Community Resilience and Adaptive Strategies for Clean Water Scarcity in Salaon Toba Village, Lake Toba, Indonesia

Abstract

This paper examines community resilience in addressing clean water scarcity in Salaon Toba Village, Ronggur Nihuta Subdistrict, Samosir District, North Sumatra, Indonesia. Although the Lake Toba region is abundant in water resources, many surrounding settlements continue to face difficulties in accessing safe and reliable water. Using a descriptive qualitative method, the study engaged 20 informants through in-depth interviews and direct observations to explore the challenges and strategies adopted by local residents. The findings reveal that, despite the village’s proximity to Lake Toba, geographical and geological conditions—such as rocky highland terrain—significantly limit water availability, especially during the rainy season. To cope with these constraints, communities employ diverse adaptive strategies, including purchasing water transported from Lake Toba, harvesting rainwater from rooftops, constructing large storage tanks inside and outside homes, implementing strict water-saving routines, and organizing water-related responsibilities along gender lines. While Salaon Toba has access to multiple water sources—springs, rainwater, Lake Toba, and Lake Pea Porohan—their full utilization remains constrained by technical limitations, cultural restrictions, and inadequate infrastructure. These strategies highlight the community’s agency in sustaining daily needs, yet also underline the urgent need for government intervention to ensure equitable and sustainable access to clean water. The study emphasizes the importance of inclusive policies aligned with Sustainable Development Goal 6 [Clean Water and Sanitation] to strengthen both infrastructure and community resilience in facing climate-induced water challenges.

1. Introduction

Geologists and volcanologists have identified Lake Toba as the world’s largest volcanic caldera, formed by a massive eruption about 73,000 years ago [1]. Located in Northern Sumatera, Indonesia, Lake Toba covers a water area of approximately 110,250 ha with a catchment area of about 259,700 ha, spanning seven districts in North Sumatera Province. The lake lies 905 m above sea level, reaching a maximum depth of 529 m, and includes Samosir Island as its center [2,3,4]. Lake Toba has a wide range of functions, including tourism, farming, transportation, moss fishing, and irrigation, as well as being a major source of clean water for the surrounding population. In addition, the lake also serves as a vital power plant for the surrounding region [5,6,7,8,9]. Industrial and anthropogenic activity has caused the water quality in this lake ecosystem to decline. The main problem is the accumulation of nutrients in the form of nitrogen and phosphorus, which caused Lake Toba’s trophic status to change from oligotrophic to mesotrophic, necessitating special attention to prevent eutrophication [10]. The quality of the water in this lake is very dynamic, affected by three seasons: rain, transition, and precipitation [11]. The rainy season is characterized by high and continuous rainfall [up to 302 mm] the transition season marks the shift between wet and dry periods with moderate and irregular rain. Precipitation season refers to any period with light and scattered rainfall [31–56 mm] occurring outside the main rainy month [12]. Furthermore, Lake Toba is currently experiencing a decrease in volume, fluctuations, and surface water instability due to El Niño-Southern Oscillation [ENSO], climate change, pollutant content, or human intervention [13,14], as well as the impact of deforestation [15,16].

Despite the geographical abundance of freshwater, sociological realities tell a different story, as many villages around the lake suffer from chronic water shortages that fail to meet the Sustainable Development Goal 6 [SDG 6] indicators of accessibility, availability, and quality [17,18,19,20]. According to the Indonesian National Standard [SNI], clean water must meet parameters such as color, turbidity, taste, and odor [18], while SDG 6.1.1 emphasizes that sources should be accessible, reliably available, and free from contamination [19,20]. Yet, local communities often endure scarcity in their daily needs for drinking, bathing, and washing. This paradox is captured in the Batak expression “Mauas Di Topi Ni Tao Toba”, meaning “thirst in the shadow of Toba,” which highlights the irony of struggling for water in the presence of abundant raw water resources [21].

This study, therefore, examines the resilience strategies of Salaon Toba villagers in navigating the scarcity of clean water within the broader paradox of abundance. Theoretical frameworks on community resilience in coping with scarcity highlight diverse approaches, each with distinct constructs and methodologies. The WISC [well-being, identity, services, and capitals] framework, with its detailed variables, provides a robust foundation for interdisciplinary research and practical application [22,23]. Similarly, the emBRACE [Building Resilience Amongst Communities in Europe] and Community Capitals frameworks offer valuable insights into the components and dynamics of resilience [24,25]. Integrating these perspectives strengthens both conceptual understanding and practical strategies for building resilient communities.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Location

We conducted the research in the Ronggur Ni Huta district of Salaon Toba, located in the district of Samosir, North Sumatra Province, Indonesia (Figure 1). Geographically, high mountains encircle the village, with only a few flat lands situated on Lake Toba’s coastal portion. The village, which spans just 3.16 square kilometers, is approximately 11.2 km from the edge of Lake Toba. This area has not yet been served by a piped water network or PDAM [local water utility service] due to its remote and difficult terrain. Salaon Toba is a small village with 1012 inhabitants, of whom 485 are male and 527 are female. The communities in this area are known to have a variety of traditional knowledge, such as in the fields of health [26], land and forest [27] and tourism [28,29]. The most dominant jobs in this village are farmers with a total of 331 people, smaller merchants with 161, civil government officials [PNS] with 17 people, and unemployed with 146 people. In the village, there are two churches: the Catholic Church of St. Albertus Salaon Toba and the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant [HKBP] Church of Salaon. To pursue higher education, students go to school in another village or even out of town. The primary food crops in the area are corn, vegetables such as garlic and ginger, and fruit crops such as avocado, and coffee. In 2020, July has the highest average monthly rainfall of 277 mm, placing it in the extreme rainfall category, followed by April with 260 mm. The lowest rainfall is in August [37 mm], which falls into the moderately rainy category. Meanwhile, July has the highest number of rainy days with 31 days, followed by November with 28 days, and August has the fewest rainy days with 6 days [30].

The village of Salaon Toba, located in the hills of Samosir Island, has a small lake called Lake Pea Porohan (Figure 2). This lake plays an important role for the local community as it is not only a source of water but also serves as a tourist attraction. The area of this lake varies depending on the season; during the rainy season, it can reach 13 hectares, while in the dry season, its size shrinks to about 9 hectares. Located about 10–12 km from the capital of Samosir Regency, Pangururan, Lake Pea Porohan has become a vital asset, especially during the dry season, for the community in Salaon Toba Village.

2.2. Research Design

This study employs the descriptive qualitative method, gathering data through in-depth interviews with informants, focus group discussions [FGD], and observations [31]. A total of 20 informants who obtain clean water by way of purchase are naval water users, rainwater users, and water users from Lake Pea Parohan. Overall, this resilience informant is also the fourth user of the water source. The informant, who provides water delivery services, is made up of an entrepreneur who owns a water transport service, drivers of water trucks, and laborers who use a water pump machine to extract water from the lake and distribute it to the residents’ homes. All informants [n = 20] were water users representing the broader community of Salaon Toba village. The methodological justification for this is that the 20 informants had adequately addressed the research questions, and data saturation was reached as responses began to repeat during the interviews. In-depth interviews were conducted based on an interview guide designed to explore various forms of community resilience and coping strategies in dealing with water scarcity. However, additional questions occasionally emerged and were developed during the interview process in response to informants’ answers. The flexible approach is consistent with the characteristic of qualitative research, which allows the researcher to follow new insights that arise naturally during the data collection process. We were conducted Focus Group Discussions [FGDs] in various fields, including those involving village administration, customary leaders, religious figures, and drillers. Furthermore, we gather data by observing the activities of male and female water users in water sources, as well as the local wisdom of communities in obtaining and storing water, as depicted in the various images below. Subsequently, we will categorize the data and provide a narrative based on our findings. The final stage involves concluding the presented information. The research process flow is illustrated in the following flow chart (Figure 3).

3. Results

Bolhom and Prutzer [26] mentioned alternative water sources as necessary to avoid risks if relying on only one primary source of supply for drinking water, and they propose risk management strategies where raw water supplies come from multiple sources: The inhabitants of this area get water from a variety of sources, including:

3.1. Springs/Mual Water

Indonesian communities tend to use better-quality water in the form of groundwater to fulfill their daily necessities, either in the format of dug wells, drilled wells, or springs, and groundwater quality in Indonesia as a whole is still very worthy of being consumed as drinking water [27,28,29]. The villagers have abundant groundwater resources, known as “spring water” water, which are crucial to their daily lives [spring]. Some of them are close to residential settlements, so they are easily accessible for everyday needs such as cooking, drinking, and washing. However, there are also water sources that are situated quite far from the settlement compound. To reach these distant water sources, villagers often require additional transportation, such as motorcycles. Climate change significantly impacts the prevalence of this sickness. During the dry period, when rainfall is relatively low (31–56 mm), the volume of spring water decreases drastically, causing villagers to wait for an extended period to fill even a single bottle of water. In contrast, during the rainy season, when precipitation levels reach up to 302 mm, water availability increases, although temporary runoff sometimes reduces spring recharge efficiency. Residents experience the most severe dryness and water scarcity particularly in August, when precipitation is at its lowest. Due to the low flow rate of the spring water, villagers must wait one to two hours to fill a 20 L jerrycan. Some residents even have to wait more than two hours because of the long queues at the water source. Locals report that the quality of the spring water is excellent. This water is clear, colorless, and highly suitable for consumption. Therefore, spring water is often used for vital needs such as cooking and drinking. This high water quality makes it a very valuable water resource. In a situation where climate change can affect water availability, the presence of stable, quality water becomes vital to people’s daily lives. It is crucial to manage and utilize these water resources wisely to meet clean water needs during both the rainy and non-rainy seasons. The primary source provides the following information:

“…The spring water in this village has its uniqueness and can’t just be drilled to be used as a well. This is due to the characteristics of springs that naturally emerge from soil cavities. Interrupting or drilling these holes can cause the water flow to disappear or even completely stop. There’s been an attempt to drill a source of spring water in the hope of getting a larger and more controlled amount of water, like a well. Nevertheless, the result was nothing. Rather than achieving a steady water flow, the drilling attempt effectively halted the water flow….”

This situation suggests that the natural structure of the soil cavities that emit spring water is susceptible to change. This incident emphasizes the fact that spring water has natural mechanisms that cannot be replicated or manipulated by drilling technology. Data from the Village Head and informants in this study showed that several programs have already attempted drilling to locate water points in this area. However, difficulties persist due to the rocky soil structure, which has prevented local authorities from finding an effective solution. The community itself has also tried drilling at depths of 30 to 40 m, but water was not found.

These water flows depend on certain geological conditions that create holes in the soil, allowing water to absorb and then slowly exit the soil walls. Therefore, the people who use naval water must keep these water sources sustainable by not destroying or trying to modify them in vain. Understanding the unique characteristics of spring water and preserving the balance of nature is becoming crucial for the sustainable utilization of this water resource. These key sources’ experience teaches us a valuable lesson: we cannot treat all types of groundwater equally. Spring water, with its uniqueness, teaches us to use natural resources more wisely, understand the linkages between human activity and nature, and appreciate natural processes that have long existed.

3.2. Rainwater

Rainwater is also a reliable source of water for the local community. Rainwater is a gift very much awaited by the villagers, because in addition to improving their agricultural yields [32], rainwater also facilitates people in meeting various daily needs such as cooking, drinking, bathing, and washing [30,33]. The availability of adequate water is a fundamental factor for life in this village, and rainwater is a reliable solution for society. Although rainwater may contain unhealthy substances, villagers have no choice due to the limitations of other clean water sources. According to Owusu & Asante [30] and Sakati [33], the villagers have no choice but to use rainwater, despite its potential health risks. Before using rainwater as drinking water, villagers implemented several steps to address potential health problems [1]. We will first boil the stored rainwater. This boiling process is crucial because it can kill bacteria and germs that may be present in rainwater, thus making it safer to drink. According to various studies [34,35,36,37], this boiling process is crucial for ensuring the safety of rainwater. Besides, ref. [2]. The villagers maintain the cleanliness of their rainwater reservoirs. They periodically clean the rainwater storage to prevent dirt accumulation and contamination from dust or other substances. They strive to keep the water reservoir clean so that the rainwater collected remains in a decent condition for everyday use. Although these measures require additional efforts, villagers understand the importance of maintaining the quality of the water they use. They’ve become accustomed to this process as part of their daily lives. Most houses in this village are already equipped with taps installed in front of each house to hold rainwater. The village community uses tap water in a unique and practical manner. They use a long pipe that directs rainwater into the bathroom. As the rain falls, they collect as much water as possible in other shelters. Depending on the amount of stored water and the number of family members in the house, this system can meet household water needs for weeks. However, although the rainwater storage system is quite efficient, the village often faces major drought challenges.

The rain does not always fall regularly, and in some seasons, the village experiences drought more often than rain. These conditions are a major impediment to a society that is heavily dependent on rainwater. When a drought strikes, the existing water supplies rapidly diminish, forcing the villagers to exert more effort to obtain water, either by seeking alternative sources or conserving their current water usage. The villagers’ reliance on rainwater leads them to constantly hope and pray for the arrival of rain. They realize how important rainwater is for their survival and well-being. Therefore, they are making various efforts to optimize rainwater storage during the rainy season, including repairing and expanding the sewer system and improving the hygiene of the water storage tanks to ensure the stored water remains clean and worthy of use. In response to the drought challenge, efforts are being made to explore alternative methods of water conservation and identify potential additional water sources for potential exploitation. However, to this day, rainwater remains the main source of water trusted by the villagers, and every drop of rain that falls is a precious blessing to them. A citizen stated that:

“…Ten years ago, we were able to get water from a shallow well that was only 15 m deep.” However, today, we have dug up to a depth of 70 m without finding any water; we have even collided with rocks. Even now, during the rainy season, there is no water available, leading to a significant reliance on rainwater. Groundwater levels are declining, and the government is not paying attention to this deteriorating condition…”

3.3. Water from Lake Toba

Approximately 80% of the residents on Lake Toba’s banks rely on its water for their clean water needs. There are three methods of extracting water from the lake: the first is direct extraction. The residents around the lake continue to use this method, which is considered the most traditional. The second method involves a specific community taking over the use of a pump machine. The Regional Drinking Water Company [PDAM], the local government’s regional water enterprise unit, organizes commercial conservation, albeit with limited capacity [38]. The most popular systems were the first two, with an average water consumption of 86.93 L per person per day. The majority of respondents are poorly treated and satisfied with the quality of the water based on color, ruggedness, taste, and smell [39]. Although the water conditions of Lake Toba have changed, the quality of the lake water is still in the category of mild pollution [10,11,13,40], which means that the level of contamination is still within the tolerances that allow the water to be in direct contact with the environment and the community without causing harmful health effects, so that the water remains fit for consumption by both the community and foreign tourists. The situation differs significantly from that of the residents of Salaon Toba Village. When the rainfall persists for months, people resort to alternative water sources, specifically purchasing water from Lake Toba through trucked water merchants, to meet their household needs. The villagers’ dependence on Lake Toba water transportation services is becoming increasingly common. Often referred to as “buying water,” this actually refers to the cost of transporting water from the lake.

3.4. Water from Lake Pea Porohan

The village of Salaon Toba has another water source: Lake Pea Porohan. This lake is not only a source of water, but it also has a deep history and legend. You can only use the water in this lake for bathing and washing clothes, not for drinking or irrigating people’s deserts. The lake is located in the district of Ronggur Nihuta, which is between 2°30′ and 2°45′ N latitude and 98°45′ and 99°00′ E latitude, with an altitude of 1539–1630 m above sea level. The name “lake above the lake” refers to this lake. The name “lake above the lake” originates from its location on the island of Samosir, a part of Lake Toba. The legend and history of Pea Porohan remain alive in the people’s memories, reminding them of the importance of preserving local traditions and culture, as well as the hope for a better future for the village of Salaon Toba. According to some key informants:

“…The water from Pea Porohan Lake tends to be yellow and slightly rough, making it unsuitable for drinking or cooking. However, people still use this lake for bathing and washing clothes. We even used it to bathe cattle and bulls. Nevertheless, the lake is very helpful to the local community, especially during the rainy season. During such times, a large number of people flock to the lake to wash their clothes….”

The Batak Toba Society conceptualizes the management and utilization of water resources [lakes] as a combination of shared property and open-access [41,42,43]. People regard Lake Toba and its contents as open natural resources, not owned by a single individual or group, but jointly dominated and exploited. The residents have reached a consensus to jointly own the water in Lake Pea Porohan. Certain sections have been designated as prohibited areas. “Harangan na tokka, poda na lima, marsidapari. Tokka marulaon na so suman, manuan hau sari marnaek. Tokka marobu harangan, mambahen bagas di topi Tao. Maralup deke dohot Toba, padenggan aek rangat.” Or in English poem more or less as follows “In forests deep, where ancient whispers weave, five sacred counsels guide the hands that cleave. The steadfast labor, tireless and pure, Planting green prayers the earth shall endure. They clear the wild, where silence used to dwell, and raise their homes by the lake’s gentle swell. Upon the rafts of faith they softly glide, hearing the water’s song at Toba’s side [44,45,46].

3.5. The Community’s Resilience in Coping with Water Limitations

3.5.1. Transportation Services in the Collection of Water from Lake Toba

With the emergence of water constraints, the villagers have adopted a resilience strategy that requires them to adapt for survival. One of the strategies they implemented was to buy water from Lake Toba using transportation services. This local water transportation service, known as “balteng”, charges Rp. 100,000–Rp. 150,000 per water tank [USD 6.5–9.7 or EUR 5.8–8.7] (Figure 4). Each balteng has a capacity of approximately 1000 L [1 cm³]. People use the water from Lake Toba for daily needs like cooking, drinking, bathing, and washing. Individuals in need of water typically reach out to informants the day prior to the water transport operation. People typically purchase water either directly or indirectly. Direct bookings involve physically visiting the informant’s house, whereas non-personal bookings occur through telephone, chat, and social media [Facebook]. Trucks transport people from Salaon Toba Village to Lake Toba, a journey that takes about 20 min. The truck is capable of carrying up to four tanks of water in one shipment. This process is a solution for communities that have difficulty accessing clean water directly from the natural sources around them. By paying for the water service, they can get enough water to meet their daily needs. They can ensure that clean water is available without having to travel on their own to Lake Toba.

The water transportation process from Lake Toba consists of several stages that are carefully executed and coordinated to ensure efficiency and customer satisfaction. The water service has a well-structured system, including the presence of agents who play an important role in the water tank filling process. When the water service truck arrives at the water pickup site in Lake Toba, agents who have cooperated with the transport service are ready to help in the process of water filling. This agent efficiently fills each tank with water from Lake Toba. For this charging service, each agent charges Rp. 7000 per barrel. The process of charging each barrel takes about 3 min. This speed and efficiency enable the filling of water in a relatively short time, thereby saving time and energy for transport services. After the entire tank is fully filled, the truck continues its journey to deliver the water to the consumer. We carefully carry out this delivery process to ensure the water remains in good condition until it reaches the consumer’s home. The transport service not only delivers water to the consumer’s home, but also assists them in filling the provided containers within their home. As stated by the informant, AS, who is a water transport service provider:

“…Typically, those who wish to purchase the water service, the price depends on the level of demand. But every week, there are two to three deliveries. Despite the potential for spring water, a growing number of people are choosing not to go because they find the process of manjunjung [lifting water with a bucket on the head] too tedious. The service requires a truck capable of carrying four balteng, so the cost is Rp. 100,000 per balteng. But if it is less than 4 balteng, it is Rs. 150,000 per balteng. Because it’s a coincidence that we also have a store, 1000 L isn’t enough for a week; it takes 2000 L. So every week, we routinely pick up water from Lake Toba. But for a small household, 1000 L, I think, is enough…”

As an informant, SM subscribes to AS and uses the water transportation service. He states:

“…Usually, if the rain has not come for a long time, such as after three weeks or a month, I should buy water for Lake Toba. It costs Rp. 150,000/Balteng, but since there are eight people in this house, it’s enough for a week. This water is used for cooking and drinking water. If we do have not money because of the lack of agriculture, we should take the water from the spring water. Even at 3 a.m., we had to go to Mual to get water. Usually, towards morning, many residents are already fighting to get water to Mual. In Mual we can wait up to an hour because the water is small. If we want to bathe and wash, we do it at Pea Porohan Lake ….”

Informant SS [F, 43 years old] said:

“…When the rainy season is like this, we have purchased water that costs Rp. 150,000/balteng. Since only three people are living in the house, the water has been used exclusively for cooking and drinking for almost three weeks. If for washing or bathing, usually in the lake Pea Porohan or as an additional water, taken from the spring water. We have to take water that is far from the buffalo that are bathing in the lake…”

Resilience to water shortages depends on the method of purchasing water, which in turn depends on the amount of water consumed in each household. Although there are concerns about the quality of the lake water, people deal with this by cooking the water first before drinking it so that it is safe to consume. Overall, the use of water transport services from Lake Toba is a practical solution, though at no small cost. It reflects the village of Salaon Toba’s adaptation to an increasingly urgent water shortage. They have to choose between spending money on water transport services or relying on an increasingly limited and hard-to-reach water source.

3.5.2. Using the Gutter on the Roof [Water Harvesting]

In the village of Salaon Toba, people have demonstrated their resilience and creativity in dealing with water constraints by implementing the concept of water harvesting through a system of water pillars in front of their respective houses (Figure 5). The system is a smart and simple solution that uses rainwater as a water resource. The water pipe consists of a long pipe mounted on the roof in front of the house. The pipe’s design ensures efficient rainwater flow into the pre-existing tub inside the home. The water pile captures the rainwater that falls on the roof and directs it to the pipe, which then directs the water directly into the shelter. Water treatment is a technique that collects and stores rainwater for various purposes, particularly in households.

The water harvesting system is an alternative measure to meet the need for clean water in the village of Salaon Toba. An effective and efficient water basin system implements this technique. This system optimizes the utilization of rainwater and stores it for future use. This system not only helps communities overcome clean water constraints but also demonstrates local wisdom and high environmental adaptation. By taking advantage of the rain, the people of Salaon Toba Village can reduce their dependence on limited and often unreliable water sources. By capturing and storing rainwater for household and other needs, it also aids in water resource conservation. The success of water harvesting in the village of Salaon Toba is a real example of how simple efforts adapted to local conditions can provide sustainable solutions to the challenges facing communities. This information was provided by informant PS [male, 53 years old] in his statement:

“…Since its construction, this house has featured a water gutter at its front. Due to the unique characteristics of this village, building a water pipe from a government-owned drinking water company is particularly challenging. We can see here that, on average, all the houses have water gutter. In front of this house is intentionally a water gutter those pipes connecting to the bathroom so that it is easier to take the water. This water gutter design allows for rainwater storage within the house. It’s unfortunate if it rains but there’s no shelter. So, if you have plenty of water, you won’t have to feel nauseous for a while…”

This simple but effective effort has brought many benefits to the villagers. They now have better access to clean water for their everyday needs. Besides, the system also helps keep the environment clean by reducing water stagnation, which can become a disease nest. Thus, the watershed in the village of Salaon Toba is a real example of how rural communities can adapt and find innovative solutions to address the problems they face.

3.5.3. Large Shelter Water/Water Tub Outside and Inside the House

A form of resilience in the face of water constraints caused by climate change is the use of large tubs or water storage, both inside and outside homes. Some families in this village chose to provide a large water bunker outside the house. The design of these tubs maximizes the retention of rainwater. This way, they can take advantage of every drop of rainfall that comes down, so they don’t have to worry too much when the rainy season comes. These tanks can hold up to 5000 L of water. Its large size ensures that they can store enough water for their daily needs for a fairly long period of time. These shelters become crucial as rainfall commences, allowing direct storage of rainwater for future use. The thought behind the supply of this huge water reservoir is very simple, but effective. The villagers of Salaon Toba hold the belief that a large water reservoir can mitigate the uncertainty of water availability due to climate change. They know climate change can cause unstable rain patterns, so they should take advantage of rain. The initiative also reflects the high level of environmental awareness in the Salaon Toba village community. By storing rainwater, they not only secure their own water needs but also help maintain the balance of local ecosystems. Overall, the village community of Salaon Toba’s efforts to deal with climate change’s water constraints by using large reservoir tanks are a real example of local resilience and innovation. To ensure that the water remains clean and worthy of use, the community regularly cleans the tub and ensures that the water entering it comes from a clean source. They also practice water conservation in their daily lives to prolong the life of the water in the tubs. With this water tank, the village of Salaon can be more independent and less dependent on outdoor water sources, which may not always be available or have guaranteed cleanliness.

3.5.4. Water Saving Strictly

Amid the growing challenges of climate change, villagers are not giving up on water constraints, longer monsoon seasons, and uncertain rainfall. They’re trying to take simple steps to manage their limited water resources wisely. One of the strategies implemented is strict water conservation (Figure 6).

The people of Salaon Toba Village consciously use water very economically. As a concrete example of their efforts, they have chosen to: (1) bathe and wash clothes in Lake Pea Porohan, a lake that serves as the focal point of their lives. By doing such activities in the lake, they can reduce the use of water in households. Only essential purposes, such as cooking and drinking, require the use of water in the house. Informant AS [male, 48 years old] provided the following information in her statement:

“…I’m sorry if our water crisis has started, and sometimes we don’t have enough water at home, defecate sometimes not at home anymore so we go behind the house. This is how we’ve been through a time of water shortages…”

(2) The other option is to urinate in the backyard or in the field. The decision to ensure the availability of sufficient water for other vital needs such as cooking and drinking, despite the sanitary problems and increased health risks, was necessary. This situation reflects the enormous dilemma faced by the villagers of Salaon Toba. To prevent the spread of disease, they must maintain good sanitation. However, they must also acknowledge the scarcity of clean water and exercise caution in its use. In these circumstances, the most pressing basic needs take precedence. The decision to leave the house exemplified the severity of the water shortage in this village. Poor sanitation is a consequence to bear. But for citizens, it is a temporary solution to survive in the midst of existing constraints. The need for clean water for cooking and drinking is considered far more important than the risk of poor sanitation. It’s a form of social adaptation, given that water is vital for everyday life. They ensure maximum utilization of every drop of water in the home by limiting its use to vital purposes. All these actions demonstrate the resilience of society to the challenge of climate change. They not only survive, but they also adapt to changes, using existing resources wisely. Through these methods, the Salaon Village community in Toba serves as a real-life example of how local wisdom addresses water crises, including water constraints resulting from climate change.

3.6. Obstacles to Doing Resilience

3.6.1. Cultural Factors

Resilience to water constraints is a challenge facing many populations around the world, including in the village of Salaon Toba. Although the village has some useful water sources, such as Lake Pea Porohan, certain barriers prevent people from accessing that water more efficiently. The lake has great potential to meet the desert people’s daily water and irrigation needs. However, the obstacles that emerged were not only technical but also cultural. Local residents encounter a unique challenge when using the lake, specifically the prohibition on citizens installing tools or machines to transport lake water to their houses and basins. According to key informants, the people of the village of Salaon Toba agree with the opinion of the King of Bius. This agreement demonstrates the strong influence of customs and respect for indigenous figures in local communities’ lives. According to AS, a 48-year-old informant,

“…When we had a forum in the village, we discussed making a machine for the water from Pea Porohan Lake that could flow water to people’s homes. However, King Bius, a public figure, forbids this, citing the historical significance of the Pea Porohan Lake as a reason not to move the water. Currently, the village government runs a nature tour at Lake Pea Porohan. Because the water is still stagnant, there’s no problem. It doesn’t matter if you collect the water using a bucket or a jerrycan; you aren’t allowed to create a machine to move the water…”

This ban stems from the conviction that if machines continuously extract water from this lake without sufficient supply, the water will eventually run out and the lake will dry up. This strong and widespread belief makes it challenging to implement technological innovations in water distribution. King Bius (Raja Bius) argues that using machines to extract water from Lake Pea Porohan can exhaust these sources. As a result, people have to rely on traditional ways to get water, which often takes more time and energy. It demonstrates how cultural factors can become obstacles to the implementation of more efficient technological solutions. In terms of resilience, we can use the water from Lake Pea Porohan sustainably without worrying about water resource exhaustion, provided we use machinery and manage it well. In the end, the challenge of resilience to water constraints in Salaon Village Toba describes the complexity that people often face when culture and technology meet.

In the traditional governance system of the Batak Toba, the Raja Bius [King of Bius] presided over territorial federations [bius] that not only regulated social and ritual order but also managed ecological resources such as forests, rivers, and agricultural lands [47,48]. One of the institutions within this system was the Raja Bondar [King of River], a customary authority responsible for irrigation and water management, comparable to the Subak system of Bali [49,50]. The Raja Bondar was particularly significant in overseeing irrigation for rice cultivation and safeguarding the ecological integrity of Lake Toba.

Ethnographic evidence from Lumban Julu village reveals the ecological wisdom embedded in this system. Gorga [inscriptions] carved on the lakeshore prohibited inhabitants from defecating or disposing of waste into Lake Toba, thereby ensuring water cleanliness and potability. Moreover, restrictions were placed on motorized boat traffic in designated zones of the lake, which were believed to be sacred sites inhabited by Boru Saniang Naga Laut, a female water deity revered as the guardian of the lake prior to Christianization [51]. These practices reflect a complex interplay between cosmology, spirituality, and ecological stewardship.

Similar dynamics are observed in Bali’s Subak system, where irrigation is managed through collective rules rooted in “Tri Hita Karana” philosophy, emphasizing harmony between humans, nature, and spirituality [52,53]. Comparative studies demonstrate that both Batak and Balinese systems illustrate the principles of traditional ecological knowledge [TEK] in maintaining sustainable ecosystems. By integrating TEK with modern conservation strategies, it is possible to enhance ecological resilience and develop adaptive frameworks for freshwater management in Indonesia [54,55].

3.6.2. Economy Factors

Uncertain climate change has had a significant impact on the agricultural sector in this village. Weather uncertainty, including unexpected changes in rainfall patterns, has caused many farmers to fail to harvest, destroying crops before they can be harvested, and resulting in a drastic drop in agricultural production. Under normal conditions, the growing season and harvest are predictable, so farmers can plan everything well. However, increasing climate change has caused weather conditions to become unstable. Many farmers, who rely entirely on crops to sustain their families, are now in a difficult situation. Decreased incomes make them unable to meet basic needs, such as food and water. This situation also increases the vulnerability of household economies and village life as a whole, as is the case in various parts of the world: Ethiopia, India, Malaysia, and Mexico [56,57,58,59]. With a decline in agricultural yields, food prices have risen, making the population increasingly economically depressed. A village that used to be able to live on its own now has to rely on supplies from outside, which involves additional costs. According to the informant, DM, who is 47 years old,

“…There’s not enough money to purchase water from Lake Toba due to the absence of agriculture. If the farms were in good condition, we could purchase water without experiencing fatigue or spring water. However, due to the unprofitability of the crop, we lack the necessary funds to purchase additional water. So, if you don’t want to wait to get the water to Mual, you’ll have to wait an hour or two before it fills up our jerrycan…”

This interview revealed that to access water, people would need to cover the costs of transportation services from Lake Toba. With adequate income from agriculture, it will be easier for people to pay for transport services and ensure that the supply of clean water remains alive. It will improve their overall quality of life and help them better cope with water constraints. Meeting those expectations, however, is becoming increasingly difficult with uncertain climate change. Weather uncertainty continues to be a major challenge for farmers.

3.6.3. Geological Factors

To enhance social resilience, the community has undertaken various efforts to find water points that are expected to be a source of water for villagers. The result is exactly the opposite. Hard rocks, not water, obstruct the drilling process when it occurs at potential points. These difficulties occurred not just once or twice, but repeatedly, indicating that the land is unstable. The informant, LS [male, 53 years old], mentioned in his statement:

“…In the neighbouring village of Salaon Dolok, there is already a solution that works due to its proximity to the woods. However, despite multiple attempts, this solution has proven unsuccessful. This latest coincidence is one of the legislative candidates that brought workers to drill and lasted almost 2 weeks but still failed to get water because, up to a depth of 40 m, there are only rocks and can be assured that drilling wells cannot be done. Here, no wells are used. We brought in new wells from the fields, but they yielded no results. The villages of Salaon Toba and Tonga-Tonga have the same case…”

The above interviews show that even when using sophisticated technology and methods to detect the presence of water beneath the surface, the results remain nonexistent. The detection tools used continue to indicate that there is a dominant layer of rock, so every attempt to dig a well always encounters the same obstacle. This situation has made it difficult for villagers to get access to sufficient clean water. The discovery of rocks during the drilling process compelled the villages to explore alternative methods to fulfill their water requirements.

3.6.4. Geographical Factors

Geographical conditions are one of the obstacles to increasing the people’s resilience in Salaon Toba Village. The village is located in the highlands, which has a direct impact on access to vital resources and infrastructure, especially in terms of water supply. One example is the inability to access the water supply from the Drinking Water District Company [PDAM]. Generally, PDAM distribution primarily targets low-lying areas. These constraints require the people of Salaon Village, Toba, to rely on the local water resources available in the region. These local water sources are limited and vulnerable to seasonal change. This can cause instability in the water supply, especially during the rainy season or during periods when the water resources are dry. Moreover, the lack of a centralized water treatment system, typically provided by the PDAM, can pose a problem for the water quality of these local sources. Thus, the geographical conditions that restrict access to water supply are one of the challenges in building Salaon Toba Village’s resilience.

4. Discussion

The findings of this study reveal that clean water scarcity in Salaon Toba Village is not merely caused by physical limitations or the lack of infrastructure, but also by the combination of cultural, economic, geological, geographical, and environmental factors. Although the village is located near Lake Toba, one of Indonesia’s largest Lake, access to water especially clean water remains limited. This makes the case of Salaon Toba particularly interesting, as it illustrates how communities living in proximity to the country’s largest lake still struggle to obtain adequate water for daily use. The problem extends beyond access to clean water for domestic needs–even agricultural activities face significant challenges due to the lack of irrigation systems. Farmers in the area encounter difficulties maintaining crop productivity because water sources are either too far, too limited, or culturally restricted. This situation aligns with the concept of the “paradox of abundance,” where communities surrounded by abundant natural resources continue to experience scarcity due to governance gaps, infrastructural limitations, and social barriers [60]. Similar findings have been reported in rural areas of Ghana and Ethiopia, where traditional beliefs and inadequate infrastructure prevent equitable access to water.

A similar situation is found in rural Ghana, where communities also face challenges in accessing clean water. However, unlike in Salaon Toba, Ghanaian communities have adopted a more technological approach through rainwater harvesting [RWH] systems supported by government and non-governmental organizations. They collect rainwater from rooftops and store it in tanks or concrete reservoirs for domestic use, accompanied by water quality testing and community education programs [30]. In contrast, the people of Salaon Toba rely primarily on autonomous and socio-cultural adaptation strategies, such as purchasing water from Lake Toba, using spring water, and maintaining traditional restrictions that limit access to certain lakes. While Ghana’s adaptation reflects institutional and technological intervention, Salaon Toba’s response is shaped by economic limitations and cultural values, highlighting that water scarcity solutions must consider both technical feasibility and local socio-cultural contexts.

From a community resilience perspective, the coping strategies developed by residents of Salaon Toba Village reflect both adaptation and limitation. Despite the abundance of freshwater in their surroundings, local communities have devised practical ways to respond to scarcity—such as purchasing water from Lake Toba, collecting rainwater, and maintaining minimal use of spring water. These practices demonstrate autonomous adaptation, where people independently manage water shortages without substantial institutional support. However, this autonomy has its constraints. Economic inequality limits the ability of poorer households to purchase water, creating unequal resilience within the same community.

Culture plays a significant role in shaping the community’s access to water. However, an important question arises: does culture truly act as a barrier, or does it serve as a protective mechanism for the environment? In the context of Salaon Toba, cultural values preserved by traditional leaders such as King Bius hold a dual function. On one hand, the prohibition against channeling water from Lake Pea Porohan or nearby springs directly into households may appear as a limitation that hinders technological advancement and access to clean water. On the other hand, this restriction reflects an intention to protect and preserve natural water sources from degradation and overexploitation caused by modern interventions [61]. This practice demonstrates a form of ecological wisdom, where environmental sustainability is prioritized over short-term convenience. Consequently, the key challenge for local governments lies in integrating traditional cultural values into public policy to ensure that cultural preservation aligns with the achievement of Sustainable Development Goal [SDG] 6: Clean Water and Sanitation.

Furthermore, the absence of proper irrigation infrastructure exacerbates agricultural vulnerability. Farmers are unable to fully utilize the surrounding water potential for their crops, leading to reduced productivity and economic insecurity. These findings are consistent with other studies in Southeast Asia that demonstrate how climate variability and inadequate infrastructure increase rural communities’ exposure to water stress. Strengthening community-based water management, improving small-scale irrigation systems, and integrating local knowledge into policy frameworks could enhance adaptive capacity and reduce long-term vulnerability.

Overall, the case of Salaon Toba illustrates that achieving water resilience in rural Indonesia requires a multidimensional approach that integrates social, cultural, and environmental considerations. While community-level coping mechanisms demonstrate strong adaptive capacity, they are not sufficient to overcome structural limitations such as poor infrastructure, economic inequality, and restricted irrigation access. Therefore, policy interventions should prioritize improving local water distribution systems, developing sustainable irrigation networks, and supporting small-scale water treatment facilities. Equally important, collaboration between government institutions, researchers, and local communities can help align traditional knowledge with modern water management strategies. Such integrative approaches not only address the immediate challenges of water scarcity but also build a foundation for sustainable livelihoods and long-term climate adaptation in the Lake Toba region.

5. Conclusions

From a resilience perspective, the community exhibits adaptive persistence rather than transformative adaptation, maintaining livelihoods without reducing long-term exposure to risk. To move toward Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 6, a shift is required from short-term coping mechanisms to integrated, transformative water governance. Strengthening community-based water management units that combine TEK with modern hydrological practices—such as Managed Aquifer Recharge (MAR) and decentralized purification systems—can enhance groundwater retention and reduce dependence on external water supplies, as successfully demonstrated in Zapotec communities in Mexico [62]. Likewise, revitalizing indigenous water harvesting systems and local governance practices provides valuable lessons for building resilience in the face of increasing climate variability [63].

Institutionalizing the role of cultural leaders, including Raja Bius and Raja Bondar, within participatory governance frameworks ensures that sacred ecological values are respected while promoting equitable access to clean water. Cultural norms can thus be reframed as assets for conservation rather than barriers to modernization.

Science-based interventions should prioritize low-cost, modular technologies suitable for highland conditions, including solar-powered pumps, micro-filtration units, and rainwater harvesting systems equipped with chlorination and quality monitoring compliant with SNI and SDG 6 standards. Agricultural resilience can be further supported through innovations in small-scale irrigation—such as drip systems, mulching, and contour farming—combined with climate information services for adaptive decision-making [64]. Targeted policy instruments—such as subsidies or micro-credit for low-income households—should be complemented by social learning programs emphasizing water conservation, hygiene, and gender-inclusive participation.

Future research should adopt transdisciplinary approaches integrating sociology, hydrology, and climate science to monitor both water availability and adaptive behavior over time. The establishment of a Water Resilience Observatory around Lake Toba is proposed as a regional model for evidence-based policymaking and long-term water governance. Ultimately, transforming adaptive persistence into sustainable water resilience in Salaon Toba requires an integrated framework that bridges indigenous ecological wisdom, modern technology, and participatory governance—ensuring that mountain communities not only cope with scarcity but build pathways toward sustainable and equitable water futures.