squares (PLS) is more appropriate for predictive models lacking strong theoretical foundations.
6. Discussion
This study employed a combination of questionnaire surveys and in-depth interviews, using Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) to validate the multi-level influence of social norms, subjective norms, and personal norms on farmers’ carbon sink compensation behavior, and constructed a “Motivation-Process-Behavior” pathway model.
In the empirical analysis, the following key points are worth discussing:
6.1. Personal Norms as an Important Driver of Farmers’ Low-Carbon Behavior, Primarily Driven by Economic Considerations
The SEM model path analysis shows that personal norms have a significant direct impact on carbon sink compensation behavior (path coefficient = 0.231, p < 0.01). However, the results of in-depth interviews indicate that farmers’ motivations for adopting low-carbon behaviors (e.g., straw incorporation and reduced fertilizer use) are not purely based on moral responsibility or environmental awareness but are more driven by cost reduction and risk mitigation. For example, several respondents mentioned, “Now someone is watching, and burning it will result in a fine.” This suggests that although personal norms appear as a primary driving factor in the model, the core driving force in farmers’ actual decision making comes more from external policy constraints and economic rationality.
Farmers pay more attention to the economic benefits of implementing low-carbon behaviors. For instance, some farmers choose to bundle and sell straw or sell it to mushroom factories, which not only reduces the environmental problems caused by straw burning but also generates additional income for the farmers. This indicates that the economic rationality within personal norms plays a crucial role in practice.
Although farmers’ low-carbon behaviors appear highly consistent with carbon sink compensation goals on the surface, the underlying driving force mainly stems from economic rationality rather than traditional moral norms. Therefore, the manifestation of personal norms among farmers should be understood as behavior choices driven by economic rationality rather than purely by moral responsibility.
This finding suggests that policymakers, when promoting carbon sink compensation policies, should focus on further reducing farmers’ actual costs through economic incentives and technical support to more effectively stimulate their willingness to adopt low-carbon behaviors.
6.2. The Mediating and Amplifying Role of Subjective Norms
Subjective norms play a significant mediating role between personal norms and carbon sink compensation behavior (path effect = 0.218, p < 0.001). The study results indicate that when farmers perceive the behaviors of others and group expectations in their surrounding environment, their willingness to act is significantly enhanced.
In the interviews, several farmers mentioned that seeing neighbors and other villagers adopting low-carbon measures such as straw incorporation motivated them to follow suit: “The village has a unified biogas pool, so everything is collected centrally”; “Now there are combined harvesters and bundlers, which are very convenient”; “There is a mushroom factory near the village that buys straw, so we can sell it for money.”
The technological innovations and community cooperation models mentioned by farmers effectively reduced the difficulty and cost of straw processing. For example, the use of bundlers and combined harvesters improved the efficiency of straw collection, while unified biogas pool projects provided centralized solutions for straw processing. These measures significantly reduced technical barriers and psychological burdens for farmers.
This phenomenon indicates that subjective norms influence farmers’ behavior mainly through group pressure and social expectations. This “follow-up effect” not only strengthens the guiding role of personal norms in behavior but also further reduces farmers’ psychological resistance during the behavior adoption process.
Therefore, in policy promotion, in addition to providing direct economic incentives, community demonstrations and group promotion activities should be employed to enhance farmers’ subjective norms, guiding more farmers to develop spontaneous willingness to adopt low-carbon behaviors.
6.3. The Guiding and Constraining Role of Social Norms
Social norms, as a constraining force from the external environment, play a significant guiding role in farmers’ carbon sink compensation behavior (path coefficient = 0.324, p < 0.01). Interview results showed that some farmers mentioned, “Now someone is watching, and burning it will result in a fine”, indicating that the combination of policies and market mechanisms has significantly reduced farmers’ burden in straw handling and increased their willingness to participate.
Several farmers in the interviews mentioned that policy constraints and penalty mechanisms significantly influenced their decision-making, particularly the enforcement of the straw burning ban. Under the compulsory effect of these external norms, farmers gradually developed a habit of not burning straw, indicating that policy constraints play a crucial role in shaping social norms.
Therefore, although the direct influence of social norms on farmers’ behavior is less significant than that of personal norms, their indirect effects and lasting impacts should not be overlooked. This finding suggests that policymakers, when promoting carbon sink compensation mechanisms, should focus on continuously strengthening social norms by creating a low-carbon social atmosphere through policy constraints and public guidance, so that external pressure is gradually internalized into farmers’ long-term behavioral habits.
6.4. Applicability of the Multi-Layer Norm Interaction Pathway
The “Social Norms—Subjective Norms—Personal Norms—Carbon Sink Compensation Behavior” pathway model constructed in this study demonstrated good fit among agricultural practitioners in China, Japan, and South Korea (RMSEA = 0.051, CFI = 0.967). This result indicates that the multi-layer norm interaction pathway is not only applicable to a single country or specific cultural context but also has broad applicability in regions with similar agricultural backgrounds and policy environments.
This finding provides empirical evidence for promoting low-carbon agricultural policies across regions. In particular, regions with similar agricultural structures and policy environments can adopt this norm interaction pathway model to enhance the effectiveness of carbon sink compensation mechanisms through differentiated policy incentives and community cooperation models.
7. Conclusions
7.1. Theoretical Contributions
This study extends the application scenarios of existing norm theories by proposing a multi-layer norm interaction mechanism driven by economic rationality. Unlike previous literature that emphasizes personal norms being primarily driven by moral responsibility and environmental awareness, the empirical results of this study indicate that in farmers’ low-carbon behaviors, the driving force of personal norms is more a result of the combined effect of economic rationality and policy trust.
This finding fills a gap in the existing literature regarding the applicability of norm-driven mechanisms in specific economic contexts and provides theoretical support for the further application of the NAM and TPB theories. Moreover, this study validates the key mediating role of subjective norms and the indirect guiding effect of social norms, indicating that under the combined influence of community cooperation and policy incentives, the multi-layer norm interaction mechanism can effectively promote farmers’ adoption of low-carbon behaviors.
This theoretical model demonstrated good fit among agricultural practitioners in China, Japan, and South Korea, indicating that the pathway model has strong generalizability.
7.2. Practical Implications
Based on the empirical analysis results of this study, specific strategies for policymakers to promote low-carbon agricultural practices were proposed, including economic incentives and cost reduction strategies, community cooperation and demonstration guidance strategies, and policy implementation and social atmosphere creation strategies.
First, unlike existing literature that primarily emphasizes the intrinsic driving role of personal norms [
34,
37], this study found that farmers’ decisions regarding low-carbon behaviors are more driven by economic rationality. Therefore, policy design should focus on directly reducing farmers’ actual costs by providing subsidies and lowering the costs of low-carbon technologies to enhance their willingness to adopt. Moreover, this economic incentive is also supported by existing literature. For example, Zeweld et al. [
43] pointed out that the combination of economic benefits and policy support significantly increased small farmers’ willingness to engage in environmental behaviors, while Wei et al. [
41] emphasized the amplifying effect of combining economic incentives with personal values on behavioral participation.
Second, regarding community cooperation and demonstration guidance strategies, this study further extended the research of Kaushal and Rosendahl [
7] and Francavilla et al. [
1], who emphasized the importance of community norms and social expectations in promoting pro-environmental behaviors. Through empirical analysis and interviews, this study validated the key role of community cooperation models in reducing the risks associated with farmers’ adoption of new technologies. Therefore, it is recommended to establish low-carbon agricultural demonstration zones, organize mutual aid groups for farmers, and conduct technical training to strengthen mutual assistance and trust among farmers, thereby improving policy implementation. In addition, the promotion of successful cases within the community can help create positive incentives and group effects, further amplifying the guiding role of subjective norms.
Finally, the strategy of policy implementation and social atmosphere creation was proposed based on this study’s validation of the external constraining effect of social norms. Consistent with the conclusions of Morris et al. [
58] and Sieverding et al. [
59] that social norms enhance personal behavioral intentions through cultural dynamics and localized feedback, this study found that the strength of policy enforcement and positive guidance from public opinion are important pathways for gradually internalizing external pressure into long-term behavioral habits. Therefore, policymakers should continuously strengthen policy enforcement and public education, creating a supportive social atmosphere to promote the sustainability and generalization of farmers’ low-carbon behaviors.
This integrated strategy combining economic incentives, community cooperation, and policy implementation provides systematic guidance for further optimizing low-carbon agricultural policies and offers empirical evidence for enhancing farmers’ willingness to participate in carbon sink compensation.
7.3. Policy Recommendations
7.3.1. Strengthening the Behavior Guidance of Personal Norms
To enhance farmers’ willingness to participate in green agriculture and carbon sink compensation behaviors, policymakers should focus on strengthening personal norms through economic incentives and promotional guidance. To address the high initial costs of promoting green agricultural technologies, direct economic subsidies and tax reductions should be provided to ensure that farmers’ additional costs are effectively covered. Additionally, a market-based carbon credit trading mechanism should be gradually introduced in the later stages, allowing farmers to gain long-term economic benefits by participating in carbon sink projects.
Targeted promotional activities should be conducted based on local characteristics, showcasing the economic benefits and successful cases of low-carbon agriculture to improve farmers’ awareness of the returns from green agriculture. For example, “model farmers” can be invited to share their practical experiences, and farmers can be organized to visit demonstration sites to strengthen their willingness to adopt through tangible results.
7.3.2. Enhancing the External Constraints and Support of Social Norms
The community, as an important carrier of social norms, plays a key role in promoting farmers’ adoption of low-carbon behaviors. Therefore, in areas with promotion conditions, “low-carbon agriculture demonstration zones” should be established, with special funding support from the government to encourage pioneers to lead the practice of green agricultural technologies and guide other farmers to follow through a “demonstration effect”. Leveraging existing agricultural cooperatives and local organizations, mutual aid groups and technical training activities should be regularly organized to encourage experience sharing and cooperation among farmers, reducing the risks and psychological barriers in the adoption of technology.
Reward mechanisms should be provided for farmers and communities participating in low-carbon agriculture and carbon sink compensation behaviors, such as awarding the title of “Green Agriculture Pioneer” or establishing special subsidies to further motivate participation.
7.3.3. Improving the Economic Incentive and Technical Support System
The effectiveness of policy incentives not only depends on the level of subsidies but also closely relates to the continuity of policy implementation and technical support. Therefore, it is recommended to improve the economic incentive and technical support system by providing long-term stable subsidy policies, especially during the initial promotion stage of green agricultural technologies, to ensure that farmers can benefit continuously.
At the same time, incentive standards should be flexibly adjusted according to different regions and crop types to enhance the targeting and fairness of the policies. The government should form professional agricultural technical guidance teams to regularly visit rural areas, providing technical training and on-site guidance to ensure that farmers can smoothly implement green agricultural technologies.
In addition, promoting low-carbon agricultural equipment and tools can further reduce the difficulty for farmers in applying these technologies. Through information disclosure and policy feedback platforms, policymakers should promptly convey policy details and implementation progress to farmers, enhancing their trust in policies. Meanwhile, farmers’ feedback should be collected regularly to enable timely policy adjustments and optimizations.
7.4. Limitations and Future Prospects
This study, using agricultural practitioners from China, Japan, and South Korea as samples, revealed the decision-making mechanisms of farmers regarding carbon sink compensation behaviors in the context of East Asian culture. However, the regional and cultural limitations may result in the study’s conclusions lacking generalizability in other cultural or economic contexts. Altdorff et al. [
87] pointed out that differences in the socio-cultural and policy environments of various agricultural regions significantly affect the implementation of sustainable development strategies. This indicates that future research should further expand the sample scope to include countries with different cultural and economic backgrounds, especially developing countries and agricultural regions with high carbon emissions, to validate the broad applicability of the study’s conclusions.
In addition, this study mainly adopted questionnaire surveys and interviews, which, although effective in revealing farmers’ subjective intentions and behavioral tendencies, may involve self-reporting bias, affecting the authenticity and reliability of the data. Therefore, future research can combine field experiments and longitudinal studies to dynamically analyze the long-term effects of policy interventions on behavior and the mechanism of habit formation. For example, the cultural multilevel selection framework proposed by Hillis et al. [
88] emphasizes that combining field experiments with cultural perspectives can more deeply reveal the causal mechanisms of group behavior change, providing an important reference for future research methods.
Furthermore, this study did not delve into the regional adaptability of technology and policy and their synergistic effects. Mukherjee et al. [
89] emphasized that significant differences in technological adaptability and policy implementation capacity across regions directly affect the promotion of carbon sink compensation behaviors. Therefore, future research could compare the promotion effects of technological and policy tools across different agricultural regions and further explore strategies for optimizing technological adaptability and policy implementation capacity.
Finally, this study mainly focused on the individual-level carbon sink compensation behaviors of farmers and did not fully consider the synergistic effects of the upstream and downstream segments of the supply chain. The processing, transportation, and sales segments of the supply chain also play an important role in carbon reduction. Future research could comprehensively consider the carbon footprint of the entire supply chain and explore how multi-stakeholder collaboration mechanisms can enhance the overall effectiveness of carbon sink compensation behaviors. Spiegel et al. [
90] proposed in their agricultural ecosystem research that multi-stakeholder collaboration and policy integration can significantly enhance carbon reduction efficiency, providing practical guidance for future research on supply chain collaboration.
In summary, future research should further expand in four aspects—sample diversity, methodological innovation, regional adaptability, and supply chain collaboration—to optimize the carbon sink compensation mechanism and improve the scientific and practical effectiveness of policy design and implementation.