Intergenerational Transmission of Collective Memory in Public Spaces: A Case Study of Menghe, a Historic and Cultural Town

Abstract

Historic and cultural towns are undergoing spatial restructuring and memory ruptures in the context of urban–rural transformation. Collective memory depends on the continuity of public space, with generational differences playing a key role in its transmission. This study uses Menghe Town in Changzhou, Jiangsu Province, as a case to explore the role of public space in collective memory transmission through interviews, emotional mapping, and intergenerational co-construction analysis. The findings show the following: (1) Interviews and emotional mapping reveal that memories of traditional spaces like farmland have weakened, while emerging public spaces such as squares and walkways have become new memory nodes, reflecting a dynamic “carrying-transformation-reproduction” mechanism. (2) Intergenerational emotional mapping reveals that the transformation of spatial functions has driven the reconstruction of cultural identity, shifting villagers’ sense of place from clan and production-based spaces to modern public spaces. (3) Intergenerational emotional mapping and co-construction analysis reveal significant generational differences in memory perception and spatial use: the older generation relies on ancestral halls and farmland, the middle generation on factories and streets from the “agriculture-to-industry” period, and the younger generation on modern facilities like squares and schools. This study proposes the “Narrate—Preserve—Participate” model, explaining memory transmission across generations and offering insights for intergenerational collaboration and differentiated preservation in public space planning.

1. Introduction

In recent years, the profound relationship between space and memory has attracted increasing attention in the field of social sciences. In cultural geography and anthropological studies, scholars generally regard space not merely as a material entity, but also as a carrier of human experience, emotion, and cultural practice [1,2,3]. This perspective suggests that space and culture play a central role in the formation of collective memory and the construction of place identity: it not only embodies historical culture and emotions [4,5,6], but also continuously reinforces group identity through everyday practices. Many studies have pointed out that individual memory is formed through collective interactions within the social structure and is a systematic memory constructed within specific social frameworks [7,8]. Pierre Nora [9] further proposed the concept of “sites of memory”, emphasizing that space, as a composite of the material and the symbolic, crystallizes a group’s historical experiences and cultural identity. Dolores Hayden [10] also pointed out that public landscapes not only record history, but also strengthen cultural belonging and social sentiment through their connection to local social practices.

Based on these theoretical foundations, the relationship between space and memory has increasingly been examined within the context of rapid social transformation. Particularly in the Chinese context, where urbanization and modernization are accelerating, rural areas are experiencing profound restructuring of their spatial structures and sociocultural systems. Development logics such as urban expansion and infrastructure renewal often disrupt original spatial configurations and local knowledge systems, thereby leading to the rupture of collective memory and the weakening of place identity [11,12]. Although collective memory is reconstructive in nature and can be transmitted across generations through cultural practices such as festivals, rituals, and oral traditions [13,14], current state-led memory construction mechanisms tend to favor a macro-level, unified narrative. This approach often overlooks the diverse memories rooted in everyday rural life and localized spatial experiences. Such neglect of locality, emotional resonance, and place-based practices has led to the gradual marginalization of grassroots memory ecologies amid the wave of modernization [15,16].

Compared to the drastic transformations in urban spaces, rural spaces exhibit greater structural stability and cultural resilience [17], making them important sites for understanding cultural continuity. However, in the context of the ongoing Rural Revitalization Strategy, rural spaces are also facing increasing pressure of restructuring driven by state policies and market forces. The tension between cultural inheritance and spatial renewal is particularly pronounced in Historic and Cultural Towns. As spatial forms that concentrate local historical heritage and collective memory, these towns often lie at the “frontline intersection” of urban–rural integration. Their cultural identity is being reshaped between traditional local culture and modern planning logics [18,19]. These towns often concentrate historical architecture, traditional street layouts, ritual spaces, and folk activities, serving as core sites of local identity and collective memory [20]. Although the 2002 Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Protection of Cultural Relics first formally recognized the legal status of “Historic and Cultural Towns,” thereby providing institutional support for local cultural resources [21,22], the continued intervention of modern planning models and commercial development has gradually marginalized the cultural functions of their public spaces, putting their memory-related attributes at risk of being diminished [23,24,25]. Against the backdrop of rural economic transformation and intensified population mobility, this trend has become increasingly evident, with rural public spaces and collective memory showing signs of structural loosening [26]. As Relph has pointed out, modernization should not come at the expense of local distinctiveness; rather, it should endow space with enduring meaning and warmth through cultural continuity, community participation, and human-centered design [27].

The interactive relationship between collective memory and public space is a key perspective for understanding the above-mentioned transformation processes. Introduced into urban planning and sociology in the 1960s as a “borrowed concept” [28,29,30], public space is regarded as an important medium for carrying local memory and cultural identity, and serves as a foundational element for the sustainable development of rural culture [31,32]. In rural society, public space not only hosts social practices such as rituals, gatherings, and interpersonal interactions, but also serves as a crucial platform for the materialization and intergenerational transmission of collective memory [32,33,34,35,36,37]. However, memory is never a static repetition; rather, it is continuously reconstructed through the evolution of social structures and the shifting experiences of communities [15,38]. In this process, “generation”—as a group that shares specific historical events, cultural experiences, and social contexts—is regarded in sociology as an important structure influencing collective cognition [15,39]. Due to differences in upbringing, social experiences, and cognitive styles, different generational groups often exhibit significant divergence in their understanding, use, and emotional attachment to public space [40,41,42]. It is precisely these intergenerational differences in the perception of place-based meaning, historical narratives, and cultural resources that intensify the fragmentation of collective memory and the destabilization of cultural identity during periods of social transformation. Therefore, examining collective memory through the dual dimensions of “space” and “generation” helps to reveal the complex functions of public space in memory construction and intergenerational transmission. It also offers an important theoretical perspective for understanding the cultural reconstruction and evolving mechanisms of identity in contemporary rural contexts.

Although existing studies have explored the relationship between collective memory and space from different disciplinary perspectives, their focuses vary. In sociology, Halbwachs emphasized that memory is embedded in social structures [7], while Nora further highlighted the symbolic role of “sites of memory” in the construction of collective identity [9]. In cultural geography, Hayden emphasized the power of place in identity construction [10], while Connerton discussed how social practices sustain the continuity of memory [13]. In urban studies, Mumford examined the relationship between the evolution of urban history and collective memory [29]; Jacobs revealed the importance of community life in maintaining memory spaces [30]; and Yang Mengjiao focused on how the renewal of traditional village spaces can activate collective memory [43]. However, these studies still struggle to directly support the issues discussed in this paper. The research gap mainly lies in three aspects: firstly, most studies focus on urban spaces, emphasizing memory construction in urban communities or memorial sites [44,45], with insufficient attention given to rural areas, especially the spatial memory of historic and cultural towns. Secondly, existing studies have primarily focused on the functional attributes of public spaces, such as interaction, management, or landscape value, with insufficient attention given to their role in memory production, local identity, and cultural representation. Although a few scholars have begun to explore this direction: Chen Jianhua and Lu Shaoming studied space and memory using space syntax methods [20,46]; Azadeh Lak analyzed the process of memory reproduction in Tehran’s Baharestan Square [24]; and Liu Tongyao examined the progressive adjustments of new rural public memory spaces [47]. Overall, however, these studies remain scattered attempts and have yet to systematically reveal the mechanisms through which public space plays a role in the construction of collective memory and local identity. Lastly, in terms of research methods, existing studies often rely on archival analysis or macro-level narratives, lacking empirical methods that can demonstrate the spatialization, visualization, and intergenerational differences in collective memory. Especially at the level of regional practice, typical towns like Menghe, which both bear the responsibility of industrial development and cultural heritage preservation, have not yet entered the scope of relevant research. Building on these gaps, this study selects Menghe as a case, combining interviews and emotional mapping methods to explore how public space carries and reproduces collective memory through intergenerational interaction, aiming to complement and expand existing research.

Menghe Town embodies the dual characteristics of historical culture and industrial development. On the one hand, the legacy of the Qi-Liang medical school, clusters of traditional Chinese medicine residences, and ancient ancestral temples highlight its profound historical and cultural heritage; on the other hand, since the 1970s, the town has leveraged its locational advantages to develop into the “Famous Town of Automobile and Motorcycle Parts in China.” This hybrid configuration of cultural heritage and modern industry positions Menghe both as an important carrier of cultural transmission and as a site under considerable pressure from industrial expansion and spatial renewal. Both the Regulations on the Protection of Historic Cities, Towns, and Villages of Jiangsu Province and the 14th Five-Year Plan for the Integrated Development of Culture and Tourism in Changzhou call for balancing industrial development and heritage preservation in the process of modernization. They emphasize sustaining local memory through cultural–tourism integration, thereby providing the institutional background for this paper’s discussion of cultural inheritance and spatial renewal in Menghe Town.

In response to the above-mentioned theoretical and practical gaps, this study selects Menghe Town—a nationally designated Historic and Cultural Town in Changzhou, Jiangsu Province currently undergoing industrial transformation—as a representative case for empirical research. Through methods such as semi-structured interviews, emotional mapping, and intergenerational co-construction, this study aims to reveal the interaction mechanism between collective memory and public space in historical and cultural towns, and to explore how spatial transformation influences villagers’ cultural identity and sense of belonging. Specifically, the study is centered around the following core questions: (1) In the process of modernization, how do public spaces carry and transform the collective memory of Historic and Cultural Towns? (2) How does spatial transformation influence villagers’ cultural identity and sense of place? (3) What differences exist between generations in their perception of collective memory and use of space? By addressing these questions, the study not only deepens the understanding of cultural preservation and heritage transmission in historical towns under the background of modernization, but also provides practical insights for cultural protection and spatial renewal in the process of rural revitalization.

2. Research Area and Methods

To systematically address the three core questions raised in the introduction, this study establishes the following research objectives: to explore the relationship between representative public spaces and collective memory in Menghe Town, and to identify spatial nodes concentrated with emotional attachment and historical significance; to analyze the evolution of the village’s spatial structure and functions, revealing how spatial renewal reshapes villagers’ cultural identity and sense of belonging; and to compare intergenerational differences in memory content, spatial use, and emotional perception, ultimately proposing a “Narrate–Preserve–Participate” model for intergenerational co-construction.

Based on the above research objectives, this study adopts a combination of methods—including literature review, field investigation in the village, semi-structured interviews, emotional mapping, and memory index quantification—to reveal, from multiple perspectives, the bidirectional shaping mechanisms between collective memory and public space.

2.1. Menghe Town

2.1.1. Regional Overview

Menghe Town is located in the northwest of Changzhou City, Jiangsu Province, nestled between mountains and by the river, enjoying a unique geographical advantage. The town is renowned for its rich natural resources and beauty, earning the reputation of “a thousand acres of fertile soil and purple clay, and ten thousand acres of green fields.” The town covers a total area of 88.26 square kilometers, with 13 administrative villages and 4 communities under its jurisdiction. The permanent population is approximately 120,000. This study focuses on three representative research areas—Mengcheng Community, Wansui Community, and Nanlanling Village. The selection of cases is guided by the criteria of spatial morphology and cultural resource characteristics. Accordingly, both administrative villages and communities are incorporated as comparable grassroots spatial units in order to capture the diversity of spatial forms and cultural contexts within Menghe Town. To accurately present the diverse characteristics of collective memory and public space transformation in Menghe Town, the three selected research areas in this study exhibit notable typicality and complementarity in terms of spatial form, developmental stage, and cultural resources. These research areas respectively represent three typical rural spatial patterns—dispersed, linear–axial, and clustered settlement forms—encompassing different stages of development, from traditional agricultural villages to integrated industrial-agricultural communities and culture- and tourism-oriented communities. At the same time, each village retains a variety of historical and cultural resources, such as ancestral halls and temples, historic streets and alleys, and intangible cultural heritage. Together, they form the primary spatial carriers of cultural memory in Menghe Town and provide valuable case support for the study and practice of other Historic and Cultural Towns. The following are the construction conditions of the three sample research areas (Figure 1 and Figure 2):

On this basis, this study combines map interpretation and field investigation to analyze the spatial patterns of the three research areas (

Table 1. Spatial Structure of the Three Research Areas.

	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Spatial Structure
Summary of Characteristics	The main residential areas are located around the village committee and along the Mengpu Line, with an overall scattered layout. Another portion of the residential areas is distributed along the Mengpu Line and Puhe River, with residences surrounded by farmlands, forming a spatial pattern of agricultural and residential interweaving.	The residences are mainly distributed along the Mengpu Line and the Pu River, with the entire village connected by the Mengpu Line as a linkage axis between different areas, while farmlands are primarily located along the village boundaries.	Residences are clustered around the historic district, neatly concentrated between the main street and the Pu River, forming an orderly settlement pattern; farmland surrounds the residential area and is distributed along the village periphery.

). The classification of spatial types was defined primarily on the basis of residential density, the alignment of roads and water systems, and the coupling between settlements and natural elements, with reference to common typologies in settlement geography and rural planning studies. The three research areas present distinct spatial patterns: Nanlanling Village shows a dispersed form with interwoven roads, farmland, and residences; Wansui Community exhibits a linear pattern with houses aligned along main roads and farmland concentrated at the periphery; Mengcheng Community demonstrates a compact settlement pattern clustered around the historic district.

2.1.2. Historical Background

Since the first year of the Jianwu reign in the Eastern Han Dynasty, Menghe Town gradually prospered due to its access to river transport, becoming an important port that spurred population growth and trade development, eventually giving rise to several historic towns. Its administrative divisions have undergone multiple adjustments—from its early affiliation with Wujin County, to the establishment of Lanling Commandery during the Eastern Jin, to the Southern Lanling of the Southern Dynasties, and through various changes across the Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. In particular, the migration and development of the Xiao clan from Southern Lanling had a profound and lasting influence on Menghe. Since the Republic of China, Menghe has undergone several administrative reforms. In 1983, the People’s Commune system was abolished, and in 1999, it merged with Wansui Township. In 2003, it merged again with Xiaohe Town, and in 2013, further integration of village communities took place, ultimately forming the present-day Menghe Town, which is now part of the Xinbei District in Changzhou. In addition to inheriting traditional cultures such as Qi Liang culture and the Menghe Medical School, since the 1970s, Menghe has leveraged its advantageous geographical and industrial foundation to develop into a major production base for motorcycle and automobile parts in China, earning the title of “China’s Motorcycle and Automotive Parts Town.” It also occupies a prominent position in the Changzhou High-Tech Industrial Cluster. Meanwhile, its rich historical and cultural resources provide it with unique tourism potential.

Against this backdrop, the social composition of Menghe Town has become increasingly diversified, with villagers, migrant workers, and tourists together forming a heterogeneous research sample. This provides us with a more comprehensive perspective to analyze the relationship between collective memory and rural public spaces. This diverse population and rich cultural resources allow Menghe Town to maintain its deep cultural heritage while developing a modern economy. This provides an opportunity to explore the evolution of collective memory and public spaces in the context of a historic and cultural town, as well as their interactive relationship.

2.2. Research Methods

This study focuses on Menghe Ancient Town, aiming to explore the interactive relationship between collective memory and public space through the construction of a systematic research framework. As the core tool of the research, emotional mapping combines temporality, subjectivity, collectivity, and geography, and can visually present villagers’ emotional connections to spaces and the content of their memories [48]. Collective memory is composed of both objective and subjective dimensions, including place, events/activities, history, and personal values/images [47]. In the research process, the researcher combines semi-structured interviews with field surveys to identify the spiritual and material elements in the villagers’ collective memory. Villagers are then guided to mark relevant memory nodes on the map, thus creating a preliminary emotional map. The interview design combines in-depth interviews, field visits, and random interviews. Each session is controlled to last between 20 and 40 min, ensuring coverage of core topics such as memory collection, spatial positioning, spatial cognition, and emotional evaluation, thereby enhancing the comprehensiveness and effectiveness of the data. Oral history is a research method that collects, organizes, and preserves respondents’ verbal narratives of historical memories using tools such as recordings, audio, and video, based on specific research objectives [49]. This research method is beneficial for constructing history around people. It focuses on excavating research materials that exist within the folk and the general public, thereby amplifying and transmitting the voices of the community, highlighting local culture and regional characteristics [50]. The construction of emotional maps is based on the oral memories of villagers, combined with spatial field markings. This process dynamically updates the framework of emotional elements, thereby forming a visual expression of spatial identity. Building on this foundation, the study further focuses on the historical and cultural relics and landmark spaces in Menghe Ancient Town, such as temple courtyards, opera stages, and threshing grounds. It analyzes their fate in spatial transformation and their impact on villagers’ usage habits and emotional attachment.

In the context of rapid spatial updates, the villagers’ original collective memory often faces disruption due to physical demolition or functional replacement. However, even when the spatial forms change, villagers still tend to “patch” and rebuild memories through methods such as restoring old sites and objects and continuing traditional activities. These actions not only reflect emotional recognition of traditional spaces but also constitute the mechanism for the reconstruction of collective memory in new spaces. At the same time, the study introduces an intergenerational perspective. By comparing the interview content and emotional maps of three generations of villagers, it proposes a “Narrate—Preserve—Participate” memory co-construction model. Below is the research framework of this study (Figure 3):

Figure 3 presents the logical framework of this study, distinguishing between two dimensions: “material elements” and “spiritual elements.” Through the method of emotional mapping, villagers’ memories are spatialized. “Memory continuity” refers to the activation of original emotional connections during spatial transformation through practices such as continued use or restoration of old sites. “Intergenerational co-construction” highlights how different age groups collaboratively shape memory spaces through storytelling and participation. Together, these components form the analytical model for examining the interaction between collective memory and public space.

2.3. Data Collection

This study primarily draws on three types of data: (1) documentary sources such as local chronicles and historical records; (2) spatial imagery collected through field observation and photography [51]; and (3) memory data obtained from villagers through semi-structured interviews, along with emotional maps generated for analyzing the interaction between collective memory and public space.

A total of 297 individuals were interviewed, of whom 75 were selected for in-depth interviews, mainly including village cadres and long-term residents. The interview content covered aspects such as village history, daily activities, and emotional spaces. The respondents came from three research areas: 95 from Nanlanling Village, 97 from Wansui Community, and 105 from Mengcheng Community, ensuring a balanced sample structure. The interview group consisted of villagers, village leaders, and tourists, ensuring a multi-dimensional and multi-level source of information. At the same time, emotional maps were also created and collected during this process.

In China, there is no universally accepted standard for generational classification [52], but in rural society, distinct generational characteristics emerge among different age groups due to variations in upbringing and social experience. To analyze intergenerational differences in collective memory, this study classifies villagers into three generations based on age structure and major historical turning points—such as the 1978 Reform and Opening-up and the acceleration of urbanization around the year 2000. Interviews and analysis were conducted accordingly. The first generation (aged 60 and above, born before 1964) experienced collectivization and institutional transition firsthand, with memories deeply rooted in traditional rural space and public life. The second generation (aged 36 to 60, born between 1965 and 1989) grew up during the early stages of de-collectivization and marketization, having lived through the household responsibility system, the rise of township enterprises, and labor migration; their memories intertwine traces of tradition with rapid social change. The third generation (aged 18 to 35, born between 1990 and 2007) was raised in an era of modernization and digitalization, with memories shaped more by individual experience and reflecting contemporary and pluralistic characteristics.

The specific intergenerational distribution in each research area is as follows: In Nanlanling Village, the interviewees included 24 first-generation villagers, 47 s-generation villagers, and 24 third-generation villagers. In Wansui Community, the respondents included 30 first-generation villagers, 45 s-generation villagers, and 22 third-generation villagers. In Mengcheng Community, the interviewees included 35 first-generation villagers, 50 s-generation villagers, and 20 third-generation villagers. Through a comprehensive analysis of the emotional maps and interview content from these three generations of villagers, the study ultimately constructs the overall emotional map of Menghe Ancient Town, summarizes the evolutionary trajectory of its collective memory, and reveals the different ways each generation perceives, emotionally connects to, and links to the history of public spaces. Below is the detailed sample structure information.

The sample shown in

Table 2. Sample Structure.

Type	Content	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
		Quantity (Frequency)	Quantity (Frequency)	Quantity (Frequency)
Gender	Male	44 (46.32%)	41 (42.27%)	46 (43.81%)
	Female	51 (53.68%)	56 (57.73%)	59 (56.19%)
Age	First Generation Villagers	24 (25.26%)	30 (30.93%)	33 (31.43%)
	Second Generation Villagers	47 (49.47%)	45 (46.39%)	52 (49.52%)
	Third Generation Villagers	24 (25.26%)	22 (22.68%)	20 (19.05%)
Occupation	Farmer	21 (22.11%)	24 (24.74%)	37 (35.24%)
	Government Staff	2 (2.11%)	2 (2.06%)	3 (2.86%)
	Worker	50 (52.63%)	48 (49.48%)	31 (29.52%)
	Student	5 (5.26%)	4 (4.12%)	11 (10.48%)
	Retiree	17 (17.89%)	19 (19.59%)	23 (21.90%)

covers several typical communities within Menghe Ancient Town, encompassing various rural spatial patterns such as dispersed, axial-linear, and clustered settlement forms. In terms of development trajectories, the selected communities represent agricultural-based, industry-agriculture integrated, and cultural-tourism-oriented types, demonstrating strong representativeness and complementarity. The distribution of sample sizes across the communities is relatively balanced, and the generational composition includes older, middle-aged, and younger groups, generally meeting the requirements for intergenerational comparison. Although there are some differences in generational proportions among the communities, the overall structure remains reasonably sound, allowing for a meaningful reflection of key characteristics in spatial memory across generations.

2.4. Data Processing and Analytical Procedures

To ensure a clear and logical research process, the multi-source data collected in this study was systematically organized and analyzed in stages. The main steps include the following phases:

Firstly, the 297 collected interview transcripts from villagers were organized and analyzed to extract key statements related to historical memory, daily activities, spatial perception, and sensory experiences. Through keyword tagging and semantic categorization, a preliminary set of 145 emotionally charged and spatially oriented elements of intangible memory was identified. Based on clarity of content, spatial locatability, and frequency of occurrence, the above elements were further screened, merged, and categorized. In the end, 43 representative core memory elements were retained and grouped into four thematic dimensions according to their semantic characteristics: historical culture, behavioral activities, local industries, and sensory memory.

Secondly, at the spatial analysis level, the study employed the method of Emotional Mapping to systematically extract and locate memory spaces that appeared with high frequency in the interviews. Guided by the interview process, respondents marked spatial nodes that held personal or collective memory significance and rated each node on a scale from 1 to 5 (with 1 indicating weak emotional attachment and 5 indicating very strong emotional attachment) to represent the intensity of their emotional connection. The research team recorded and organized these spatial node data on-site, and then projected them onto a unified GIS base map. Using ArcGIS10.8.1 software, they performed map layer overlay and generated heatmaps to visualize the spatial distribution of memory density and emotional clustering areas, thereby providing a foundation for subsequent spatial classification and typological analysis. In this process, the color blocks in the emotional maps were generated based on frequency statistics of respondents’ marked points combined with spatial overlay analysis, in order to visualize the high-frequency clusters of villagers’ collective memory.

Lastly, based on the expressive differences among different generational groups, this study introduces the Element Salience Index (ESI) to measure the relative prominence of each memory element within intergenerational memory. This index helps identify spatial memory carriers that are highly representative and widely shared. The calculation formula is as follows:

Historical Culture Memory Element Significance Index:

$$\begin{array}{l}ES{I}_h^i={\displaystyle \frac{C_h^i}{T_h}},\\ \end{array}$$

(1)

Local Industry Memory Element Significance Index:

$$\begin{array}{l}ES{I}_l^m={\displaystyle \frac{C_l^m}{T_l}},\\ \end{array}$$

(2)

Behavioral Activity Memory Element Significance Index:

$$\begin{array}{l}ES{I}_b^j={\displaystyle \frac{C_b^j}{T_b}},\\ \end{array}$$

(3)

Sensory Memory Element Significance Index:

$$\begin{array}{l}ES{I}_{\mathrm{s}}^k={\displaystyle \frac{C_s^k}{T_{\mathrm{s}}}},\\ \end{array}$$

(4)

In this context, $ES{I}_x^n$ is the significance index (frequency) of the nth element in category x, where $C_x^n$ represents the number of mentions of the nth element in the category, $T_x$ is the total number of respondents who participated in the interview for that category and provided valid responses, and the subscripts h, l, b, and s represent the three categories: historical culture, behavioral activities, and sensory memory. Through this index, this study can objectively assess the influence of various memory elements within the structure of the villagers’ collective memory, providing a quantitative basis for subsequent memory-space matching, emotional map creation, and spatial identity analysis.

3. Results

3.1. Material Elements of Collective Memory

To explore the spatial mechanisms through which collective memory is carried in villages, this study adopts the term “public space” to refer broadly to spaces that are characterized by open access, everyday social interaction, and emotional memory associations. Within this definitional framework, public space includes not only traditionally recognized areas such as social, transportation, waterfront, and cultural spaces, but also incorporates certain types of “productive spaces”—such as collective farmland and factory zones—that exhibit shared use and symbolic significance. Although these spaces primarily serve productive functions, they often act as memory sites for shifts in village identity and the evolution of local lifestyles, carrying specific collective memory value. Therefore, this study regards them as memory-oriented public spaces characterized by both shared use and emotional engagement.

In the field investigations across the three research areas, this study identified five categories of typical public spaces: productive spaces (Table 3), social interaction spaces (Table 4), transportation spaces (Table 5), waterfront spaces (Table 6), and cultural spaces (Table 7). The characteristics of each space type are as follows:

As Li Na notes, rural public space should be understood within the “three-life” spatial framework, where production space is essential [53], including both traditional agricultural sites and industrial land arising from transformation. This provides the theoretical basis for setting secondary indicators such as “traditional agriculture” and “industrial zones” under the category of production space in this study: the former embodies the land attachment and life memories of the older generation, while the latter reflects the social experiences and collective identity formed during the process of agricultural-to-industrial transition.

Table 3. Analysis of Production Space in the Three Research Areas.

Production Space		Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Primary Sector	Traditional Agriculture
	Modern Agriculture
Secondary sector	Photos
Tertiary sector	Photos

Table 3. Analysis of Production Space in the Three Research Areas.

Production Space		Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Primary Sector	Traditional Agriculture
	Modern Agriculture
Secondary sector	Photos
Tertiary sector	Photos

All three research areas have retained a certain amount of agricultural land and introduced leisure agriculture models such as greenhouse cultivation and fruit-picking orchards. Factory zones, as symbolic sites of collective transformation, hold strong symbolic meaning in villagers’ memories—particularly among the second-generation villagers—reflecting a shift in collective identity under the “agriculture-to-industry” transition.

Table 4. Analysis of Interaction Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Interaction Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Rest Spaces
Sports Spaces

Table 4. Analysis of Interaction Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Interaction Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Rest Spaces
Sports Spaces

Village squares, fitness areas, and rest platforms serve as primary venues for villagers’ daily interactions and are widely regarded as important spaces for emotional exchange and community cohesion. They especially function as memory carriers during informal activities such as festivals and casual conversations.

Table 5. Analysis of Traffic Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Traffic Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Trunk roads
Secondary roads
The alleys
Featured alleys

Table 5. Analysis of Traffic Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Traffic Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Trunk roads
Secondary roads
The alleys
Featured alleys

Street space is a primary component of transportation space and one of the most visually prominent elements in the local spatial form [54]. Roads and alleyways connect various spatial units within the village, with old streets and narrow lanes in particular carrying strong emotional significance. They often serve as familiar settings for villagers’ childhood memories and neighborhood interactions, and hold high value in terms of local identity and place recognition.

Table 6. Analysis of Waterfront Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Waterfront Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Rivers
Ponds

Table 6. Analysis of Waterfront Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Waterfront Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Rivers
Ponds

Waterfront spaces, represented by the Pu River and village ponds, serve both practical and emotional functions, acting as important sites for daily interaction and memory formation among villagers. Ponds were long used for washing clothes, drawing water, and fishing—activities especially familiar to the first and second generations—and thus carry strong everyday memory associations. However, with the emergence of issues such as water pollution and shoreline hardening, their original emotional and social functions have gradually diminished.

Table 7. Analysis of Cultural Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Cultural Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Ruins
Ceremony

Table 7. Analysis of Cultural Spaces in the Three Research Areas.

Cultural Spaces	Nanlanling Village	Wansui Community	Mengcheng Community
Ruins
Ceremony

Architectural heritage is a tangible expression of historical memory and regional identity [55], and serves as a key spatial symbol carrying the collective memory of the village. In this study, “cultural space” is treated as a broader concept encompassing static spaces such as historical sites and exhibition venues, while “ritual space” refers to places used for festivals, ancestral worship, and other ceremonial activities. Although functionally distinct, the two often overlap in rural practice; therefore, they are analyzed together in this study. Ritual spaces emphasize participation, while cultural spaces reinforce symbolism—together, they form vital carriers of village memory.

3.2. Spiritual Elements of Collective Memory

To further reveal the role of public space in the construction of collective memory in Menghe Town, this study analyzes 297 interview transcripts from villagers and categorizes intangible memory elements. High-frequency elements are extracted across four dimensions: historical culture, local industry, behavioral activities, and sensory memory. Based on these categories, distribution maps of each memory type across the three research areas are generated (Figure 4).

The analysis reveals that the types of collective memory not only reflect the specific functions of space and the activities of villagers, but also highlight both the commonalities and differences in the spatial memory structures of the three villages. Figure 4 presents the collective memory structures of the three types of villages across four dimensions: historical culture, local industry, behavioral activities, and sensory memory. It reveals both the differences in the types of memory content among villagers and the spatial associations of those memories. Historical culture-related memories are concentrated around temples, old streets, ancestral halls, and sites associated with the Menghe medical tradition—nodes that carry historical narratives and symbolic meaning. These spaces play a central role in shaping local cultural identity. In terms of local industry, Nanlanling Village is primarily focused on agriculture and fishing, reflecting an attachment to natural and labor-related settings. In contrast, Wansui and Mengcheng communities place greater emphasis on industrial production and the auto and motorcycle parts industry, demonstrating a shift in the focus of memory due to differing development paths. Behavioral activity-related memories are most commonly associated with everyday interactions, such as walking, chatting, and exercising, highlighting how open spaces are more likely to stimulate collective action and emotional bonding. Sensory memories are concentrated around experiential cues such as sounds and smells, like the drums at temple fairs, the scent of burning paper, and the roar of machinery. These reflect the important role that the atmosphere of a space plays in triggering emotions and forming memories. A comparison of the four types of memory structures shows that the formation of collective memory is not only influenced by the functions and cultural context of space, but also deeply shaped by industry type, usage habits, and generational experiences. This provides an empirical foundation for the subsequent identification of key features of memory spaces and the creation of emotional maps.

3.3. Emotional Maps

3.3.1. Emotional Maps of the Research Areas

Through on-site interviews with villagers from Nanlanling Village, Wansui Community, and Mengcheng Community, and the collection of emotional maps, this study obtained 95, 97, and 105 valid map data sets, respectively, covering multiple generational groups of villagers. The study combines individual memory with specific spatial locations to construct the overall emotional maps for each village (Figure 5, Figure 6 and Figure 7). During the interviews, a total of significant memory events were identified. Nanlanling Village had 601 memory events, Wansui Community had 932 memory events, and Mengcheng Community had 1057 memory events, corresponding to 18 spatial nodes in Nanlanling Village, 25 spatial nodes in Wansui Community, and 31 spatial nodes in Mengcheng Community. The integrated emotional maps not only display the distribution of individual and collective memories within space but also vividly depict the unique emotional context of each village. They provide a visual support for understanding the relationship between local identity and spatial memory.

Figure 5, Figure 6 and Figure 7 present emotional maps that visualize villagers’ identification and expression of spatial nodes with strong emotional attachment. Overall, villagers’ emotional memories are concentrated in public spaces, historical sites, and agriculture-related locations. These spaces have gradually formed stable emotional connections through everyday activities, sensory experiences, industrial participation, and community engagement, becoming the primary spatial carriers of collective memory in the village. In other words, a space becomes a core of memory not merely because of its physical presence, but because rituals and social interactions repeatedly occurring within it over time continuously sediment individual experiences into collective memory.

Specifically, the emotional map of Mengcheng Community forms a more complex network. Sites such as the ancient city wall, the traditional Chinese medicine clinic, and Mengcheng Old Street are frequently mentioned, reflecting both the continuity of traditional culture and historical memory, as well as the transformation and updating of spatial functions in contemporary life. These spaces not only preserve history but also integrate modern usage scenarios, demonstrating the deep integration between emotional memory and spatial function. It is precisely because these spaces both carry historical narratives and meet present-day living needs that villagers continuously endow them with new meanings in everyday interactions, making them not only carriers of memory continuity but also sites of memory reproduction.

In Wansui Community, villagers’ emotional attachment is concentrated around historic buildings such as the Dongyue Temple and the Tu Office. These spaces not only embody religious beliefs but also reflect the deep cultural heritage of the local Qi-Liang tradition. The open-air opera stage plaza, used for festive events, has gradually accumulated highly shared spatial memories through neighborhood interaction and collective activities. The reason why temples and festival venues are able to sustain their influence across generations lies in their periodic rituals and intergenerational participation, which continuously reinforce the community’s emotional bonds.

The memory structure of Nanlanling Village exhibits a distinct scattered distribution pattern. The village committee and its surrounding areas, along with the main streets, are widely recognized as central spaces for collective activities, carrying memories related to daily interactions and public affairs. In addition, traditional spaces such as ancestral halls and ancient wells frequently appear in villagers’ oral recollections, reinforcing emotional attachment to local culture and historical sites. It can be seen that the combination of public affairs nodes and culturally symbolic sites allows villagers, through the dual practices of everyday affairs and historical narratives, to develop sustained emotional attachment, thereby consolidating fragmented personal experiences into a shared local memory.

From the perspectives of spatial distribution and memory expression, typical memory nodes often possess functional diversity, cultural symbolism, and emotional concentration. These qualities form the foundation for villagers’ sense of identity and belonging. At the same time, in areas where spatial forms have undergone significant changes—such as street and alley renovations—villagers continue to maintain the continuity of spatial memory through practices like site restoration and the continuation of traditional activities. This reflects the adaptability and reconstructive capacity of emotional attachment in the face of spatial transformation. This indicates that the persistence of collective memory does not lie in a passive reliance on spatial form, but is continuously reconstructed and reproduced through interactive processes.

3.3.2. Intergenerational Differences and Co-Construction

The differences in collective memory between generations reflect the changing focus of group cognition over time. On the spatial level, the scope of memory gradually shifts from a holistic coverage to a more localized focus. In terms of memory content, there is a shift from historical culture and production memory to daily life and behavioral experiences (Figure 8, Figure 9 and Figure 10). This also reveals the structural evolution of the village’s functions from a “production-oriented” model to a “life-oriented” one.

Emotional memory in Mengcheng Community is shaped by its clustered settlement spatial pattern, with most memories concentrated in the historic district between the Pu River and the main street, as well as the surrounding residential areas. Since the daily activities of all three generations revolve around this central zone, intergenerational differences are primarily reflected in the distribution and orientation of specific memory points. The first-generation villagers have a broader memory scope, encompassing not only farmland but also traditional spaces such as the historic district and traditional Chinese medicine clinics. The second generation shifts their memory focus toward alleys, factory buildings, and other typical sites from the “agriculture-to-industry” transition period, reflecting their awareness of economic change. The third generation tends to highlight schools, plazas, and other modern public spaces, emphasizing their reliance on convenience and social functionality in daily life.

Figure 9. Intergenerational Emotional Map of Wansui Community.

Figure 9. Intergenerational Emotional Map of Wansui Community.

Emotional memory in Wansui Community is shaped by its linear–axial spatial pattern, primarily unfolding along the Pu River and the village’s main road, forming a linear emotional memory belt. First-generation villagers concentrate their memories around traditional nodes such as the Dongyue Temple, marketplaces, and old residences, reflecting a close integration of religious belief and everyday life. The second generation begins to include emerging spaces such as factories—typical of the “agriculture-to-industry” transition—demonstrating a memory structure that balances production and cultural activities. The third generation shows a clear preference for modern facilities such as plazas, shops, and bus stops, with emotional identification trending toward functional convenience. This indicates a significant shift in their daily behavioral patterns and spatial preferences.

Figure 10. Intergenerational Emotional Map of Nanlanling Village.

Figure 10. Intergenerational Emotional Map of Nanlanling Village.

Emotional memory in Nanlanling Village is shaped by its dispersed spatial pattern, resulting in a multi-nodal and multidirectional distribution. First-generation villagers exhibit strong clan-based and agricultural memory characteristics, with recollections concentrated around ancestral halls, irrigation canals, and farmland. The second generation incorporates spaces such as the village committee office and rest areas into their memories, reflecting an expansion of daily functions and increased spatial complexity. The third generation tends to focus on everyday facilities such as fitness squares and commercial spaces, with memory points becoming more concentrated and emphasizing convenience and social interaction. This shift highlights a transformation in spatial usage from traditional to modern patterns.

Through the analysis of intergenerational emotional maps shown in Figure 8, Figure 9 and Figure 10, this study systematically identifies the spatial distribution patterns and content preferences of different generations in relation to memory. The findings reveal a clear shift in collective memory—from holistic and production-oriented to localized and daily life-oriented expressions. This transformation reflects the adaptive changes and functional transition of the village across generations, while also illustrating distinct differences in spatial perception and usage patterns among generational groups. At the same time, the ways in which intergenerational memory is expressed under different spatial patterns further reveal the interactive relationship between collective memory and public space. Through the use of emotional mapping as a visual tool, the paths of memory migration and the spatial attachment characteristics across generations can be more clearly illustrated, providing intuitive and robust analytical support for understanding the relational mechanisms between public spaces and memory sites.

Building on the previous analysis, a comprehensive examination of interview narratives and intergenerational emotional mapping can more clearly reveal the differences across generations in memory spaces and identity orientation. The annotations of the first-generation villagers are mainly concentrated in traditional spaces such as ancestral halls and farmland. Keywords related to clans/production, such as “ancestors,” “ancestral hall,” “farming,” and “harvest,” frequently appear in the interviews. The annotations of the second generation shift towards spaces such as factories and streets, with narratives focusing on “the factory where I worked,” “the bustling streets,” and “marketplaces and business activities,” reflecting industrial transformation and social change. The annotations of the third generation focus on modern public spaces such as squares, schools, and waterfront promenades, corresponding to “activities,” “festivals,” “classmates,” “parents,” “strolling,” “neighborhood interactions,” and “community participation,” reflecting public life. The spatial shift in map hotspot intensity shows a significant covariation with the change in narrative keyword orientation: hotspots of traditional spaces decline alongside narratives related to clans and production, while hotspots of modern public spaces rise in tandem with narratives related to public life and participation. This series of cross-method evidence indicates that the substitution of spatial functions and the enhancement of openness, through the restructuring of daily activity patterns and social interaction networks, are driving the shift in villagers’ cultural identity from “clan/production” to “public life/participation.” At the same time, intergenerational differences are clearly demonstrated in the evidence combining visualization and narratives, revealing the divergent trends in memory perception and spatial usage across generations. Thus, the study not only empirically addresses the relationship between spatial transformation and identity/sense of place, but also uncovers the existence and manifestation of intergenerational differences.

Despite significant differences in memory structures and spatial preferences among the three generations, cultural discontinuity has not emerged within the village. Instead, a pathway of collaborative inheritance has formed through an intergenerational co-construction mechanism. Based on interview data and emotional map analysis, this study proposes a “Narrate–Preserve–Participate” memory co-construction model: the first generation serves as historical narrators, extending traditional memory through oral storytelling; the second generation sustains spatial identity by continuously using and maintaining traditional sites; and the third generation develops a new sense of spatial belonging and cultural identity through active participation in festivals and community activities.

As shown in

Table 8. Case Scenario of the “Narrate—Preserve—Participate” Model.

The old site based on narration	Residential Complex No. 35	Taian Tomb Site	The Zheng Ancestral Hall
	Jixiang Temple	Ancient City Wall	Ancient well Site
Well-preserved and accessible site	Former Residence of Fei Boxiong	Dongyue Temple	Former Residence of Cao Weifang
	Former Residence of Ma Peizhi	Ancient Well	Ancient Stage

, some historically significant sites have been preserved and serve as memory carriers for future generations to visit and engage with. For example, some ancient wells have been restored and opened to the public as tourist attractions, allowing traditional memories to be continued and revitalized. However, some relics have gradually disappeared or been repurposed over time. Some ancient wells have been sealed, and the second and third generations of villagers are unaware of their existence. Only through the narration of the first generation can this memory be preserved. The Taian Tomb site has now been enclosed and repurposed into small workshops, with only the first generation of villagers being familiar with its original form. The Zheng Ancestral Hall has also been converted into a store, losing its original symbolic significance. Jixiang Temple has been transformed into a small factory, but the ancient ginkgo tree in the temple, which requires three people to encircle it, is still regarded by villagers as a proud landmark. Although the temple no longer serves its religious function, villagers continue to preserve the “Jixiang Temple” plaque and maintain the tradition of offering incense and praying for blessings, demonstrating their adherence to place memory and emotional attachment. The residential complex at No. 35, Wansui Opera Stage Road, was severely damaged in a fire a few years ago, losing its historical and cultural value. The ancient city wall of Mengcheng is also only partially preserved.

At the same time, some symbolic locations have been better preserved and continue to serve their cultural functions, such as the former residence of a Traditional Chinese Medicine practitioner, Tu Office, Dongyue Temple, and the newly restored Guanyin Temple. These locations provide future generations with tangible spaces to “maintain” and “participate” in historical and cultural practices, becoming key nodes in the process of memory co-construction. They carry important functions in the transmission of emotions and the generation of identity between generations. For example, the Dongyue Temple Fair held at Dongyue Temple, which takes place annually, attracts active participation from villagers of all generations. In the intergenerational co-construction of the Dongyue Temple Fair, different generations demonstrate their own distinctive roles and practices. The first generation of villagers mainly sustain the memory of the fair through oral narration. As one septuagenarian recalled: “When we were children, the temple fair lasted for three days, the opera stage was packed with people, and there was also the monkey lantern performance from Wansui.” Such narratives not only preserve the historical memory of the fair but also provide younger generations with a lens through which to imagine and interpret the atmosphere and cultural significance of traditional rituals. The second generation has taken on greater responsibilities of organization and maintenance, often serving as village committee members or volunteers responsible for preparing the fair, arranging the opera stage, and coordinating performances to ensure the continuity of the event. The third generation primarily engages through immersive participation: they watch performances in the plaza, take part in dragon and lion dances, or record and share scenes of the fair via social media, thereby forming new memories and emotional connections through lived experience. This process fully reflects the “Narrate—Preserve—Participate” memory co-construction model, and also demonstrates the vitality and continuity of traditional spaces in intergenerational collaboration.

In summary, the differences in intergenerational memory reflect the dynamic renewal of spatial identity, while the “Narrate–Preserve–Participate” mechanism serves as a cultural bridge that fosters cross-generational collaboration throughout this process. This intergenerational co-construction not only facilitates the continuity of memory amid spatial transformation but also provides cultural depth and social sustainability for public space planning. It highlights the adaptive resilience of collective memory as it evolves between change and continuity.

3.3.3. Analysis of Memory Distribution Types

In the process of rapid urbanization and spatial reconstruction in Menghe Ancient Town, collective memory faces varying degrees of risk of fragmentation. However, through the analysis of emotional maps and intergenerational interviews, the study finds that villagers have not passively accepted the loss of memory. Instead, they have actively engaged in the “repair” and “reconstruction” of memory through spatial use and emotional attachment.

In analyzing the emotional maps of the three research areas, we conducted a kernel density analysis (Figure 11), examining the characteristics of the collective memory in these villages. The analysis classified the collective memory into three types: concentrated aggregation, multi-point distribution, and extended penetration.

• Concentrated Aggregation Type

Emotional memories of this type are significantly focused on a few areas, forming one or two high-density core locations. The emotional heatmap shows that villagers frequently mark memories of areas such as the village committee and the square, forming the spatial “emotional core.” These high-density points typically serve administrative, cultural, and daily life functions, reflecting the highly organized activities and spatial centralization of the village. The overall spatial memory composition of the village is relatively compact, with significantly lower participation in other areas.

The concentrated aggregation-type locations in Nanlanling Village are mainly distributed around the village committee and the square. Due to the development and improvement of tourism, these areas not only serve administrative functions but also accommodate the villagers’ cultural, recreational activities, and communication needs, becoming the core emotional spaces. The emotional focus areas in Wansui Community include the village committee and the area near the market. These complementary spaces form the main carriers of community life, meeting the daily needs of different groups and reflecting strong emotional attachment. In Mengcheng Community, the memory is concentrated around the village committee and the small park. Although the scale is smaller, due to its frequent use in daily governance and neighborhood communication, it still exhibits strong spatial emotional aggregation characteristics.

Figure 11. Intergenerational Emotional Map of the Three Research Areas.

Figure 11. Intergenerational Emotional Map of the Three Research Areas.

• Multi-Point Distribution Type

This type of memory marking presents multiple medium-to-high-density hotspots, with an even distribution of emotions and a rich spatial hierarchy. The heatmap shows that the memory points form multiple clusters with different functions, including both everyday spaces and symbolic locations. This type exhibits the diversification of spatial functions and memory content, indicating that villagers’ daily activities span a wide range. Moreover, different areas possess certain emotional carrying capacity, reflecting strong spatial complexity.

In Nanlanling Village, the areas around the village committee, due to the successful development of tourism, have seen the addition of walkways, ponds, rest corridors, and viewing lawns, becoming high-frequency areas for villagers’ activities. At the same time, symbolic locations such as Jixiang Temple also exhibit a high level of emotional intensity. In Wansui Community, the market, old residences, and Dongyue Temple are all high-density areas, serving both daily and cultural functions. Mengcheng Community, with its rich historical and cultural heritage, has its historic district and multiple preserved sites as focal points for emotional markings, reflecting the residents’ strong sense of identity and emotional connection to local history.

• Extended Penetration Type

This type of emotional memory is centered around several key nodes and extends along natural elements such as water bodies, roads, and farmlands, forming a linear or zonal spatial structure. In the heatmap, emotional hotspots are distributed in linear or network patterns, covering a wide area but with moderate density. The natural environment within the village becomes an important carrier of memory, with significant emotional markings on places such as ponds and tributaries. This type demonstrates the daily pattern of deep integration between villagers and natural spaces, with spatial memory displaying the characteristics of “connecting the static with the dynamic and forming a network through dispersion.”

In Nanlanling Village, the village committee is adjacent to the Old Menghe River, and some settlements are built along the Puhe River. Most of the main roads are also laid along the river. The intertwining of natural and man-made spaces results in a continuous distribution of high-intensity emotional hotspots in this area, forming a band-like structure in the emotional heatmap. The emotional hotspots in Wansui Community are mainly concentrated between Qi and Liang Road and the Puhua River. This area is not only convenient for transportation but also a distribution zone for historical relics, forming a composite memory space where culture and nature overlap. The old street in Mengcheng Community extends along the west bank of the Puhua River. As the main residential area, it is frequently used and, due to its historic district characteristics, carries rich historical memories and cultural emotions, becoming a significant high-value emotional area. These linear and zonal distribution patterns reflect the high degree of alignment between villagers’ daily lives and the natural environment, showcasing the ecological embeddedness within the village’s spatial structure and the deep integration of the human-environment relationship.

The identification of these three types of spatial patterns reveals how public spaces serve different functional mechanisms in the construction of collective memory. On one hand, villagers reinforce collective identity through aggregative spaces, generate emotional complexity through multi-nodal spaces, and extend human-place connections through permeable spaces. On the other hand, the evolution of spatial memory reflects villagers’ cultural adaptation and identity reconstruction amid spatial transformation. The correspondence between spatial forms and memory distribution provides an empirical basis for understanding how collective memory is sustained during spatial change, and offers valuable insights for the sustainable planning of public spaces in historic and cultural towns.

4. Discussion

In the process of rapid spatial restructuring, public spaces in villages have gradually become important sites for memory accumulation, emotional expression, and cultural identity. The study shows that spatial nodes with historical depth and strong social participation—often integrating functions such as interaction, ritual, and production—continue to serve as emotional cores of collective memory for villagers. These spaces not only carry the lived experiences of different generations but also continuously stimulate the reproduction of memory through festivals and everyday practices. According to the research findings, spatial nodes with a high concentration of memory are often composite places where material elements (such as physical space) are layered with spiritual elements (such as behavioral memory, ritual activities, and emotional experiences). It is precisely this integration of the physical and the symbolic—”space and meaning”—that makes them vital carriers for intergenerational sharing and the formation of collective identity. The memory hotspots revealed by the emotional maps reflect a memory network woven through the spatial structure, illustrating how public spaces gradually evolve into concrete carriers of collective memory and sites of identity formation through continued use, emotional engagement, and intergenerational layering. This process demonstrates that public space is not a static backdrop, but is continuously engaged in the processes of “carrying–transforming–reproducing” through social interaction, thereby constituting the interactive mechanism between collective memory and space.

With the advancement of industrial transformation and urbanization, many traditional spaces that once carried local identity are facing the challenges of functional decline or even disappearance. However, villagers have not passively accepted this transformation. Instead, they have actively “mended” the fractures in memory by restoring old sites, continuing traditional activities, and preserving local customs, thereby constructing an adaptive system of cultural identity. At the same time, a new generation of villagers is gradually forming emotional connections with modern plazas, street parks, and commercial nodes, reflecting a dynamic process of identity reconstruction and spatial readaptation. It can be seen that spatial transformation not only alters the physical environment but also profoundly shapes villagers’ cultural identity and sense of belonging: on the one hand, the weakening of traditional spaces leads to the erosion of the foundations of identity; on the other hand, emerging public spaces have become growth points for modern identity and social relationships.

Different generations exhibit distinct ways of perceiving and becoming attached to space. The older generation tends to regard traditional sites such as ancient buildings and farmland as the core of their memories, reflecting a strong emotional connection to the land and a deep sense of historical continuity. The middle generation, shaped by the “agriculture-to-industry” transition, sees everyday memory rooted in spaces where life and work intersect—such as factory buildings, alleyways, and small plazas. In contrast, the younger generation relies more on convenient, functional social spaces, with their memories often embedded in emerging nodes like bus stops, cultural and sports plazas, and riverside walkways. This result is similar to Wu Jinfeng’s study on generational differences in tourism spaces, which also found significant divergence in spatial preferences and identity across generations [29]. However, the distinction here is that this study emphasizes the intertwining of “production–life–culture” within rural public spaces, rather than focusing solely on consumer-oriented tourism settings. These intergenerational differences in spatial usage have not led to cultural fragmentation; rather, through the interactive mechanism of “Narrate–Preserve–Participate,” they have facilitated the pluralistic construction and collaborative evolution of collective memory. As a result, public space has become a convergence point for intergenerational identity. These intergenerational differences are reflected not only in memory objects and spatial preferences, but also reveal the trajectory of transformation in cultural identity patterns: from clan lineage and attachment to the land, to industrial production and social interaction, and further to reliance on modern public life and functional convenience.

It is worth noting that these intergenerational memories are not only embedded in space but also manifest specific structural characteristics in spatial form. This study identifies three typical emotional spatial patterns: Centrally Aggregated Spaces, represented by core nodes such as historical buildings and village committee offices, predominantly carry the ritual memories and sense of community belonging among the older generation. In the process of spatial renewal, these areas should be enhanced in terms of their public interaction and festive functions so that they may continue to serve as focal points for intergenerational storytelling and cultural activities. Multi-nodal distributed spaces are widely located across everyday functional nodes such as alleyways, factory zones, and small marketplaces. These serve as the primary backdrop for the middle generation’s daily life and production activities. In the process of renewal, attention should be given to functional integration and scene transitions, improving the connectivity and adaptability of these nodes to create a flexible and continuous living network. Extended and permeable spaces are mainly distributed along waterfront roads, green pedestrian paths, and open urban blocks. Favored by the younger generation, these spaces emphasize leisure experience and a sense of fluidity. Renewal strategies should incorporate design approaches that enhance accessibility and interactivity—such as continuous walkways, visual corridors, and light-touch activity installations—to increase spatial friendliness and user engagement.

The combination of emotional mapping and interview narratives reveals a clear trend: the memory intensity of traditional spaces such as ancestral halls and farmland continues to decline, accompanied by a weakening of clan and production orientations; while the intensity of emerging public spaces such as squares, schools, and waterfront promenades increases, corresponding to a strengthening of public life and participation orientations. This indicates that the transformation of spatial functions not only changes the way spaces are used, but also reshapes cultural identity and sense of place. Intergenerational emotional mapping further highlights generational differences: the older generation relies on clans and land, the middle generation emphasizes transitional spaces, and the younger generation focuses more on modern public facilities. The spatial preferences and memory narratives of different generations layer upon each other, outlining the trajectory of cultural identity evolution—from clan ties and land bonds, gradually shifting to industrial production and social interactions, and eventually to modern public life and daily participation.

In conclusion, by revealing the mechanisms of interaction, analyzing identity and sense of belonging, and comparing intergenerational differences, this study demonstrates the cultural resilience and dynamic adaptability of Historic and Cultural Towns in the process of modernization. This not only provides new empirical support for the theoretical study of collective memory, but also echoes Relph’s discussion on the uniqueness of place and cultural identity [21]. However, this paper places greater emphasis on the unique value of the “Narrate–Preserve–Participate” model in cross-generational collaboration, and further offers clear directions for the planning of rural public spaces and the transmission of culture.

5. Research Limitations and Recommendations

5.1. Research Limitations

Although this study takes Menghe Town as a case, and its historical depth and background of industrial transformation provide strong representativeness, the conclusions still exhibit a certain degree of regional dependence. Its applicability to other historic and cultural towns still needs to be further verified in relation to local cultural structures. Moreover, since collective memory is inherently subjective and constructed, the choice of research methods has also influenced the results to some extent. This study mainly relies on semi-structured interviews and emotional mapping to collect and analyze villagers’ memories. While these methods are effective in capturing the emotional and spatial dimensions of memory, they inevitably involve subjective bias and lack real-time tracking of dynamic behavioral patterns. Future research could attempt to integrate multi-source data and emerging technologies, such as big data analysis based on mobile phone positioning, behavioral trajectory tracking, and even virtual reality scenario simulation, to capture a more continuous and dynamic process of space–memory interaction. This would not only help enhance the objectivity and robustness of research findings, but also reveal the evolutionary logic and spatial mechanisms of collective memory on a broader scale.

5.2. Recommendations

Based on the research findings, this study recommends strengthening the spatial expression of collective memory in the planning of public spaces in historic and cultural towns, and proposing differentiated strategies in line with the characteristics of each area. Taking Wansui Community as an example, traditional spaces such as Dongyue Temple and the Tu Office should undergo environmental improvement and detailed restoration. This includes restoring the stage function necessary for temple fair activities and improving public rest areas around the temples. These efforts will ensure that these spaces continue to serve as key venues for intergenerational communication and community identity [56,57]. In Mengcheng Community, a memory signage system and small cultural display points could be established in conjunction with the layout of the old street and the ancient city wall, During the exhibition process, digital imaging technology should be fully utilized to help construct the historical context of social memory [58]. For example, adding oral history panels next to the traditional Chinese medicine clinic or setting up small local culture exhibition halls at street nodes—so that both villagers and visitors can directly perceive historical memory and thereby strengthen their sense of place identity. In Nanlanling Village, existing cultural and tourism resources can be leveraged to promote the integrated development of a “Village History Museum–Cultural Plaza–Intangible Heritage Experience” linkage: documenting the village’s development trajectory in the history museum, hosting intergenerational festivals in the plaza, and setting up intangible cultural heritage handicraft experience points, thereby enabling villagers and visitors to deepen their understanding of local culture through interaction. At the same time, intergenerational-friendly design elements should be introduced into open spaces such as plazas and green areas—for example, adding fitness facilities for the elderly, activity zones for children, and social corners for youth—so that public spaces can truly serve as multifunctional platforms for carrying memory, transmitting culture, and connecting the community.

6. Conclusions

This study takes Menghe Town in Changzhou as a case and systematically explores the evolution of collective memory and public spaces, as well as their interactive relationship, in the context of historic and cultural towns. Through semi-structured interviews, emotional map creation, and the construction of the intergenerational co-construction model, this study reveals villagers’ emotional attachment to different public spaces and their memory expression pathways throughout historical changes. The study found that collective memory not only shows significant differences between generations but also profoundly influences the usage patterns and identity construction of village public spaces.

The study further points out that with the updating of spatial forms and the weakening of traditional spaces’ functions, the memory-bearing capacity of public spaces is facing significant challenges. Through the “Narrate—Preserve—Participate” intergenerational co-construction model, villagers collectively reconstruct the memory network through narration, usage, and participation, providing dynamic support for the continuity of collective memory. The use of emotional maps effectively visualizes this process, achieving a bidirectional mapping between memory and space.

Collective memory, as a crucial support for the vitality of public spaces in historic and cultural towns, interacts and evolves with space in a way that not only reflects the path of cultural transmission but also reveals the mechanisms of local identity construction. Through thoughtful planning and cultural representation, public spaces can continue to play a core role in rural governance and cultural revitalization in the new era. This wil l promote the continuous improvement of the quality of public spaces in historic and cultural towns and the recreation of their cultural value.