1. Introduction
Sustainable agriculture is an approach which, as a system and a philosophy, is based on values rooted in ecological and social awareness. It means different things to different people, but the primary goals of sustainable agriculture are environmental health, economic viability, and social and economic equality (often depicted as the “three legs” of the sustainability stool) [
1]. Roy and Chan [
2] defined sustainable agriculture as an agricultural practice that consistently meets basic conditions that should be compatible with ecological stability, economic viability and socially equitable farming systems. Taxes play a key role in sustainable agriculture, influencing investment decisions, resource allocation and overall profitability [
3]. Taxes, despite the existence of various other forms of influence, still remain an important instrument in state fiscal policy [
4].
This paper provides descriptive evidence about agricultural taxation in the European Union. Specifically, the article analyzes the level and structure of taxation of Polish farms in 2004–2022 in comparison with other EU countries, using FADN data. The purpose is to show how tax burdens interact with production, economic and financial variables and to what extent they influence the conditions for sustainable agriculture. The paper does not test formal hypotheses but rather systematizes existing solutions and documents cross-country differences. In addition, it offers a comparative overview of national tax systems applied in the agricultural sector in EU Member States.
We examine the level of farm taxation not because the data are unknown, but because its effects depend on the structure of farm incomes and their capacity to absorb fiscal burdens. Even relatively small taxes may strongly affect liquidity, investment and resilience of Polish farms due to their lower income base and limited access to external financing.
Researching agricultural taxation levels is important because taxes significantly shape the operating conditions of farms and their investment and development opportunities. Analyzing tax systems allows us to understand how fiscal burdens affect the sector’s competitiveness, land ownership structure, and decisions regarding modernization and the implementation of pro-environmental practices. The diversity of solutions used in individual countries shows that taxation can both support smaller farms and sustainable forms of production, or lead to their marginalization. Conclusions from such studies help assess the extent to which tax policy supports the achievement of sustainable development goals, equal opportunities between farms, and building agricultural competitiveness in the European and global markets.
In Poland, the importance of these mechanisms has been taken into account in the “Strategy for sustainable development of rural areas, agriculture and fisheries 2030” (Polish: “Strategia zrównoważonego rozwoju wsi, rolnictwa i rybactwa 2030”) [
5] document, developed by the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development. It is a fundamental strategic document of the state’s agricultural and rural development policy, presenting the objectives, directions of intervention, and actions to be taken in the perspective of 2030. One of the important assumptions of the strategy is to support sustainable development of small, medium and large farms. In line with the implementation of the concept of sustainable development, it is assumed that environmental and climate objectives should be integrated to a greater extent into other policies, and therefore also into tax policy. This means that in the near future, the practical role of tax law in the implementation of the sustainable development goals will increase [
6]. If the sustainability standards are finalized and published, future entities will be required to disclose climate-related risks and opportunities in their financial statements [
7]. But we should remember that the effectiveness of policies ultimately depends on farmers’ behavioral responses [
8].
Until now, there has been no comprehensive comparative study of agricultural tax systems across EU countries. This paper contributes to filling this gap by providing a systematic overview and a comparative analysis of the Polish case within the EU context.
4. Results
In order to achieve the intended research objective,
Table 3,
Table 4 and
Table 5 were constructed, presenting the development of taxes, their share in net farm income and the value of taxes per hectare of farmland in the European Union countries in the years 2004–2022.
At the beginning of the analysis, it should be noted that in the European Union, the average annual amount of taxes paid by a farm ranged from €715 in 2004 to €1054 in 2022 (
Table 3). In contrast, the average income from a family farm in the EU-25 in 2004 was €17,940 and in the EU-27 in 2022 €41,753, with an average farm area of 35.1 ha in 2004 and 41.6 ha in 2022, respectively [
32]. During the period analyzed, farms from Cyprus, Greece, Ireland, Malta, Slovenia, and Sweden were the least taxed, with results often in the range of €0–210. The highest farm taxes were paid in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Slovakia, ranging from €2200 to over €10,800 (
Table 3). It should also be added that the tendency to increase taxation prevailed in the years under study.
During the period under study, the share of taxes in farm net income fell. This was due to a faster increase in income than in the tax burden. On average in the EU, farm taxation represented from almost 4% in 2004 to approx. 2.5% in 2022 as a share of income (
Table 4). It is important to clarify here that outliers occurred when farms generated very low income or recorded a loss, and this did not exempt them from taxation. The highest tax burden on income (above 5%) can be seen in countries such as Croatia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Slovakia (
Table 4). It can also be noted that the lowest share of taxes in income (less than 1%) was observed in Cyprus, Ireland, Lithuania, Malta, Slovenia, and Sweden (
Table 4).
In the period under study, the average EU taxation of 1 hectare of agricultural land increased from approx. 20 euro to 25 euro (
Table 5). The record-holder for taxation per hectare was the Netherlands, with a result exceeding €100/1 ha. Apart from this country, high taxation per hectare was also found in Belgium, Denmark and Italy. In contrast, the lowest taxation per hectare, actually below €5 per hectare, occurred in countries such as: Estonia, Ireland, Lithuania, Malta, and Sweden (
Table 5).
Focusing on Poland, it should be noted that, on average, a farm in Poland paid €190 in taxes in 2004 and as much as €438 in 2022 (
Table 3). At the same time, farm net income increased from €6110 to €24,482 and the area of agricultural land increased from 15.7 ha in 2004 to 23.3 ha in 2022 32]. This means that taxes increased 2.3 times, income increased 4 times, and farmland area only 1.5 times. As a consequence, the share of taxes in the income of Polish agricultural holdings fell from 3.1% to 1.8% over the period under study (
Table 4). Thus, the taxation per hectare of a farm increased from €12/1 ha in 2004 to almost €21/1 ha in 2022 (
Table 5).
Table 6 shows the results of the regression performed on 1063 object-years, i.e., farms from the European Union from 2004 to 2022. The relationship between the value of taxes paid, and selected production, economic and financial categories on the farm were analyzed, using regression models with one variable and a constant. Assuming a significance level of p below 0.05 and a model explanation degree R2 above 90%, it was determined which categories were related to taxes. The study was then repeated, removing heteroscedasticity (
Table 7). Heteroscedasticity has been removed. Heteroscedasticity is perhaps most often considered in cases of linear regression through the origin, although that is by no means the limitation of its usefulness [
43]. Heteroscedasticity refers to a phenomenon where data violate a statistical assumption. This assumption is known as homoscedasticity. When the homoscedasticity assumption is violated, this can lead to increased Type I error rates or decreased statistical power. Because this can adversely affect substantive conclusions, the failure to detect and manage heteroscedasticity could have serious implications for theory, research, and practice. In addition, heteroscedasticity is not uncommon in the behavioural and social sciences [
44].
Considering the results for the European Union countries, the first regression analysis did not provide satisfactory results. It can only be concluded that taxes are indirectly related to all categories (
Table 6). On the other hand, a repeated test without heteroscedasticity showed the strongest association with total output and subsidies (
Table 7). Thus, it can be concluded that taxation imposed on output is compensated by subsidies in a directly proportional way.
Different results were obtained for Poland. The first study showed a correlation between taxes and utilized agricultural area, subsidies and net working capital (
Table 8). Removing heteroscedasticity from the models changed the results and showed a relationship between taxes and labour inputs, total inputs, net worth and net working capital (
Table 9). It can be therefore concluded that the more a farm increases its labour, capital, and assets in agricultural production, the more it will be burdened with taxes.
5. Conclusions and Discussion
To conclude, it is worth mentioning a few reflections on future changes in this situation based on the findings of selected researchers. Rosiński [
45] confirms that the agricultural tax paid by farms is more of a property tax with little relation to their income, and its amount depends on the selling price of rye in a given year, decisions of municipal councils regarding tax exemptions or reductions, and on the quality of the soil, which determines a specific conversion factor. After survey research, Wasilewski et al. [
46] showed that the agricultural tax could be replaced by a flat-rate tax that takes into account the scale of production determined by the sales volume, as well as the type of agricultural production and its relation to the area of agricultural land. Research conducted by Ganc and Mądra [
47] indicates that the new tax should depend on the level of income earned, minus the estimated labour costs of the farmer and his family as well as on the climate and soil conditions and the farm’s agricultural land area. On the basis of simulations, Pieczonka [
48] points out that replacing the agricultural tax with income tax on same basis as for persons carrying out economic activities will reduce the income from agricultural activities of farms. This will adversely affect the economic situation of large farms and will improve the economic situation of those which achieve a negative financial result or a profit that is so low that, after applying the system of existing reliefs and deductions, they will consequently pay no tax or will pay less than the agricultural tax.
Jeranyama [
1] believes that appropriate and adequate taxation and subsidization of agriculture can act as a lever to support sustainable practices. The public policy framework—including fiscal policy—has a huge impact on the possibilities to implement sustainable practices. Analyzing the systems of agricultural taxation and agricultural accounting in various countries of the world, one can come to the conclusion that in most countries of the world, state budgets subsidize agriculture significantly, because it is believed that a farmer cannot be treated like an ordinary entrepreneur (high opportunity costs) [
49]. Tax instruments have a gradual impact on accelerating innovation, structural change and sustainable use of resources [
50]. Properly implemented agricultural taxes can effectively reduce pollution and promote sustainable production when properly designed within the Green Deal.
Taxes can support sustainable agricultural production, environmental protection and food security, but their introduction poses risks for producers and consumers. An integrated approach that takes into account economic, environmental and social impacts is key.
The following possible scenarios for the reform of the tax system in agriculture are proposed in Polish literature:
Inclusion of farmers in the PIT + mandatory accounting (gradually/selectively): The postulate is to first introduce the obligation to keep accounting records and only then consider PIT based on actual income; analyses warn that a simple replacement of agricultural tax with PIT (with a simultaneous increase in KRUS) may increase income inequalities [
30,
51].
Mixed system (temporary choice between agricultural tax and PIT), considered as a transitional path: smaller farms remain with agricultural tax; larger ones switch to PIT (full/simplified accounting) [
14,
30].
Narrowing the “special” system to small farms + integrating the remaining ones with the general system; introducing income smoothing mechanisms; in many countries, preferences are only for small farms, and farmers are included in the general system with reliefs (e.g., income averaging) [
26,
51].
Ecological tax reform (pro-environmental fiscal instruments). Options: taxes/fees on fertilizers and pesticides, water fees, pro-ECO investment relief; review of Scandinavian solutions and Polish environmental tools [
51].
Modification of the agricultural tax structure (updating the base). Context: today, the base is the price of rye × conversion hectares; the literature raises the need to better link the burden with the economic conditions of farms (e.g., greater local flexibility) [
45,
52].
In addition to the quantitative findings, the perception of the tax system by farmers themselves should also be taken into account. The Polish agricultural tax system is characterized by a significant degree of disarray, a fact clearly reflected in the opinions of farmers themselves. They are particularly critical of two key elements: the lack of stability in tax regulations and the inconsistency of the tax relief and exemption system, which, in its current form, fails to meet the expectations of the agricultural sector. According to them, agriculture should be treated more favorably in income taxation. The main argument is the low profitability of agricultural production [
28]. According to farmers, agricultural incomes are lower compared to other social groups, which devalues this sector of the economy [
49].
State policy regarding taxes and support for agriculture oscillates between the need to stabilize the sector, adapt to macroeconomic and global conditions (pandemic, war in Ukraine), and the need to ensure food security [
49,
51,
53,
54,
55]. At the same time, agriculture’s growing dependence on public support and the lack of a coherent and long-term subsidy strategy are noticeable [
49].
The debate on agricultural tax reform in Poland has been ongoing for years. The main proposal is to replace the archaic agricultural tax with a more equitable income tax. Although proposed changes have been announced by various governments, they have met with resistance. Farmers often fear that introducing an income tax will lead to an increased financial burden.
The study presented here was carried out by subordinating it to the following research questions:
- -
What is the level of farm taxation in the European Union in absolute and relative terms?
- -
Which items in farm accounts are affected by taxes paid by the farm?
To answer the first question, data for the entire EU from 2004 to 2022 was collated, and three indicators were shown by country. It turned out that agricultural taxation is increasing, although several countries keep it at a very low level. At the same time, income from agricultural production is growing faster than taxation. EU farms also tend to increase their areas. It can therefore be concluded that agricultural taxes paid by farms in the European Union are individual in nature and dependent on the solutions adopted in a given country.
Taxation of agriculture varies significantly across the European Union [
27].
In seeking an answer to question two, the example of Poland was used and compared to the EU average. It was found that taxes have an indirect effect on all production, economic, and financial categories of a farm. In the European Union, they are most closely associated with total production and subsidies, while in Poland they are associated with cost categories (labour input, total costs), equity capital and net working capital.
The article hypothesized that the tax burden on Polish farms is relatively lower than in other EU countries, but it significantly affects farm performance, especially in terms of net income, investment capacity, and asset accumulation.
The notion that Polish farms have a relatively lower tax burden compared to other EU countries. The article shows that the average tax burden on Polish farms increased from €190 per farm in 2004 to €438 per farm in 2022, which is lower than in many EU countries like Belgium, Denmark, or the Netherlands.
However, the tax burden’s impact on farm performance is still noticeable. While Polish farms pay less in taxes, taxes are more closely tied to property ownership rather than income. This property-based tax system does not directly correlate with farm income, meaning that in years of lower yields, farmers still face the tax burden, which could affect their overall profitability and ability to reinvest. Additionally, the study found that taxes in Poland are indirectly linked to financial categories, including labour input, total assets, and net investment. This suggests that taxes may impact investment capacity and asset accumulation over time.
While the tax burden in Poland may be relatively lower, it still plays a significant role in farm performance, particularly in relation to income, investment capacity, and asset accumulation.
These results confirm that in Poland the agricultural tax is more of a tax on property rather than on income, which is consistent with the opinion [
45]. It is worth noting that this system differs from the approach adopted in most EU countries, where the tax base is income. In most countries, preferential tax systems are targeted exclusively at small-scale farmers. Poland is an exception, where a special tax system covers almost all farmers, regardless of production scale or farm size [
31].
The prevailing view in the literature is that this solution does not encourage farmers to intensify production or undertake any modernization activities and therefore fails to serve as a stimulant. Therefore, agricultural economists argue that a good solution is to replace the current agricultural tax with an income tax [
12].
The structure of the agricultural tax in Poland is fiscally ineffective and should be changed. The tax system in Polish agriculture is based on an outdated formula that is incompatible with current economic conditions and, above all, does not take into account the actual financial results of farmers. The agricultural tax fulfils its fiscal function only to a limited extent. It is also a difficult tax to plan and manage [
27].
Based on the analysis, three policy recommendations can be formulated:
Simplification of the tax system—reducing the number of exemptions and exceptions and streamlining procedures for tax settlements to lower transaction costs for farms.
Linking taxes to income—designing mechanisms to relate the agricultural tax burden to the actual income of farms, which would increase fairness and reduce regressivity.
Support for small farms—introducing tax reliefs for environmentally friendly investments, local employment or short supply chains, which would strengthen the socio-economic role of smaller farms.
In addition, a good direction would be to introduce mandatory agricultural accounting and the requirement to have cash registers. Introducing such obligations would increase the transparency and professionalization of the agricultural sector, as well as state budget revenues, but it would pose a significant challenge for small farms and could accelerate the concentration of production. This is a step towards the full integration of agriculture into the market economy, but it carries significant social costs.
The Green Deal and the “From Farm to Fork” strategy are becoming a crucial element of the European Union’s agricultural policy. The agricultural tax system can play a significant role in implementing solutions that mitigate the negative environmental impact of agricultural production, as well as in shaping a model of agriculture centred on family farms. The current agricultural tax system is resistant to change, but the Green Deal could provide an opportunity for its reform by introducing fiscal mechanisms that encourage farmers to engage in pro-ecological activities and pro-climate [
55].
This study contributes to the literature by filling a gap in research on agricultural taxation in the European Union. Until now, there has been no comprehensive comparative analysis of tax burdens on farms across Member States that combined descriptive indicators with an econometric sensitivity test. By focusing on the Polish case and situating it within the EU framework, the article provides evidence that lower nominal tax levels can still have significant effects when farm incomes are volatile and structurally weaker than in Western Europe.
The findings also have practical implications for agricultural and fiscal policy. They show that tax systems should be evaluated not only by their nominal rates, but also by their interaction with income structures, production conditions, and farm resilience. This perspective is relevant for designing tax instruments that are coherent with the objectives of sustainable agriculture and the EU’s Green Deal, and for ensuring a fair competitive environment between farms across Europe.
Limitations and Future Research Directions of This Study
This research had some limitations, such as reliance on FADN data, simplified treatment of subsidies, and limited econometric specification.
The methodological assumptions and results of research on taxes in agriculture presented here require further thought and testing. They represent a kind of experiment that needs to be confronted with research results from other research centres and encourage other researchers to pursue this topic more frequently.
In the future, the authors would like to analyze farm taxation at the micro level in our research, prepare panel data from various countries taking into account tax burdens adjusted for subsidies, and conduct dynamic modeling of the impact of taxation on long-term investments.
The methodological assumptions and results of research on taxes in agriculture presented here require further thought and testing. They represent a kind of experiment that needs to be confronted with research results from other research centers and encourage other researchers to pursue this topic more frequently.
The adoption of identical solutions regarding agricultural taxation in European Union countries will play a key role. The question is, is this even possible? Since there has been no uniform obligation to keep agricultural accounts on farms for many years, will it be possible to harmonize their taxation throughout the Union? And if the answer is yes, it seems unrealistic in the next five years.
In conclusion, the EU’s agricultural tax systems have not only a fiscal role, but also a regulatory and supportive one. Their diversity represents a challenge but also an opportunity to adapt policies to local circumstances, while striving for cohesion and competitiveness of the whole sector in the European market.
These comparisons demonstrate that while our study confirms some of the established patterns in the literature, it also provides a novel perspective by linking categorization with estimation results. Future research should explore integrating our approach with longitudinal models to further assess convergence or divergence trends within the EU.