Territorial Analysis Through the Integration of CFS-RAI Principles and the Working with People Model: An Application in the Andean Highlands of Peru

Abstract

The characterization of territory in Peru’s Andean regions faces significant challenges due to a lack of comprehensive methodologies capable of addressing the complexity of these contexts. This research aims to bridge that gap by developing a methodology that integrates the CFS-RAI Principles with the Working with People (WWP) model to provide a detailed, contextualized framework for territorial analysis. The framework leverages the CFS-RAI Principles’ focus on sustainable agriculture and the WWP model’s proven effectiveness in fostering social transformation in Aymara communities in southern Peru. The research centers on Paucar del Sara Sara, a province in Ayacucho, Peru, characterized by a Human Development Index (HDI) of 0.42 and significant development potential rooted in opportunities for organic agriculture and collaboration with the mining sector. Employing geographic analysis and qualitative methods, this study draws comparisons with existing literature and presents insights from the case study to develop a matrix of key variables for territorial analysis in Andean regions. Additionally, the research introduces a methodology for defining mining companies’ areas of influence while addressing prevalent socioeconomic challenges in these territories.

1. Introduction

The concept of territorial development has been explored since the late 1990s as a response to the limited success of strategies aimed at addressing rural poverty [1]. This approach has been extensively studied in the social and economic sciences, particularly within rural contexts where the interactions among space, social actors, and resources play a crucial role. Territorial development is defined as a process involving both productive transformations and institutional changes, aimed at building new capacities and opportunities for local actors [2]. Torre [3] emphasizes that this approach enhances social well-being and prosperity by balancing competition, cooperation, initiatives, and opposition among diverse stakeholders.

Despite advancements in sustainable territorial policies, significant challenges remain in implementing these strategies, especially in high Andean and rural regions [4]. These areas face unique obstacles, including geographic isolation, reliance on fragile local economies, and limited population integration into development processes [5,6]. In Peru’s Andean region, these challenges are reflected in lower Human Development Index scores compared to other Peruvian areas—0.769 on average versus 0.881 in Moquegua, as reported by the UNDP in 2022—and a poverty rate of 34.3%, significantly higher than Moquegua’s 13.1%.

Furthermore, while 90% of regional governments in the Andean region in Peru have regional development plans, only 17% of provinces have a local development plan. If this analysis is extended to the district level, a mere 2.8% possess local development plans.

Addressing these challenges requires not only the formulation of territorial policies but also the alignment with the unique economic, environmental, social, and institutional dimensions of each local territory [7,8]. Additionally, further research is needed to effectively adapt international frameworks to high Andean contexts, facilitating sustainable and equitable development in these regions [9].

The CFS-RAI Principles, designed to guide investments in agriculture and food systems, offer a conceptual framework for planning development in Peru’s Andean region. Here, economic activities are closely linked to agriculture, operating within fragile ecosystems where smallholder farmers—typically managing plots averaging 1.0 hectare—or community members control most arable land. The successful establishment of Local Action Groups (LAG), affiliated with the Mantaro Regional Development Center (RDC) at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (UNMSM) and implemented under the CFS-RAI Principles in the town of Jauja, an Andean region of Peru, demonstrates the practical applicability of these principles in this study [10].

The WWP model, with its multidimensional approach to development and emphasis on integrating human values, expert knowledge, and experiential knowledge, has initiated social transformation in various Andean communities. The implementation of the WWP model in the Andean region of Puno has enabled the Coordinadora de Mujeres Aymaras, an association of 400 Aymara women across four provinces surrounding Lake Titicaca, to transform a rudimentary production of alpaca wool knitwear into an artisanal enterprise with export potential to ten countries. This transformation has been driven by the women themselves, through a process of “social learning”, and supported by a technical team that effectively integrated their indigenous experiential knowledge with the expert insights of its advisors [11]. Studies have shown that the application of this model significantly increases social, relational, economic, and human capital [11].

The territorial development program in Paucar del Sara Sara, Ayacucho, Peru, provided a unique case study for refining criteria to analyze high Andean territories where a territorial development strategy is being implemented. This research aimed to develop a methodology for conducting a detailed and contextualized analysis of the territory by integrating the CFS-RAI Principles with the WWP model [12,13]. Prior studies underscore the utility of such integrated frameworks in developing holistic development strategies [14].

Development strategies are unlikely to succeed without a comprehensive analysis that integrates economic, institutional, social, and environmental dimensions. Incorporating territorial policies that prioritize local participation is essential for sustainable resource management and the effective implementation of these strategies [15].

The research also examined the contributions of various academic scholars regarding the variables required to effectively understand the territory in which a territorial development strategy is to be implemented. While these authors generally agree on the need for a multidimensional analysis, the specific dimensions and variables they propose differ significantly. Consequently, this study seeks to develop a methodology for analyzing a territory with the aim of implementing local territorial development programs in Peru’s Andean region. This objective forms the core of the research, which was prompted by the implementation of a territorial development program in Paucar del Sara Sara, a locality situated in Peru’s Andean Highlands.

Specifically, this study introduces a matrix that integrates dimensions from both functional and territorial approaches. The proposed multidimensional territorial analysis has also facilitated the delineation of planning units within the study area, enabling a planning process that better aligns with local realities.

Implementing this methodology to systematize territorial analysis in Peru’s high Andean regions holds the potential to significantly enhance the effectiveness of development programs, foster greater community participation, and optimize resource allocation. Moreover, recognizing the social, economic, historical, and cultural relationships among the vertical life zones in these regions underscores the importance of incorporating these interconnections when defining territories for development programs or establishing areas of interaction with mining companies.

This approach could significantly influence the delineation of direct influence areas for mining operations in the Andean region. A well-defined area of interaction that considers these relationships can play a pivotal role in mitigating social conflicts, which often jeopardize the sustainability of mining activities in these zones.

2. Conceptual Framework for Territorial Development and the Andean Highland Areas

The conceptual framework for this research is grounded in definitions of territory and territorial development, as well as a synthesis of dimensions and variables proposed for territorial analysis. It also outlines the integration of the CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP model [12,13], presenting a cohesive framework for advancing territorial development and serving as a robust basis for territorial analysis. Finally, it provides an overview of the Andean Highland areas of Peru.

To define the concepts of territory, territorial development, and the compilation of dimensions and variables proposed for territorial analysis, case studies or research projects that proposed or evaluated territorial development strategies and simultaneously described the study area were reviewed. A total of 107 articles published between 2004 and 2024 in journals such as Sustainability, Social Sciences & Humanities Open, Journal of Rural Studies, Mundo Agrario, Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais, Scientific Papers Management, Economic Engineering in Agriculture and Rural Development, City, Territory and Architecture, Economies, RIMISP-Latin American Centre for Rural Development, Springer Geography, Journal of Environmental Management and Tourism, and International Journal of Economics and Business Administration were analyzed. Primary keywords used for the literature search included “rural development” and “territorial development”, while secondary terms were “Peru”, “diagnosis”, “cases”, “management”, “strategy”, “variables”, and “dimension”.

2.1. Territory

Etymologically, the term territory originates from the Latin territorium, with the root terra signifying the space where human beings live and interact. Territorium highlights the connection between a physical space and human activity, referring to a spatial area defined by the control exerted over it by a particular group [16].

According to Renault, “territory is a social construction, a set of historical-cultural, economic, geo-environmental, and institutional relations that give rise to and, at the same time, express an identity, a sense of belonging, and a purpose shared by social actors” [17] (p. 16). Torre [18] adds a forward-looking perspective, defining territory as a dynamic reality in constant construction, shaped by a set of projects and aspirations. Thus, the territory reflects the evolving relationship between a group of people and a physical space, or more precisely, the interactions among individuals connected through that space.

Fuini [19] identifies four dimensions of human interactions within the territory: political, economic, cultural, and natural. The political dimension pertains to the control and delimitation of space through power dynamics, often tied to the authority of the state. The economic dimension regards the territory as a source, distribution center, or object of economic resources. The cultural dimension encompasses the symbolic connection and appropriation of space by a group, fostering a shared identity. Lastly, the natural dimension addresses the interactions between society and the environment, emphasizing efforts to balance human activity with ecological sustainability.

From this analysis, it can be deduced that the territory, as a planning unit, is not a pre-existing reality but rather a construct shaped by the outcomes of multidimensional analysis.

2.2. Territorial Development

Torre [18] highlights the growing importance of territorial development, spurred by increased interest among researchers in designing effective territorial policies. He argues that traditional development analyses have often prioritized production and innovation, overlooking governance. The territorial approach seeks to address this gap by emphasizing the critical role of local population participation in the success of development projects.

Estrada and Olivares [20] posit that the essence of the territorial approach lies in integrating sectoral and disciplinary perspectives, achieved when space itself becomes the unifying entity. Similarly, a report by ECLAC [21] underscores the necessity of stakeholder unity in the development process. Henriques [22] supports this view, advocating for the territorial approach as a sustainable strategy for poverty prevention.

The concept of multidimensional territorial development has its roots in Europe. Drawing from earlier successful experiences, the Common Market Council established the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) in 1975 as a financial tool to address territorial imbalances. Subsequent modifications in 1985 and 1988 reinforced the territorial orientation of regional development as the primary path for social inclusion, abandoning functional criteria in regional development [13]. This shift was further solidified by the European Regional/Spatial Planning Charter of 1983, which framed regional development as the projection of social, environmental, and economic policies to foster equitable development and organized spatial structures [13]. Consequently, this multidimensional planning approach became institutionalized in Europe, with notable success in rural areas, demonstrating its efficacy.

In contrast, the United States has adopted a functional approach to regional planning, focusing on infrastructure development to support production rather than addressing territorial imbalances [13]. Cultural differences also play a role: North Americans tend to exhibit less attachment to specific territories compared to populations in Europe and Latin America [13].

Schejtman and Berdegué [2] apply the concept of territorial development specifically to rural areas, describing it as a dual process of productive transformation and institutional change aimed at reducing poverty and inequality. Berdegué et al. [23] expand on this framework, defining territorial development as a process that drives changes in the social, economic, and institutional structures of territories, fostering growth, social inclusion, and environmental sustainability. They emphasize institutional change as a key element, involving coordinated actions between local and external actors and the reform of formal and informal rules that perpetuate the exclusion of marginalized populations from productive processes and their benefits.

The successful formulation and implementation of development strategies depend on these interactions and the specific characteristics of the territory. A thorough understanding of a territory requires the assessment of its social, historical, economic, institutional, physical, environmental, and material dimensions. Without accurate and comprehensive information on these aspects, development strategies risk being poorly adapted to the territory’s unique conditions, hindering local participation, impeding process evaluation, and reducing resource allocation efficiency.

2.3. Dimensions and Variables for Analyzing the Territory

A comprehensive literature review reveals diverse approaches to identifying the dimensions essential for territorial analysis. Fuini [19], Sili [24], Rodríguez Miranda et al. [25], and Suárez-Roldán et al. [26] propose a framework based on four dimensions: economic, social, environmental, and governance. These dimensions, they argue, structure the territory and are indispensable for its characterization. Romo et al. [27], Mozzato et al. [28], and Labianca [29] focus on social, economic, and environmental dimensions, incorporating governance into the social dimension through mechanisms such as civic participation.

Regarding the variables that define these dimensions, scholars such as Fuini [19], Romao and Neuts [24], Mozzato et al. [28], Dunets et al. [30], Khomiiuk et al. [31], Rodríguez Miranda et al. [25], Romagnoli et al. [32], Labianca [29], and Suárez-Roldán et al. [26] identify key economic indicators, including predominant economic activities, new income opportunities, employment rates, and per capita family income. Several authors, including Fuini [19], Sili [24], and Ruperti Cañarte et al. [33], also highlight the role of social and productive infrastructure, such as transportation systems, communication networks, markets, and irrigation systems.

The social dimension encompasses variables related to quality of life, social cohesion, and cultural identity. Scholars like Pinzón and Echeverri [34], Romo et al. [27], Mozzato et al. [28], Rodríguez Miranda et al. [25], Ruperti et al. [33], Labianca [29], and Suárez-Roldán et al. [26] emphasize the availability of essential services such as education, healthcare, potable water, and sanitation. Historical factors are also considered integral by researchers such as Romao and Neuts [35], Dunets et al. [30], Millán et al. [36], and Fuini [19].

The environmental dimension focuses on natural resources and ecosystem dynamics. Studies by Pinzón and Echeverri [34], Romo et al. [27], Dunets et al. [30], and Ruperti et al. [33] underscore the importance of water resources: availability, quality, and vulnerability to pollution. Fuini [19], Sili [24], Costa and Lima [37], Dunets et al. [30], and Suárez-Roldán et al. [26] take into account biodiversity and ecosystems. Sili [24], Khomiuk et al. [31], and Labianca [29] add the edaphological analysis of the soils. Climate variables, such as precipitation and temperature, are also highlighted by Dunets et al. [30]. Few authors, such as Romo et al. [27], Pinzón and Echeverri [34], and Mozzato et al. [28], address the vulnerability of territories to socio-economic or natural risks.

Governance is another critical dimension, with scholars Romao and Neuts [35] and Romagnoli et al. [32] emphasizing the role of local institutions in public decision-making. Costa and Lima [37] highlight inter-institutional cooperation, while Pinzón and Echeverri [34] focus on mechanisms for civic participation.

2.4. Integration of the CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP Model

The Principles for Responsible Investment in Agriculture and Food Systems (RAI), endorsed by the Committee on World Food Security (CFS) in 2014, offer a comprehensive framework for promoting sustainable and responsible investments in agriculture and food systems. These principles aim to address the diverse contexts and needs of stakeholders, including states, small-scale producers, commercial enterprises, and civil society organizations [38].

The WWP model is a participatory and multidimensional approach to territorial development that emphasizes the integration of human values, expert knowledge, and local expertise. It fosters active collaboration among all stakeholders involved in a development project, including local communities, technical teams, and policymakers [14].

In 2016, the WWP framework was validated as an instrument to analyze rural development, as well as rural prosperity and resilience, in a world of growing demands and limited resources. This validation was done under the international RETHINK research program supported by the European Commission and funding bodies in 14 countries under the FP7 and the RURAGRI ERA-NET [39,40]. Over a maturation period of more than 25 years, the WWP model has been successfully applied in territorial development processes across Spain and Latin America [14,41,42,43,44].

This methodological framework transcends technical–economic perspectives and integrates social learning processes in the analysis and the building of prosperity from three dimensions: ethical–social, technical–entrepreneurial, and political–contextual. These dimensions work in an integrated manner to ensure that territorial development initiatives have a positive and lasting impact on communities. The integrating element of these dimensions is social learning, as highlighted by Friedmann [45]. By incorporating social learning processes, the WWP framework transcends a purely technical–economic perspective, facilitating the collaborative analysis and co-construction of local prosperity.

The integration of the CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP model offers a comprehensive and multidimensional framework to holistically address the complexities of rural development. This comprehensive and multidimensional framework was applied in the establishment of LAGs in Jauja, Peru, as well as in the design of family agriculture projects in the Dominican Republic. In the latter case, the framework enabled producers to improve their sustainable livelihoods, enhance the quality of their products, strengthen their organizational capacity, and access the international market [46]. By combining these approaches, a territorial development strategy can facilitate the following achievements:

• Design interventions that are technically viable, socially equitable, and politically sustainable, ensuring long-term success and community acceptance.
• Foster active collaboration among diverse territorial stakeholders, including local communities, institutions, local authorities, and external investors, thereby promoting shared responsibility and engagement.
• Align decisions with community values and needs, while safeguarding and enhancing the territory’s natural resources for sustainable development.

This integration is achieved by aligning the WWP model’s dimensions with the key criteria of the CFS-RAI Principles, yielding positive outcomes in the following dimensions: economic viability and sustainability; adherence to standards and inclusive governance; and social inclusion and equity.

2.4.1. Dimension of Economic Viability and Sustainability

Aligned with the technical–business dimension of the WWP model, this aspect emphasizes the development and application of viable and effective locally adapted technical and productive solutions. Its objective is to enhance productivity, infrastructure, and services by tailoring scientific and technical knowledge to the specific needs of the territory. The key actions include the following:

• Assessing the territory’s current productive capacities, including its infrastructure, natural resources, and available technologies.
• Identifying opportunities to enhance productivity and economic sustainability through the adoption of appropriate technologies and the implementation of efficient agricultural practices.

2.4.2. Dimension of Adherence to Standards and Inclusive Governance

This dimension corresponds to the political–contextual aspect of the WWP model, focusing on governance and institutional capacity to support sustainable long-term development projects. It emphasizes participatory and transparent governance practices. The proposed actions include:

• Analyzing the existing governance structures within the territory, including institutional capacity and mechanisms for citizen participation.
• Evaluating compliance with established standards and identifying legal frameworks that either facilitate or hinder development interventions.

2.4.3. Dimension of Social Inclusion and Equity

Aligned with the ethical–social aspect of the WWP model, this aspect prioritizes social justice, respect for human rights, and social cohesion. It seeks to strengthen social capital by fostering trust and collaboration among the various actors involved in the development process. The key actions include the following:

• Assessing the social and cultural dynamics of the territory, identifying the main social actors, their values, and the power relations that shape interactions.
• Analyzing the level of social inclusion, with a focus on identifying existing inequalities and exploring opportunities to enhance equity and social cohesion.

By addressing these dimensions, territorial development strategies become not only technically sound and economically viable but also socially just and politically sustainable, ensuring a positive and enduring impact on the territory.

2.5. Andean Highlands of Peru

Highland regions are fragile ecosystems where human intervention often leads to severe resource degradation, including erosion, landslides, river sedimentation, and loss of fertile soil [47]. Ecogeological studies reveal a distinct vertical pattern in environmental and human diversity in mountain regions. Interaction between altitude, climate, and soil fertility has defined the upper limits for agriculture and grazing, as well as the upper bounds for different crop types within the agricultural range [48].

The Andean Highlands of Peru is a region of high mountains located in the tropical latitudes and is home to some of the highest human settlements [47]. Altitudinal zonation governing environmental diversity in the Peruvian Andes, along with the interaction between altitude, climate, and soil fertility, has defined four ecological zones in this region. Each possesses a distinct vegetation, climate, and agricultural potential. These vertical life zones are as follows:

Quechua (2300–3500 m)—Characterized by a temperate and dry climate, this zone is suitable for cultivating crops such as corn, wheat, and other Andean staples.

Suni or Jalca (3500–4000 m)—With a cold and dry climate, this zone is ideal for growing potatoes, barley, and some vegetables. It is also well-suited for cattle grazing.

Puna (4000–4800 m)—Dominated by natural grasslands, this zone is ideal for raising llamas, alpacas, and other South American camelids.

Janca or Cordillera (above 4800 m)—This zone experiences an extremely cold climate and is snow-covered for most of the year. Vegetation is sparse, and the area is primarily used for extensive grazing.

The environmental characteristics of the Andean Highlands and the curiosity to understand how ancient populations adapted to this mountainous environment led to the development of the concept of “vertical zonation”. Based on studies of pre-Columbian cultures, Murra proposed the concept of vertical control: “Each ethnic group strived to control a maximum number of vertical lifes zones or ecological niches to access resources that, in Andean conditions, were available only there” [49] (p. 94). Years later, some authors suggested that this vertical control strategy for exploiting vertical zonation could be replaced or complemented by a specialization strategy. This implied that ethnic groups controlled only one vertical life zone or ecological niche through production specialization, exchanging their products with groups from other vertical life zones [50]. Both strategies highlight the vertical interdependence between Andean populations.

Studies on social dynamics in the Andean Highlands reveal distinctive patterns of social relationships. Notably, there is minimal division of labor by age or gender, accompanied by a high degree of flexibility in social agreements at the community, family, and individual levels [47].

In terms of production and labor activity, both are significantly lower in the Andean Highlands than in lowland areas [51]. This inverse relationship between altitude and productivity is particularly stark. For instance, potato production in a lowland Peruvian province is 60 times higher for 1000 workdays than in a highland province under similar conditions [47].

According to the 2017 demographic census, the Andean Highlands are home to 8,268,000 people, representing 28.1% of Peru’s population. Another feature of this region is that population density decreases with altitude [51]. Moreover, as population density increases with urbanization and the development of non-agricultural economic activities [52], the highlands become dependent on lowland populations for goods and services [53].

Efforts to implement effective territorial planning in the Andean Highlands face significant challenges due to a lack of comprehensive studies. Official data from 2017 indicate that of the 1874 districs in Peru, 815 (43.5%) have fewer than 500 inhabitants and consequently lack their own territorial planning instruments. According to Peru’s territorial planning and urban development regulations, districts with populations below 5000 must be grouped in the territorial planning process (Supreme Decree No. 022-2016-Housing). However, this approach often fails to account for the unique contextual characteristics of smaller highland communities.

3. Methodology

This study employed a case study methodology in Peru, a country where the Andean Highlands constitute 29% of the national territory. To ensure both internal and external validity, the research incorporated official data and field observations. Each step of the analysis process was meticulously documented to guarantee reliability and reproducibility [54].

The primary aim of the research was to develop a methodology that facilitates a comprehensive understanding of the physical space’s characteristics, the relationships among the population, and the interactions between the population and the physical environment. This approach was designed to support the effective territorial development program.

The study focused on evaluating the physical and demographic characteristics of Paucar del Sara Sara province, where a local NGO initiated a territorial development program. This program was conceptually guided by the WWP model, a framework that has been successfully implemented in various regions of Peru [10,11].

To evaluate the physical characteristics and social relationships in the study area, the integration of the CFS-RAI Principles with the WWP model was employed, applying the CFS-RAI Principles to the rural development process.

Paucar del Sara Sara province is situated in Peru’s high Andean region and is one of 11 provinces in the Ayacucho department. Ayacucho covers an area of 43,000 km², with a population of 616,176 (INEI, 2017) [55]. The department has a Human Development Index (HDI) of 0.4 and is governed by a coordinated regional development plan for 2024–2034. The region’s diagnostic framework was made based on the priority variables of six dimensions: socio-demographics, environment, infrastructure services, economy, disaster risk management, and governance. At the local level, however, only two of Ayacucho’s eleven provinces have adopted a coordinated local development plan, and just six of its one hundred nineteen districts have implemented such plans.

Paucar del Sara Sara province spans 2097 km² and has a population of 9609. Despite its relatively small population, it faces significant challenges: 13.9% of residents lack access to water services, and 46.8% lack sewage services (INEI, 2017) [55]. The poverty rate in the province stands at 31.9% (INEI, 2017) [55], with an HDI of 0.4212 (2019) [56]. Nevertheless, Paucar del Sara Sara holds substantial development potential due to its capacity for organic agriculture and the presence of partnerships with mining companies operating in the area (see Figure 1).

3.1. Case Study: Territorial Analysis of Paucar del Sara Sara

The province of Paucar del Sara Sara—derived from the Quechua pawqar (“flower garden” and Sara Sara (“cornfield”, referencing the corncob-shaped rocks of the eponymous volcano)—is one of the eleven provinces comprising the Ayacucho department in the high Andean region of Peru [57]. It is the youngest province in Ayacucho, officially established on 2 January 1985 [57]. Administratively, the province is divided into ten districts: Pauza, Colta, Corculla, Lampa, Marcabamba, Oyolo, Pararca, San Javier de Alpabamba, San José de Ushua, and Sara Sara (see Figure 2).

Paucar del Sara Sara lies within the Ocoña River basin, characterized by its rugged terrain and the presence of potentially active volcanoes, including Coropuna, Solimana, and Sara Sara. The basin encompasses ten sub-basins, covering a total area of 16,045 km². During the rainy season (January–March), high-water flows significantly activate the region’s hydrography, contributing to some of the largest river flows in southern Peru.

The province is characterized by vertical life zones, sub-territories determined by altitude and shaped by the branching Andes Mountain range. As mentioned above, these vertical life zones critically influence the province’s agricultural and livestock activities, offering diverse opportunities and challenges based on their unique characteristics.

The distribution of the population across these zones has given rise to distinct customs, cultural expressions, and social networks, which not only enhance local diversity but also facilitate communication and economic exchange between communities.

The general objective of the study was to thoroughly understand the study area to implement a territorial development program in Paucar del Sara Sara province. Guided by the WWP model, the research emphasized the importance of fostering collaboration between the local population and the research team to analyze the social and physical characteristics of the territory. Accordingly, the fieldwork was designed to be highly participatory: In total, 88 in-depth interviews were conducted with individuals representing various social roles, including homemakers, community leaders, leaders of productive associations, merchants, school administrators and teachers, public officials, and health or sports promoters. In addition, 15 workshops were held, engaging 192 community members. Furthermore, contact was established with an additional 102 individuals through informational sessions and visits to reservoirs, canals, and agricultural plots.

3.1.1. Field Work

Three field visits were conducted to gather extensive information about the territory. The geographic delineation of the study area was informed by an analysis of basins and sub-basins, supported by cartographic material using Geographic Information Systems (GIS) (Software ArcGis 10.8) and an in-depth examination of the region’s water resources. The study also drew upon official publications from entities such as municipal authorities, the Geological, Mining, and Metallurgical Institute (INGEMMET), the Ministry of Transport and Communications, the National Institute of Statistics and Information Technology (INEI), the National Water Authority (ANA), and the National Institute of Civil Defense (INDECI).

The research extended beyond geographic and hydrological aspects to examine social, political, cultural, and religious phenomena. Researchers prioritized participatory engagement with the local population through semi-structured interviews and on-site workshops. To ensure data coherence, assess quality, and refine work guides, the research team maintained constant communication and collaboration with the community. Thematic maps were created to document the aspirations, challenges, and needs of residents.

The first field visit (4–17 May 2023) focused on identifying localities with the potential to serve as development hubs. The research team visited populated centers including Pauza, Oyolo, San Javier de Alpabamba, Huallhua, Belén, Santa Rosa de Cascara, Patarí, and Huancute.

The second field visit (7–11 June 2023) aimed to cover the remainig localities in the province, including Cotahuasi, Cochapampa, Pampamarca, Mungui, Cachana, Chapi, and Oyolo. During these visits, the team assessed the social, economic, personal, and political realities of the province, along with its development potential. Ethnographic methods included in-depth interviews and home visits to observe daily life, such as cooking, eating, knitting, and recreational activities.

The third field visit (7 September–15 October 2023) tested and refined hypotheses generated during earlier visits, particularly regarding the dynamics of vertical life zones. Localities revisited included Pauza, Sacraca, Huallhua, Oyolo, and Ccalaccapcha. This iterative approach ensured a comprehensive and grounded understanding of the territory’s potential for development.

This visit involved participatory workshops with productive associations, irrigation boards, prominent families, local leaders, and key stakeholders. Researchers also conducted in-depth interviews in homes and agricultural plots, supplemented by informal conversations in public spaces such as town squares and shops. Visits to irrigation canals, reservoirs, and agricultural areas provided additional insights.

3.1.2. Processing Field Information

The collected data was systematized using a range of analytical tools, including livelihoods analysis, value chains assessments, empathy maps, dream maps, journey maps, social network analysis, and social cartography. The team notably adapted the Livelihoods Model developed by the Tropical Agricultural Research and Higher Education Center (CATIE) and the FAO to suit the territorial context. This model analyzed five key forms of capital—environmental, physical, financial, human, and social—to identify the territory’s strengths and weaknesses. This comprehensive approach provided a multidimensional understanding of the territory, enabling a more effective analysis and strategy development.

4. Results: The Analysis of the Case Study Under the Integration of CFS-RAI Principles and WWP Model

To identify the key variables necessary for understanding the territory, this case study was analyzed using the three dimensions derived from the integration of the CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP framework: economic viability and sustainability dimension; adherence to the standards and inclusive governance; and social inclusion and equity. This analytical approach not only allowed for a systematic organization of these variables but also facilitated the potential replication of the model in other similar regions. Each variable was aligned with the relevant CFS-RAI principles and WWP dimensions for greater applicability and coherence.

This study also defined territorial units for planning purposes. In this research, these units were designated as Hatun Wasi (meaning “big house” in Quechua). Specifically, two distinct territorial units were identified: Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2.

4.1. Territorial Analysis of Paucar Del Sara Sara

This section details the data collection processes and key findings across the evaluated dimensions.

4.1.1. Dimension Economic Viability and Sustainability

The study identified the primary economic activities of the population, along with the distribution of monetary resources at both family and community levels. High-potential local products, including both raw materials and processed goods, were identified, and value chains within the area were analyzed. Social cartography was utilized to illustrate resource flows and land use within the territories.

Particular attention was given to irrigation canals, roads, and areas vulnerable to climate-related risks. Using climate scenarios, the study assessed the potential impacts of climate change on agricultural zones and densely populated areas, identifying the months most affected by frosts. Existing agricultural zones and areas with agricultural potential were also mapped.

Agriculture remains the primary economic activity in the province. In Hatun Wasi 1, organic farming predominates, with key products including avocados, alfalfa, and fruits such as prickly pear, apples, and peaches. Farmers in this area use modern tools more widely, and some producers, through intermediaries, have successfully exported organic avocado products to international markets. Conversely, in Hatun Wasi 2, the cultivation of potatoes, alfalfa, and quinoa prevails, primarily using ancestral tools. Production levels in this region remain low, with much of the harvest used for subsistence. Climatic conditions, challenging terrain, and poor soil quality severely limit agricultural activity in the highest-altitude communities of Hatun Wasi 2.

Access to credit was found to be more prevalent in Hatun Wasi 1 due to its proximity to the provincial capital. However, a lack of knowledge regarding efficient investment and the absence of a savings culture diminishes the positive impact of these credits.

Water resource management also differs between the two territories. In Hatun Wasi 1, water is regulated by the Local Water Agency, with water-user committees managing agricultural access. However, limited availability results in significant constraints, as water is provided only once every 20 days. The use of inefficient irrigation methods, such as gravity and sprinkling, leads to substantial water loss through flooding and filtration. In Hatun Wasi 2, water for agriculture is abundant but poorly distributed due to damaged infrastructure, with gravity irrigation remaining the dominant method.

The commercial culture in Hatun Wasi 1 is primarily based on monetary exchange. In Hatun Wasi 2, barter systems are common, and commercial relationships are often restricted to family networks. In such cases, sponsorship rituals, where outsiders are integrated through familial ties, facilitate trade.

Commercial interactions further illustrate these dynamics. For example, in Hatun Wasi 1, commercial interactions are observed between Pauza, Sacraca, and Huallhua; Pauza acts as a hub, receiving potatoes from Huallhua and fruits from Sacraca, while exporting horticultural products to Huallhua and goods from Lima to other areas. In Hatun Wasi 2, Oyolo serves as the main commercial hub, where potatoes and tubers are traded. Oyolo also supplies products from Pauza to other localities. These interactions confirm the persistence of interconnections between the vertical life zones across the territory.

Additionally, the study identified 68 small businesses or associations registered for tax purposes, with 11 operating in agriculture. The remaining entities focus on transportation, engineering, housing construction, and the trade of food, household goods, construction materials, hardware, machinery spare parts, and motorcycles.

4.1.2. Dimension of Adherence to Standards and Inclusive Governance

Governance in the study area was categorized based on three criteria: system type, decision-making processes, and individual–group relations.

System type: governance structure can be modern, led by district mayor; or traditional, governed by communal assembly and resident associations.

Decision-making: processes can be participatory, requiring majority approval from the population; or representative, where decisions are made by elected representatives.

Individual-group relations: these can be liberal, with individuals or organizations pursuing their own interests; corporate by interests, where people join associations to achieve common goals; or corporate by kinship, where people organize within families.

Political culture also varies across territories. In Hatun Wasi 1, political attitudes are generally neutral, though some young professionals exhibit reformist tendencies. However, some people are influenced by those who offer them some form of support, while others openly oppose private entrepreneurial activity. In Hatun Wasi 2, most residents are non-confrontational but have been politically manipulated through money or favors. In high-altitude communities, decisions are made by community-wide consensus, prioritizing collective development.

In the area of study, local authority is determined by factors such as longevity in the community, family size, the prestige of kinship networks, the scale of organized festivals, and participation in cultural and religious activities. In Hatun Wasi 1, success in business also contributes to an individual’s authority.

The political boundaries of Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2 do not align with official district divisions. These territories extend beyond these borders and are defined by a unique political and social history.

However, central public administration allocates resources based on district boundaries rather than the territorial logic of historically connected localities like Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2. As a result, despite the implementation of five public projects, most residents remain unaware of these initiatives.

4.1.3. Dimension of Social Inclusion and Equity

Using social network analysis, the study identified the dynamics of local group interactions, assessing the strength of individual connections and the population’s capacity for collaboration toward shared goals.

The findings revealed the coexistence of two distinct associative logics within the study area. The first, a modern associative logic, is characterized by individuals freely choosing their associations. The second, a traditional associative logic, is grounded in relationships confined to family networks.

The work culture across the region reflects two predominant approaches: entrepreneurial, which emphasizes innovation and risk-taking; and inclusive, which prioritizes collective success and equitable benefit distribution. However, conflicts over resource allocation among families were noted in areas where the inclusive vision dominates.

The study identified social leaders with the capacity to drive development projects, along with individuals skilled in forging connections and engaging influential interest groups. Data collection also included education, health, security, and demographic profiles, alongside an assessment of social infrastructure such as health centers, schools, transport terminals, financial institutions, markets, and housing conditions. Access to water for human consumption varied, with minimal filtration losses but irregular and occasionally turbid supplies.

The study also highlighted the cultural identity, skills, and tangible and intangible cultural assets of the territories. Each region boasts unique dances, songs, and cultural expressions that enrich its identity and heritage.

Hatun Wasi 1 exhibits a modern associative logic where individuals voluntarily join associations. Pauza hosts an association of organic avocado producers, a livestock producers’ association, and a guinea pig producers’ group. Sacraca similarly features associations for prickly pear and guinea pig producers. Entrepreneurialism and individual risk-taking define the work culture here, with an emphasis on individual productive success.

Hatun Wasi 1 demonstrates a strong affinity for literature, theater, music, and dance. Notably, Pauza, recognized as the “Cervantine Capital of the Americas”, holds historical significance as the first location in the Americas to stage a performance of Don Quixote de la Mancha in 1607, just two years after its publication in Spain. This tradition continues through annual theatrical performances organized by local youth, inviting participants from across Hatun Wasi 1.

Despite its cultural richness, Hatun Wasi 1 faces challenges such as the lack of hospital-level healthcare facilities, inefficient water distribution, an aging population, and labor shortages. In Huallhua, the highest-altitude community in this vertical life zone, social tensions arise from a division between groups supporting and opposing a nearby mining operation.

In contrast, Hatun Wasi 2 retains traditional associative practices, with interactions primarily confined to family networks. This dynamic is particularly pronounced in Ccalaccapcha, where economic activities are limited to familial clans. Outsiders involved in economic activities are often required to assume the role of godparents to a family member’s child as a form of social integration. In Oyolo, associative practices revolve around neighborhood leadership, but overall levels of associativity remain low—a legacy of the region’s history of internal conflict during the terrorism era (1980–1992), which left deep scars on families.

Oyolo serves as the social and economic hub for Hatun Wasi 2, with families from 82 dispersed small groups relying on the town for supplies, trade, education, and public administration. Ccalaccapcha maintains familial and commercial ties with Oyolo and the southern highlands of the country.

Despite the region’s abundant natural resources, Hatun Wasi 2 has a notably low work culture. Many residents, particularly in Oyolo, exhibits an assistentialist mindset, relying on public authorities or NGO initiatives to address their problems.

Spanish is the predominant language in the study area, except in Ccalaccapcha, located in Hatun Wasi 2, where Quechua is the mother tongue. Religious affiliation also varies, with Ccalaccapcha being predominantly Evangelical, while the rest of the region is deeply Catholic.

Cultural expressions in Hatun Wasi 2 center around religious festivities. Key local concerns include the overgrowth of grass in fields and, in the community of Ccalacchapcha, the degradation of wetlands and deteriorating pastures.

4.2. Defining the Territorial Units for the Territorial Development Program in Paucar del Sara Sara

After visiting the localities and analyzing the area of study under the three CFS-RAI principles and WWP model dimensions, the study identified territorial units with unique physical and social characteristics. These units, termed Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2, share several features: a locality that serves as a focal point for activities and interactions; a specific level of openness to new members; a market system connecting different vertical life zones within the unit; and a network of bridle paths that define and facilitate mobility within the territorial unit. Figure 3 illustrates the two territorial units identified in the province of Paucar del Sara Sara, highlighting their spatial dynamics and interactions across vertical life zones.

4.2.1. Hatun Wasi 1

This territorial unit comprises the localities of Pauza, Sacraca, Marcabamba, San Javier de Alpabamba, Huallhua, San Francisco de Ravacayco, Cascara, Patarí Pacapausa, and Huancute. While some of these localities belong administratively to the province of Paucar del Sara Sara and others to Parinacochas, they share familial, commercial, and cultural ties, as detailed in the territorial analysis.

The main center of gravity is Pauza, a historically significant location. It is also acknowledged by other populated centers within the territorial unit as a hub of culture and commerce. Currently, Pauza serves as a gathering place for young people from surrounding areas who participate in various cultural activities, including running, football matches between communities, cooking events, fairs, carnivals, traditional TikTok video recordings, raffles, parades, and concerts featuring guitars, harps, and violins.

In addition to its cultural significance, Pauza plays a crucial economic role. It is the primary location where surrounding communities source agricultural inputs, and it provides essential services, such as hotels, restaurants, and hardware stores, for those involved in artisanal mining (see

Table 1. Settlements included in Hatun Wasi 1 by vertical life zone and altitude.

Settlement-Town	District	Province	Vertical Life Zone	Altitude (masl)
Pauza	Pauza	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2536
Marcabamba	Marcabamba	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2615
San Javier de Alpabamba	San Javier de Alpabamba	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2628
San Sebastian de Sacraca	Lampa	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2695
Pacapausa	Pacapausa	Parinacochas	Quechua	2821
Cascara	San Francisco de Ravacayco	Parinacochas	Quechua	2531
San Francisco de Ravacayco	San Francisco de Ravacayco	Parinacochas	Quechua	2833
Huallhua	San Javier de Alpabamba	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2915
Belén	Pacapausa	Parinacochas	Quechua	3160
Patarí	San Francisco de Ravacayco	Parinacochas	Quechua	3390
Huancute	San Francisco de Ravacayco	Parinacochas	Puna	4154

Source: own elaboration.

).

4.2.2. Hatun Wasi 2

This territorial unit includes the localities of Oyolo, Accrahuata, Accopampa, Mallco, Chuicho, Ccotapampa, Corculla, Laccora, Jorgipa, Omasi, Huayunca, Chacana, Ccalaccapcha, and Chapi. All of these localities belong to the province of Paucar del Sara Sara.

Table 2. Settlements included in Hatun Wasi 2 by vertical life zone and altitude.

Settlement-Town	District	Province	Vertical Life Zone	Altitude (masl)
Accrahuata	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2793
Accopampa	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2874
Mallco	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	2935
Chuicho	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	3155
Oyolo	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Quechua	3410
Ccotapampa	Corculla	Paucar del Sara Sara	Suni	3503
Corculla	Corculla	Paucar del Sara Sara	Suni	3503
Laccora	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Suni	3679
Jorgipa	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Suni	3862
Omasi	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Suni	3873
Huayunca	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Suni	3899
Chacana	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Puna	4512
Ccalaccapcha	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Puna	4523
Chapi	Oyolo	Paucar del Sara Sara	Puna	4612

Source: own elaboration.

presents the localities encompassed in this territorial unit.

This territorial unit is characterized by two centers of gravity. The most prominent is Oyolo, followed by Ccalaccapcha.

Oyolo holds a rich historical legacy dating back to the viceroyalty period when it served as a hub for social control and interaction across various vertical life zones. However, its prominence waned before the end of the viceroyal era. Oyolo is home to three of the four principal ethnic groups in this territorial unit—the Qollana, Chaupichaca, and Pomatambo. These groups continue to inhabit the territory based on a pre-viceroyal logic of hanan (upper) and hurin (lower) divisions. Each ethnic group takes pride in demonstrating its identity to the others. Nevertheless, younger generations in Oyolo, who primarily speak Spanish and are less engaged in agricultural activities, often struggle to recognize these ethnic differences.

Ccalaccapcha, on the other hand, has historically played a pivotal role as a provider of protein through camelid breeding. The relationship between Oyolo and Ccalaccapcha remains strong, facilitating social and economic exchanges along this route. From an Andean perspective, which values control over multiple vertical life zones, Oyolo has historically sought to integrate Ccalaccapcha into its market and social administration. However, Ccalaccapcha’s high population density, thriving camelid production, and strong economy have enabled it to maintain its autonomy. At present, the two centers maintain a cooperative and politically harmonious relationship.

5. Discussion

A review of the literature reveals that territorial characterization is generally approached from a multidimensional perspective. However, there is no consensus on the dimensions or variables required for comprehensive analysis.

The application of the CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP Model in Paucar del Sara Sara has allowed for an integrative, multidimensional analysis of the territory. This approach incorporates three primary dimensions: economic viability and sustainability; adherence to standards and inclusive governance; and social inclusion and equity.

In terms of the economic viability and sustainability dimension, the case study emphasizes the importance of understanding the commercial culture of the territory and the mechanisms of product exchanges, including monetary transactions, barter, sponsorships, or exchanges across ecological zones. This critical aspect of economic interaction is absent in the literature [17,28,34].

Additionally, the literature overlooks the work culture of the territory [17,32,33,34]. In contrast, the case study identifies three distinct approaches: an entrepreneurial vision; a model where the value generated by individual businesses is expected to be distributed equitably among all community members; and a third scenario, where social conflicts with companies are used as a means of subsistence.

Regarding the primary sector, existing research [25,26,28,35,37] largely neglects opportunities for developing local or regional markets based on native products [24,30,31,32,34]. In Peru’s Andean localities, challenging land travel and high freight costs render many external goods unaffordable. Furthermore, the literature neglects to address the ease or difficulty of accessing credit or the financial culture present in the territory. Additionally, the literature fails to examine the availability of labor and its educational level within the territory [2,16,29,33,35].

Although climate is acknowledged as a significant factor in the literature [30,37], the spatial and temporal vulnerabilities affecting populations and the environment are underexplored. Furthermore, georeferencing productive and social infrastructure—a critical tool for effective development planning—is largely absent.

The adherence to standards and inclusive governance dimension underscores the need to enhance the existing body of research on roles, responsibilities [17,29], and institutional descriptions [17,24,25,29,32,34,41] with an analysis of the local political culture. Key variables include the governance system of the territory (modern or traditional); the model of political decision-making; and the nature of the relationship between the individual and the social group.

Additionally, this approach seeks to evaluate the level of coordination among companies, public administration, and the local population; the projects promoted by the public administration; and the extent of the population’s awareness and understanding of these initiatives.

Existing literature on vulnerability and risk often fails to address two critical aspects: the resources available to local institutions for managing risks and the cultural responses to these challenges, such as community awareness and the use of signage [17,28,34].

The social inclusion and equity dimension of the case study reveals significant gaps in the literature, particularly in its treatment of social organization and relationships within communities [29,30,32,33,34]. The study highlights diverse forms of social organization in high Andean areas of Peru, including kinship-based structures, sponsorship networks, and community-driven frameworks.

Furthermore, while existing literature discusses local leadership, it rarely evaluates the capacity of leaders to effectively drive development initiatives [2,8,15]. The WWP methodology, which emphasizes the active participation of the local population, underscores the importance of identifying and assessing leaders with the potential to guide development efforts successfully.

The integrated approach applied in this study has enabled the identification of territorial units for local planning, respecting the interconnections among vertical life zones. In the case of Paucar del Sara Sara, two distinct territories—Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2—were identified, each with unique characteristics and relationships among their localities.

The findings suggest that territorial planning in Peru’s Andean regions differs significantly from frameworks based on natural basins or sub-basins, as proposed by some authors [17,24,34], or the political boundaries established by the national planning system. Instead, effective planning requires an understanding an understanding an understanding of the social, cultural, and commercial relationships within local communities.

The interactions between vertical life zones play a defining role in shaping territorial units. The case study’s comprehensive approach has redefined territorial characterization by incorporating variables often overlooked by a strictly functional approach.

Drawing on the functional dimensions discussed in the academic literature and the integrated approach of the CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP model, a matrix was developed to define intervention territories in Peru’s Andean regions. This matrix serves to delineate the territory and to provide a structured framework for understanding its opportunities, risks, and social, political, and cultural dynamics.

Table 3. Proposed Matrix for Territorial Analysis in Andean Regions.

		Key Dimensions of the Territorial Approach
Functional Approach	Sub-Dimensions	Political-Contextual	Ethical-Social	Technical-Entrepreneurial
Economic	Economic dynamics	-	Demographical variables Socio-economic variables (labor availability, education level)	Main economic activities Financial culture Commercial culture Work culture Vertical life zone relationships
	Infrastructure	Community centers	Social infrastructure	Productive infrastructure Geospatial Mapping of Infrastructure
	Market Size	-	-	Local products Opportunities for innovation Advancement of Regional Market Dynamics
Governance-Institutional	Government Entities	Political boundaries Local political system Social decision-making processes Relationship individual-community	-	-
	Local Organization	Social associations	-	Productive associations
	Social governance	Relationship state-private sector-civil society	-	-
Socio-cultural	Innovation and Technology	-	-	Technological change culture
	Historiography	Authority traditions Historical political relationships	Historical community development Cultural identity	-
	Cultural Expressions	-	Cultural assets: tangible and intangible	Economic potential of cultural heritage
	Basic Services	-	Living conditions	-
Physical-environmental	Water resources	Basin boundaries	Domestic water use	Water use—productive activity
	Biodiversity	-	-	Economic potential of natural heritage
	Soils	-	Domestic land use	Land use—productive activity
	Climate	-	-	Climate scenarios
	Vulnerabilities and risks	On roads and telecommunication systems	On social infrastructure	On productive infrastructure

Source: own elaboration.

outlines this matrix, detailing the variables associated with each dimension according to territorial and functional approaches. To enhance usability, the territorial dimensions are labeled in alignment with the WWP model.

6. Conclusions

The high Andean regions of Peru present a unique geographical and social complexity shaped by rich cultural diversity, exceptional biodiversity, and fragile ecosystems. The CFS-RAI Principles and the WWP model provide an integrated framework analyzing these territories through three key dimensions: economic viability and sustainability, compliance with standards and inclusive governance, and social inclusion and equity.

The integrative nature of these dimensions enables the identification of interrelated functionalities, facilitating the delineation of the intervention space, referred to as the territory [16]. In the case study of Paucar del Sara Sara, this concept is reflected in the territorial units for planning identified as Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2.

The technical and entrepreneurial dimension highlights the need to go beyond identifying the main economic activities and productivity opportunities. It emphasizes the importance of evaluating access to credit, knowledge of financial concepts, and the local culture of savings. Additionally, understanding the commercial culture, work culture, and the quality of water and natural heritage management is crucial for comprehensive territorial analysis.

The political and contextual dimension underscores the significance of the governance systems operating within the territory, as well as the relationship between local authorities and community participation. In the case study, the political–institutional framework revealed the coexistence of modern and traditional governance systems. This duality presents significant challenges for local development and the successful implementation of long-term projects.

The ethical and social dimension of the case study revealed that, while cultural diversity has the potential to foster cohesion and a sense of belonging, it can be weakened by the conflict between modern and traditional associative logics. The coexistence of these differing logics within the territory creates tensions that can impede development if not managed with cultural and political sensitivity. In the case of Hatun Wasi 1 and Hatun Wasi 2, this perspective highlighted low social cohesion among the groups of inhabitants.

This research underscores that analyzing a territory with social and cultural complexities requires an approach that integrates the relationships between various functional dimensions. This is particularly critical in the Andean territories of Peru, where social, ethical, economic, and environmental factors are deeply interconnected and where comprehensive studies of local realities are scarce.

In the case of Paucar del Sara Sara, this multidimensional analysis facilitates the design of a local development program, complete with strategic objectives and tailored projects for each territorial unit. Furthermore, it allows for the identification of local leaders who will play a pivotal role in the program’s execution.

The findings of this research, combined with a thorough literature review, informed the creation of a methodological matrix for analyzing Andean territories in Peru (see Table 3). This matrix provides a systematic framework for diagnosing challenges and opportunities, offering a practical tool for territorial analysis. While the matrix includes a preliminary set of variables, it allows for adjustments based on its application in local planning processes.

In Peru, local planning traditionally relies on demographic, economic, and social indicators, often using political boundaries as the primary territorial units. The proposed methodology, which aligns planning efforts more closely with local realities and emphasizes active community participation, introduces higher initial costs. However, future analysis should evaluate whether these initial expenses are justified by the long-term benefits of more effective and inclusive planning.

This methodology holds relevance for mining companies operating in the Andean regions of Peru. For such companies, establishing strong, sustainable relationships with local communities is critical to their operational success. Effective engagement requires a nuanced understanding of the complexities of the local context, which this approach provides.

The findings challenge the current methodology used to define areas of direct and indirect influence for mining operations in Peru’s high Andean regions. The interconnections between vertical life zones—shaped by complex social, economic, historical, and cultural factors—demand a reconsideration of the equidistance criterion often used to delineate areas of influence.

Mining activities impact not only the populations immediately surrounding their operations but also those connected through vertical life zones. As such, accurately defining these areas of influence is crucial for mitigating social conflicts that can disrupt mining operations.

A well-informed approach to defining influence areas would enhance the ability to address the needs and concerns of all affected populations, fostering more constructive and sustainable relationships between industries and local communities.