Evolving National Identity in Korea (2012–2021) and Implications for Social Sustainability

Abstract

National identity in Korea has undergone significant changes in recent years, reflecting broader shifts in social and political landscapes. Traditionally rooted in ethnocultural and ethnic frameworks, the concept of national identity is increasingly influenced by civic and pluralistic values, reflecting Korea’s growing diversity and globalization. This study aims to explore the transformation of national identity in Korea between 2012 and 2021 and its implications for social sustainability, with particular attention paid to Sustainable Development Goal 16. Using latent class analysis, this research examines survey data collected from Korean adults over the specified period. The analysis reveals a decline in ethnocultural and ethnic identities, with a corresponding rise in civic-oriented and flexible identity groups, such as Non-Territorial Ethnocultural Civic, Pluralistic, and Territorial-Cultural groups. These new categories illustrate a more complex understanding of national belonging, shaped by multiple dimensions. The results suggest that this evolving identity landscape promotes greater inclusivity and adaptability, crucial for fostering long-term social cohesion in a diverse society. The study highlights the need for policies, educational reforms, and media narratives that embrace this dynamic understanding of national identity. The findings offer important insights for policymakers and educators as Korea continues to navigate the challenges of diversity and globalization, ensuring a sustainable social future.

1. Introduction

The Republic of Korea, traditionally proud of its homogeneous identity, has seen a significant increase in its immigrant population in recent years. This shift has ignited discussions on inclusion, exclusion, and integration, challenging the longstanding narrative of a singular Korean ethnicity. The discourse has extended to question the very essence of what constitutes a “true Korean,” revealing deep-seated tensions and evolving perceptions about ethnic boundaries. The rise in the immigrant population has led to notable changes in official narratives; terms emphasizing a single ethnicity have been phased out of official documents. Furthermore, the 2007 revised curriculum, implemented in 2010, eliminated previous references to a single ethnicity and introduced multicultural education for the first time, signaling a significant shift in educational focus and societal outlook [1].

Over the past decade, with the rise in immigration, some researchers [2,3] have undertaken limited studies to identify the criteria required to define a “true Korean”. However, in the context of escalating cultural diversity and the introduction of new policies, scholarly exploration into how adults perceive and define the concept of “true Koreans” remains significantly underdeveloped. Employing Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries as a theoretical framework [4,5,6], this study seeks to investigate potential shifts in adult perceptions of what characterizes a “true Korean” following a decade of notable social and educational transformations. Additionally, this inquiry will examine the implications of these perceptual shifts for social cohesion and integration, thereby contributing to a nuanced understanding of identity dynamics within a rapidly changing society.

Previous studies [2,3] have predominantly focused on isolated temporal snapshots, lacking a comprehensive examination of how identity perceptions evolve over extended periods. Although government reports, such as those published by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family [7], have contributed valuable insights into these shifts, they have generally employed item-based analyses. This approach falls short of capturing the complex interactions among various factors that collectively shape national identity. Furthermore, certain studies [2,3] segmented populations into four distinct groups based on reference points derived from average scores. These classifications were informed by methodologies established in prior international research [8,9], applying comparable frameworks for data analysis. By drawing on and expanding these previous studies, researchers sought to provide a more systematic understanding of group distinctions within the population.

This limitation is particularly evident given the increasing emphasis on multiculturalism in Korea’s educational and media environments, where national identity has become more fluid and layered. To address this limitation, a more sophisticated methodological approach is required—one that can reflect the diverse attitudes of the population. As an alternative to traditional average-based analyses, this study employs latent class analysis (LCA) to uncover the hidden subgroups within Korean society that prioritize different elements of national identity. LCA identifies classes based on data patterns without pre-determined thresholds or classes [10,11], unlike methods that use cutoffs. This method allows for the emergence of more naturally occurring groups within the dataset, potentially reflecting more meaningful and realistic distinctions among individuals based on their responses [11]. This flexibility allows the model to adapt to the complexity and structure of the data, which can lead to a more accurate representation of different identity types. Therefore, LCA offers a more dynamic approach that can reveal how different segments of society perceive national identity, taking into account its complexity and variability. It provides a more comprehensive understanding of how Koreans define their national identity in an era of social change. Against this background, the study addresses two key research questions:

RQ1. 

How has the distribution of identity groups among Korean adults changed over the past decade?

This research question is essential because it provides a quantitative foundation for understanding the dynamics of social identity within a nation experiencing rapid cultural and demographic shifts. Korea has seen significant changes in its population’s attitudes towards nationalism, ethnicity, and civic identity, influenced by global interactions, immigration, and policy changes towards multiculturalism. Tracking how identity groups have shifted over the past decade will offer empirical data that can help policymakers, educators, and social scientists understand the pace and direction of these societal changes.

RQ2. 

What does this suggest about the shifting landscape of national identity in Korea, particularly in terms of social sustainability and its alignment with Sustainable Development Goal 16?

This question is critical as it seeks to interpret the broader implications of the changes in identity group distributions. By understanding these shifts, this research can provide insights into how the collective national identity of Koreans is being reshaped in the context of global modernity and cultural integration. This is particularly important in a country like Korea, where national identity has traditionally played a pivotal role in social cohesion and policy making. The outcomes of this inquiry can help inform ongoing debates about identity politics, social integration, and the formulation of policies that support a more inclusive national identity narrative.

Together, these questions aim to not only map out the empirical changes in identity group proportions but also interpret these changes within the larger framework of national and cultural identity transformations. This dual focus can provide a comprehensive picture of the identity landscape in Korea, highlighting both the statistical trends and their socio-cultural implications.

By answering these questions, this study will provide critical insights into the complexities of national identity formation in Korea. It will allow for a deeper understanding of how different population groups navigate the tensions between ethnic lineage, cultural practices, civic participation, and territorial connections. Furthermore, the study will offer important implications for social sustainability, suggesting how Korea can foster inclusivity and social cohesion in an increasingly globalized world while maintaining its unique cultural identity. This study also contributes to theoretical discussions on national identity formation in multicultural societies, offering valuable insights into how Korea can maintain a balance between inclusivity and cultural preservation to ensure social sustainability. Understanding how national identity is being redefined in Korea’s increasingly multicultural landscape is crucial to addressing the challenges of globalization, enhancing social cohesion, and preserving the nation’s cultural heritage. The findings of this research will offer practical implications for how Korean society can navigate these tensions and foster a sustainable social model that promotes both integration and unity.

2. Literature Review

In this section, the researcher will briefly examine the current trends of Korea’s transition towards a multicultural society and the policies implemented in response to these developments. Furthermore, the researcher will explore the theoretical background that provides meaningful insights into the changes in national identity formation.

2.1. The Expansion of Multicultural Demographics and Policy Responses

The trend of the multicultural population in Korea has shown consistent growth. In 2006, the number of foreign residents was approximately 536,627, marking the beginning of a steady upward trajectory. By 2014, the foreign population had risen significantly to 1,569,470, highlighting the rapid influx of immigrants during this period. This trend, however, experienced slight fluctuations in the following years. For instance, in 2019, the foreign resident population peaked at 2.52 million but decreased during the COVID-19 pandemic, dropping to 2.04 million in 2020. Nevertheless, a recovery began in 2021, and by the end of 2023 the foreign population had nearly returned to pre-pandemic levels, reaching 2.51 million [12]. This reflects Korea’s steady transition toward becoming a more multicultural society, with foreign residents now accounting for nearly 5% of the total population. The growing number of foreign residents signals a demographic shift towards a more diverse society. This long-term demographic shift underscores the increasing relevance of multicultural policies and social integration efforts within the country.

Since the early 2000s, the South Korean government has expanded its support for multicultural families through various policies, such as the establishment of Multicultural Family Support Centers. These centers provide services like language education, vocational training, and childcare support. These policies reflect the government’s commitment to creating an inclusive society by addressing the challenges posed by low birth rates and an aging population, while promoting the social and economic participation of foreign nationals.

More specifically, the Multicultural Families Support Act offers comprehensive support to multicultural families formed through international marriages or naturalization. This law ensures that immigrants receive essential life information, multilingual services, and educational assistance to help them integrate into Korean society. It also guarantees equal educational opportunities for multicultural children by providing bilingual education. In addition, special programs are designed to support marriage immigrants, particularly women, to assist in their cultural adaptation and social integration, and the protection of their rights within the family. The act further promotes social inclusion by safeguarding the human rights of foreigners and providing legal recourse against discrimination.

In addition to the Multicultural Families Support Act, several other legal frameworks form the basis of Korea’s multicultural policies, including the Immigration Control Act, the Marriage Brokerage Act, and the Nationality Act. These laws regulate immigration, oversee international marriage agencies, and outline the process for acquiring Korean nationality. Together, these legal frameworks play a crucial role in protecting the rights of immigrants and supporting their integration into South Korean society. In addition, Korea establishes a “Basic Plan for Multicultural Family Policies” every five years, which outlines the fundamental direction and key tasks of multicultural policies. These plans are developed by analyzing the achievements and limitations of previous plans while reflecting environmental changes and emerging policy demands.

In addition to the Multicultural Family Support Act, various policies are being implemented to support students from multicultural families. For instance, the Ministry of Education’s multicultural education support policy, which began in 2006 with the “Educational Support for Students from Multicultural Families,” evolved to its current form in 2023 under the vision of “Students learning and growing together, diverse and harmonious schools.” This policy sets two key goals: ensuring educational opportunities for multicultural students and closing the educational gap and creating a mature educational environment where diverse cultures coexist.

2.2. Theoretical Foundations for Analyzing National Identity

This study is grounded in Anderson’s concept of “Imagined Communities [13] and Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries [4,5,6]. Together, these theories provide a robust theoretical backdrop for analyzing the fluidity of national and ethnic identities, highlighting how both imagined communities and ethnic boundaries are socially constructed and continuously evolving.

Anderson’s theory posits that nations are socially constructed entities, where individuals perceive themselves as part of a larger community, despite having no direct interaction with most of its members. This imagined sense of community is primarily facilitated through print media, such as newspapers and novels, which enable individuals to visualize themselves as part of a synchronously moving collective. Through these shared experiences, a common history and identity are fostered. Anderson’s insights are crucial in understanding how national identities are not static but are continuously reshaped and reimagined through cultural and social narratives. He emphasizes that national identity is formed through the “imagining” of a community distinguished from others by shared characteristics and a collective history, with media playing a pivotal role in creating this sense of unity and belonging [13]. This theory is particularly useful because it helps explain the cultural and social mechanisms that contribute to the sense of belonging and identity at the national level, illustrating that national identities are not fixed but fluid and continuously constructed through social processes and narratives.

Calhoun [14] posits that Anderson’s work offers pivotal insights into the enduring influence of national identity on political behavior and the maintenance of social cohesion in contemporary societies. He suggests that Anderson’s conceptualization of imagined communities reveals the profound capacity of national identity to shape political dynamics and foster collective solidarity, even in the face of modern complexities and socio-economic disparities. This enduring relevance, according to Calhoun, underscores the importance of Anderson’s contributions to the broader understanding of how national consciousness remains a critical force in shaping both political structures and social relations in the globalized world.

On the other hand, Wimmer’s approach offers a dynamic framework for understanding ethnicity by focusing on the processes and interactions that define ethnic groups and their boundaries. Wimmer explores how social closure, language, ideological frameworks, and socio-political dimensions influence the construction, maintenance, and transformation of ethnic boundaries [4,5,6]. His theory moves beyond the mere categorization of ethnic traits and emphasizes the strategies and negotiations among actors within social fields that shape these boundaries.

Wimmer identifies four key dimensions that shape ethnic boundaries: political salience, social closure, cultural differentiation, and historical stability. Political salience highlights the centrality of ethnic boundaries in political alliances and conflicts, while social closure examines how these boundaries regulate access to resources and group cohesion. Cultural differentiation addresses how cultural differences reinforce or undermine boundaries, challenging the notion that cultural content within boundaries is insignificant. Historical stability, meanwhile, explores why some ethnic boundaries persist over time, while others remain fluid and subject to change. Wimmer also categorizes ethnic boundary-making strategies into five types—boundary expansion, contraction, normative inversion, repositioning, and boundary blurring—emphasizing that those in power have greater influence over how these boundaries are defined and enforced [4,5,6,13].

In his theory, Wimmer argues that ethnic identity is a fluid construct actively shaped by groups in response to social and political pressures. He highlights three key strategies—boundary expansion, contraction, and shifting. Boundary expansion broadens group membership criteria to increase size or influence, as seen in nation-building efforts like 19th century France. Boundary contraction narrows criteria to maintain exclusivity, such as the Indian caste system’s rules on social interactions. Boundary shifting alters group membership criteria in response to significant changes, like how Irish and Italian immigrants in the U.S. were redefined as “white” over time. These strategies illustrate the dynamic nature of ethnic boundaries, shaped by internal dynamics and broader socio-political contexts [4,5,6,14].

The prior study [15] on Jewish ethnic boundary maintenance in Sweden also utilizes Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries as a key theoretical framework to explore how ethnic identities are preserved and negotiated in response to societal pressures. This demonstrates that Wimmer’s framework provides a critical lens for understanding the dynamics of ethnic identity, particularly in terms of how ethnic boundaries are constructed and defended across various contexts. Thus, Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries functions as a vital theoretical framework for examining both the changes and persistence of ethnic identities, providing a deeper insight into how ethnic groups manage and adapt their identity in evolving social contexts.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Data and Sample

This study utilized data from the “Multicultural Acceptance Survey”. The survey on multicultural receptiveness has been conducted by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family every three years, in 2012, 2015, 2018, and 2021 [7,16,17,18]. The purpose of these surveys is to provide a foundation for developing policies that support the harmonious coexistence of people from diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds in South Korean society. The survey focuses on understanding how the increasing cultural, ethnic, and racial diversity in Korean society is being accepted by adults.

The sampling was conducted using the same methodology. Specifically, the target population consisted of adults aged 19 to 74 years, and the sampling frame utilized the enumeration districts from the Population and Housing Census provided by Statistics Korea. The sample was selected on a national scale, with a total of 2500 participants in 2012, 4000 participants in both 2015 and 2018, and 5000 participants in 2021. The sampling methodology involved stratification by province, urban or rural areas, and housing types. The primary sampling units consisted of survey blocks from which households were systematically sampled with probability proportional to size. Secondary sampling units involved the systematic sampling of households within these blocks. The final survey units were eligible household members identified within the sampled households [7,16,17,18]. The demographic characteristics of the survey sample from 2012 to 2021 are presented in

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the survey sample from 2012 to 2021.

Category	Subcategory	2012	2015	2018	2021
Gender	Male	1247 (49.88%)	2006 (50.2%)	2034 (50.9%)	2545.0 (50.9%)
	Female	1253 (50.12%)	1994 (49.8%)	1966 (49.1%)	2455.0 (49.1%)
Age	19–29	514 (20.6%)	777 (19.4%)	761 (19.0%)	921.0 (18.4%)
	30–39	543 (21.7%)	825 (20.6%)	754 (18.9%)	874.0 (17.5%)
	40–49	578 (23.1%)	906 (22.6%)	862 (21.5%)	1018.0 (20.4%)
	50–59	459 (18.4%)	831 (20.8%)	858 (21.5%)	1063.0 (21.3%)
	60+	406 (16.2%)	661 (16.5%)	765 (19.1%)	1123.0 (22.5%)
Marital Status	Single	550 (22.0%)	1018 (25.5%)	1015 (25.4%)	1274.0 (25.5%)
	Married	1904 (76.2%)	2873 (71.9%)	2903 (72.6%)	3581.0 (71.6%)
	Other	46 (18.6%)	107 (2.7%)	82 (2.0%)	142.0 (2.8%)
Education	Middle School or less	348(13.9)	534 (13.4%)	441 (11.0%)	521.0 (10.4%)
	High School	1007(40.3)	1542 (38.5%)	1546 (38.7%)	2044.0 (40.9%)
	College	479(19.2)	717 (17.9%)	698 (17.5%)	1082.0 (21.6%)
	University (4 years)	650(26.0)	1150 (28.8%)	1267 (31.7%)	1306.0 (26.1%)
	Graduate School	16(0.6)	57 (1.4%)	45 (1.1%)	46.0 (0.9%)
Income	Less than 1 M KRW	96 (3.6%)	143 (3.6%)	82 (2.0%)	104.0 (2.1%)
	1 M–2 M KRW	303 (11.4%)	408 (10.3%)	267 (6.7%)	286.0 (5.7%)
	2 M–3 M KRW	750 (28.2%)	819 (20.6%)	640 (16.0%)	695.0 (13.9%)
	3 M–4 M KRW	1182 (44.5%)	1246 (31.3%)	1019 (25.5%)	1187.0 (23.8%)
	4 M–5 M KRW	809 (30.4%)	788 (19.8%)	965 (24.2%)	1215.0 (24.3%)
	5 M–6 M KRW	403 (15.1%)	344 (8.6%)	639 (16.0%)	881.0 (17.6%)
	More than 6 M KRW	169 (6.4%)	229 (5.7%)	381 (9.6%)	629.0 (12.6%)

.

As shown in Table 1, the demographic characteristics of the survey sample from 2012 to 2021 show consistent trends across key categories. In terms of gender, the sample remains evenly divided between male and female participants, with a slight male majority in recent years. Age distribution indicates a dominant presence of respondents in their 30s and 40s, though there is a gradual increase in the 50–59 and 60+ age groups over time. Marital status reveals a consistently high percentage of married individuals, though this figure slightly decreases by 2021, while the proportion of single respondents shows a small increase.

Education levels of the sample indicate a steady rise in participants with university or graduate-level qualifications, peaking in 2018, though there is a slight decline in 2021. On the other hand, respondents with middle school education or less have steadily decreased. In terms of income, the majority of respondents consistently fall within the 3 M–4 M KRW bracket, though higher-income groups (more than 6 M KRW) see a notable increase by 2021. These demographic shifts suggest a gradual aging of the sample population, with higher levels of education and income becoming more prevalent over the survey period.

3.2. Measurement

How important do you think each of the following criteria is for being a true Korean? This survey focused on various criteria such as having Korean ancestors, having a Korean mother or father, being born in Korea, having Korean citizenship, respecting Korean political institutions and laws, feeling Korean, having lived in Korea for most of one’s life, and being able to speak Korean. This scale consists of four points, labeled as follows: ‘Not at all important’ (1), ‘Slightly important’ (2), ‘Moderately important’ (3), and ‘Very important’ (4) [7,16,17,18].

Recent scholarship has increasingly questioned the traditional classification of national identity into merely ethnic and civic factors, as commonly reported in earlier studies [2,3,8,9]. Despite expanding the framework to include four types by combining ethnic and civic identities, the classification fundamentally remains anchored to these two primary factors [2,3,8,9,19]. This insight underscores a critical need to reevaluate how national identity is categorized, suggesting that a mere expansion into multiple types might not sufficiently capture the complex dynamics of identity. This conventional framework has been criticized for its oversimplification, which fails to capture the complexity of national identity in a global context [20,21,22]. A pivotal study by [23] marks a significant shift in this discourse by empirically analyzing and advocating for a more nuanced categorization that encompasses four distinct dimensions: territorial, ethnic, cultural, and civic identities.

In light of this, the study developed and tested two Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) models to evaluate the validity of this multidimensional framework. The first model followed the traditional two-factor structure (ethnic and civic identity), while the second model was based on the four-factor structure proposed in the literature. In this research, the lavaan package in R 4.3.1 environment [24], which is adept at specifying, estimating, and evaluating structural equation models, was utilized to perform CFA. This analysis aimed to validate the proposed two-factor structure and to ascertain if the observed variables effectively represented the theoretical constructs. The results of the CFA are shown in

Table 2. Comparison of confirmatory factor analysis: four-factor model vs. two-factor model.

Fit Index	Model 1 (Four-Factor)	Model 2 (Two-Factor)
CFI	0.938	0.914
TLI	0.910	0.890
RMSEA	0.096	0.106
RMSEA 90% CI	0.093–0.100	0.103–0.110
SRMR	0.057	0.077

.

The results of the CFA show that Model 1 (four-factor) demonstrated a CFI of 0.938 and a TLI of 0.910, indicating an acceptable model fit. Typically, CFI and TLI values above 0.90 are considered indicative of a good fit [25,26]. In contrast, Model 2 (two-factor) showed lower fit indices, with a CFI of 0.914 and a TLI of 0.890, suggesting a slightly weaker but still acceptable fit. In terms of the RMSEA, Model 1 produced a value of 0.096, with a 90% confidence interval of 0.093 to 0.100. Although this value exceeds the commonly accepted threshold of 0.08 [27], it remains closer to the acceptable range than Model 2, which had a higher RMSEA of 0.106 (90% CI: 0.103 to 0.110), indicating a poorer fit. Both models show some evidence of misfit based on RMSEA, but Model 1 performs better. Regarding SRMR, Model 1 had a value of 0.057, which is within the threshold of 0.08, indicating a good fit.

On the other hand, Model 2 had an SRMR of 0.077, which is also within the acceptable range but suggests a weaker fit compared to Model 1. When all these indices are taken together, the analysis demonstrates that Model 1 (four-factor) offers a better overall fit compared to Model 2 (two-factor) across most fit indices. This suggests that the four-factor structure, which divides identity into territorial, ethnic, cultural, and civic dimensions, provides a more accurate representation of the data.

Furthermore, these results can offer useful guidance in naming the groups identified through latent class analysis. The four-factor structure, by delineating clear categories of identity, supports the interpretation and labeling of latent groups that may emerge from a latent class analysis, ensuring that the groupings reflect meaningful distinctions among territorial, ethnic, cultural, and civic identities.

Table 3. Four latent factors and their corresponding observed variables.

Factor	Question Description (Observed Variables)
Territorial Identity	Being born in Korea
	Spending most of one’s life in Korea
Ethnic Identity	Having Korean ancestry
	Having a Korean father
	Having a Korean mother
Civic Identity	Respecting Korea’s political system and laws
	Feeling a sense of being Korean
	Holding Korean citizenship
Cultural Identity	Continuing Korea’s cultural traditions
	Being able to speak the Korean language
	Contributing to Korea’s political, economic, social, and cultural development

presents the organization of the four latent factors and the corresponding observed variables that are associated with each factor.

The latent class analysis was conducted using binary variables to reflect the dichotomous nature of the responses [10]. For the purposes of conducting the latent class analysis in this study, the original scale was recoded. Specifically, responses categorized as ‘Not at all important’ and ‘Slightly important’ were reclassified into a new category labeled as 2, while responses for ‘Moderately important’ and ‘Very important’ were consolidated into a new category labeled as 1.

3.3. Method: Latent Class Analysis (LCA)

Latent Class Analysis (LCA) is a powerful statistical tool that uncovers hidden subgroups within a population based on response patterns, delving into survey data to identify natural clusters or patterns and offering a sophisticated approach to understanding groupings beyond simple averages. Unlike methods that impose predetermined categories or cutoffs, LCA discerns classes based on inherent patterns in the data, allowing for a more nuanced exploration of how individuals are grouped based on their responses. This method assigns probabilities to each class membership, acknowledging the fluidity and overlap in identity categories and accommodating the inherent uncertainties in identity measures [10,11,28].

The core advantage of LCA extends to its robust statistical framework, which rigorously assesses the suitability of different models to the data using several indices, differing from cluster analysis that also derives groups but may not evaluate model suitability with similar rigor. These indices include the Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) and the Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC), both of which help in comparing model fit by penalizing the complexity of the model to prevent overfitting. Entropy, another index, measures the clarity of classification of the models, indicating how well the model separates classes. This framework evaluates how various classifications encapsulate the underlying structure of the data, enabling researchers to make informed decisions based on statistical evidence rather than arbitrary choices. By allowing for the selection of the model that most accurately reflects the data’s structure, LCA ensures more reliable and valid results, making it a preferred choice for studies requiring a deep understanding of categorical data distributions [10,11,28].

In this study, the researcher comprehensively considered these indices to derive types of perceptions about the true nature of Koreans. To identify distinct groups within the data, the researcher employed LCA using the poLCA package in the R 4.3.1 environment [29].

4. Results

In the analysis of latent class models, the optimal grouping of subjects was determined through a comprehensive assessment using a variety of indices, including the AIC, BIC, and entropy. Lower values of the AIC and BIC signify a superior model fit [10]. Furthermore, an entropy value exceeding 0.8 is regarded as indicative of high classification accuracy based on previous studies [11]. These metrics collectively contribute to an informed decision-making process by evaluating model fit, complexity, and the clarity of classification among potential groups.

Additionally, to ensure the robustness and practical applicability of the classification, the distribution within each derived group was aligned with prior research recommendations, which suggest that each class exceed a minimum threshold of 5% of the total sample [11]. This criterion helps in avoiding overly sparse classes that may not be representative or stable, thereby enhancing the overall reliability and interpretability of the model outcomes. This approach underscores a balanced integration of statistical rigor and empirical guidelines in the structuring of latent class analyses. The results of the latent class analysis have been compiled and presented based on survey data collected across four years: 2012, 2015, 2018, and 2021.

4.1. Model Fit Tests for and Analysis of National Identity Perception Types

The results of the latent class analysis conducted on the 2012 survey data are presented in

Table 4. Statistical indices and model fit tests for 2012.

Class	AIC	BIC	Entropy
2	15,161	15,295	0.76
3	14,581	14,785	0.76
4 *	14,215	14,489	0.76
5 *	14,165	14,508	0.76
6 *	14,108	14,521	0.76
7 *	14,081	14,565	0.77
8 *	14,067	14,620	0.79

Note: * indicates inclusion of classes with population shares below 5%.

.

In Table 4, from Class 2 to Class 8, as noted by the asterisks, some classes include population shares below 5%. The entropy values, which range from 0.76 to 0.79, indicate a reasonable level of classification accuracy, with Class 8 showing the highest entropy value, suggesting better classification clarity. The AIC decreases as we move from Class 2 to Class 8, suggesting that adding more classes might improve the model fit. However, practical considerations such as the interpretability and manageability of the model, along with the inclusion of smaller classes (indicated by * for classes under 5%), also need to be considered. Like the AIC, the BIC decreases consistently from Class 2 through Class 4, indicating an improving model fit with the addition of each class. However, beyond Class 4, the BIC values begin to increase, suggesting that adding further classes may not enhance the model’s explanatory power but rather introduces unnecessary complexity. After a comprehensive evaluation of these indices, it is concluded that the optimal number of groups for the 2012 data, considering model fit and class size, appears to be three. Class 3 was selected based on a comprehensive evaluation of indices, including model fit. To elucidate the characteristics of this class, an analysis of the estimated class conditional probabilities was performed. The results, alongside the classes’ population shares for each class, are depicted in Figure 1.

As shown in Figure 1, Class 1 places an overwhelming emphasis on familial ties as the core of Korean identity, marked by high probabilities of 0.96 for having a Korean father and 0.90 for having a Korean mother in the Ethnic category. Such high values indicate that genealogy is paramount in defining belonging within this class. Additionally, this class values feeling Korean highly, integrating emotional identification with ancestry. Compared to other classes, this one is characterized by its strong reliance on direct lineage to define identity, contrasted by significantly lower values in civic-related aspects like having Korean citizenship and contributing to Korea’s societal development. In consideration of these characteristics, Class 1 has been named the “Ethnic Identity” type, with 19% of the population identifying with this perspective.

Class 2 scores exceptionally high across nearly all aspects of cultural engagement and civic responsibilities, with perfect scores (1.00) in feeling Korean and respecting Korean political institutions and laws, highlighting a holistic integration of ethnic and civic dimensions of identity. Furthermore, Class 2 stands out for its all-encompassing approach, not only focusing on ethnic roots but also heavily emphasizing the importance of civic duties and cultural practices, which is markedly different from the Class 1, which focuses predominantly on lineage. Taking into account these traits, Class 2 is designated as the “Ethnocultural Civic Identity” type, representing 69% of the population that aligns with this viewpoint. Prioritizing civic aspects of identity, Class 3 is characterized by high probabilities in respecting Korean political institutions and laws (0.80), feeling Korean (0.81), and having Korean citizenship (0.79), underscoring a definition of identity based on civic participation and legal recognition rather than ethnic origins. Unlike the other two classes, this places minimal emphasis on ethnic roots, as indicated by very low probabilities for having a Korean father (0.01) and a Korean mother (0.06). This class views civic duties and legal status as more central to Korean identity. Considering these characteristics, Class 3 has been classified as the “Civic Identity” type, encompassing 12% of the population that subscribes to this perspective.

The latent class analysis, based on the data collected from the 2015 survey, was conducted to identify distinct subgroups within the population. The detailed results of this analysis, including class membership probabilities and relevant statistical indicators, are presented in

Table 5. Statistical indices and model fit tests for 2015.

Class	AIC	BIC	Entropy
2	33,083	33,228	0.82
3	31,755	31,975	0.82
4 *	31,079	31,375	0.82
5 *	30,894	31,265	0.82
6 *	30,760	31,207	0.78
7 *	30,607	31,130	0.75
8 *	30,637	31,235	0.79

Note: * indicates inclusion of classes with population shares below 5%.

.

Considering the AIC, BIC, and entropy values, along with the inclusion of classes with population shares below 5%, it is concluded that three classes are optimal for the 2015 data. This configuration strikes a balance between statistical efficiency and practicality, ensuring that the model is both interpretable and statistically justified without risking overfitting. The analysis examined the estimated class conditional probabilities to better understand the defining features of each class. The findings, along with the proportion of the population represented by each class, are illustrated in Figure 2.

The 2015 latent class analysis of perceptions regarding what constitutes a “true Korean” reveals a structure that closely mirrors the findings from the 2012 study. Once again, three distinct identity classes emerge, reinforcing the continuity of key national identity perceptions among Korean adults. These classes are identified as Ethnocultural Civic, Civic, and Ethnic, reflecting a nuanced blend of ethnic and civic criteria in defining Korean identity. The largest class in 2015, much like in 2012, is the “Ethnocultural Civic Identity” type, which comprises approximately 56% of respondents. The second class, the “Civic Identity” type, comprising 21% of respondents, focuses on more civic-based criteria such as having Korean citizenship and respecting political institutions. Finally, the “Ethnic Identity” type makes up about 23% of the sample, emphasizing ethnic and biological ties, such as being born in Korea and having Korean ancestry. Overall, the 2015 analysis demonstrates a strong continuity with the 2012 findings, with little variation in the proportions or defining characteristics of each identity class.

The latent class analysis performed using the 2018 survey data aimed to identify various subgroups within the population. The comprehensive findings of this analysis, such as the probabilities of class membership and key statistical metrics, are outlined in

Table 6. Statistical indices and model fit tests for 2018.

Class	AIC	BIC	Entropy
2	34,297	34,442	0.84
3	33,127	33,347	0.84
4 *	32,405	32,701	0.84
5 *	32,111	32,483	0.84
6 *	31,871	32,318	0.83
7 *	31,792	32,315	0.85
8 *	31,599	32,197	0.85

Note: * indicates inclusion of classes with population shares below 5%.

.

Based on the data from Table 6, which presents the statistical indices and model fit tests for 2018, the optimal number of groups is determined to be six. This decision balances achieving low values of the AIC and BIC—indicative of a good model fit—with maintaining high entropy values, thereby ensuring the model’s interpretability and statistical justification without introducing unnecessary complexity or risk of overfitting. Notably, Classes 7 and 8, marked by asterisks, include classes with population shares below 5%. These smaller classes may not significantly enhance the model’s explanatory power or practical applicability due to their limited size. The analysis explored the estimated class conditional probabilities to gain deeper insight into the key characteristics of each group. The results, together with the population distribution for each class, are shown in Figure 3.

Class 1 emphasizes preserving Korea’s cultural heritage (0.83), being able to speak Korean (0.83), and especially values having Korean citizenship (0.91). Although they do not strongly prioritize ethnic markers such as having Korean parents, their focus on citizenship and cultural identity makes them more aligned with a national identity rooted in civic responsibility and cultural belonging. This class represents a form of nationality where cultural participation and legal status (citizenship) are central, rather than pure ethnic descent. The term “Civic-Cultural Identity” better captures their emphasis on both civic and cultural elements in defining Korean identity.

Class 2 is similar to the “Ethnocultural Civic Identity” type identified in the 2012 and 2015 analyses. This group emphasizes both ethnic and civic markers, combining a strong sense of cultural heritage with active civic participation as core elements of Korean national identity.

Class 3 exhibits the lowest emphasis on any single factor of identity. They score 0.00 for being born in Korea and have low scores for ethnic markers like having Korean ancestors (0.18). Moreover, they place minimal importance on having Korean citizenship (0.22), showing that neither ethnic nor civic markers are central to their definition of being a “true Korean.” In previous studies [2,3,8,9], the group that does not prioritize specific criteria for national identity has been labeled as pluralists. In this study, reflecting the concept from previous research [2,3,8,9], Class 3 has been designated as the “Pluralist Identity Type”. This label reflects the group’s tendency to notprioritize specific criteria for national identity, aligning with the pluralist perspective. This approach fosters a more inclusive view of identity, embracing a variety of criteria without placing greater importance on any single one.

Class 4 strongly values key elements of Korean identity, such as preserving cultural heritage (0.91), respecting political institutions (0.96), and feeling Korean (0.97). They also place considerable emphasis on having Korean parents (father: 1.00, mother: 0.98), making ethnic lineage an important part of their identity. However, unlike other classes such as Class 2, they do not prioritize territorial markers like being born in Korea (0.00) or having lived in Korea for most of their life (0.54). Their identity is shaped by a non-territorial approach, where civic and cultural participation outweigh geographic origins. The label “Non-Territorial Ethnocultural Civic Identity” captures their blend of ethnic and civic identity, while deemphasizing the significance of birthplace and residency.

Class 5 places significant importance on both ethnic and civic markers. They highly value having Korean parents (father: 1.00, mother: 1.00), emphasizing ethnic lineage as a core aspect of identity. At the same time, they prioritize civic responsibilities, such as contributing to Korea’s development (0.76) and preserving cultural heritage (0.82). Unlike groups that heavily favor one dimension over the other, this class strikes a balance between ethnic roots and civic participation. The label “Ethnic-Civic Identity” captures their dual focus on both ethnic descent and active civic engagement.

Class 6 closely aligns with the “Civic Identity” type identified in the 2012 and 2015 analyses. Like its predecessors, this group places a strong emphasis on civic responsibilities and contributions to society, prioritizing factors such as respecting political institutions and contributing to the nation’s development, while placing less importance on ethnic or cultural markers. The population distribution across the classes is as follows: 9% for Class 1, 48% for Class 2, 5% for Class 3, 9% for Class 4, 13% for Class 5, and 16% for Class 6.

The latent class analysis conducted on the 2021 survey data sought to uncover different subgroups within the population. The detailed results of this analysis, including class membership probabilities and important statistical figures, are presented in

Table 7. Statistical indices and model fit tests for 2021.

Class	AIC	BIC	Entropy
2	42,912	43,062	0.78
3	40,710	40,938	0.78
4 *	39,321	39,627	0.78
5 *	38,995	39,379	0.78
6 *	38,721	39,184	0.78
7 *	38,622	39,163	0.75
8 *	38,587	39,206	0.74

Note: * indicates inclusion of classes with population shares below 5%.

.

Based on the data from Table 7, which presents statistical indices and model fit tests for the year 2021, both the AIC and BIC exhibit a consistent downward trend from Class 2 through Class 8, indicating an improving model fit with the addition of more classes. However, while entropy values are consistently high from Class 2 through Class 6, demonstrating good classification accuracy, they begin to slightly decline from Class 7 onwards. This decrease, along with the smaller population shares in Classes 7 and 8, suggests that adding more than six classes may not substantially improve the model’s explanatory power or practical applicability. Considering these factors, it is concluded that six classes represent the optimal configuration for the 2021 data. The analysis examined the estimated class conditional probabilities to gain a deeper understanding of the defining characteristics of each group. The findings, along with the population distribution for each class, are presented in Figure 4.

In the 2021 analysis, as illustrated in Figure 4, six distinct clusters were derived. Among these, Classes 1 through 5 display characteristics consistent with those identified in the 2018 data, indicating stability and continuity in the civic and ethnocultural dimensions of national identity across the two periods. These groups, previously labeled in the 2018 study, retain their defining features and thus have been named similarly to their counterparts from earlier analyses.

Class 1 (Civic) emphasizes civic identity over ethnic lineage, while Class 2 (Non-Territorial Ethnocultural Civic) blends civic and cultural elements without focusing on territory. Class 3 (Pluralistic) maintains a balance between civic and ethnic-cultural factors, Class 4 (Ethnocultural Civic) highlights cultural heritage and civic identity, and Class 5 (Ethnic) centers on ethnic heritage as the primary marker of identity. However, the emergence of Class 6 in the 2021 analysis represents a notable divergence from the previous years’ patterns (2012, 2015, 2018). The emergence of Class 6 signals an emerging trend that ties national identity more closely to territorial and cultural dimensions.

Class 6, labeled “Territorial-Cultural Identity”, places significant emphasis on being born in Korea (0.95) as a primary marker of identity, alongside having Korean ancestors (0.83) and feeling Korean (0.84). The label “Territorial-Cultural Identity” aptly captures the balance between ancestral heritage and the lived experience of being born in Korea, reflecting an identity that is rooted in both territorial and cultural narratives. While these attributes are often associated with ethnicity, they primarily reflect a sense of cultural continuity rather than a strictly ethnic identity. The emphasis on Korean ancestry symbolizes the transmission of cultural values, traditions, and practices passed down through generations, ensuring the preservation of a shared heritage. Similarly, the notion of “feeling Korean” extends beyond ethnic markers, representing a deep emotional and cultural immersion in the norms, customs, and collective history of Korea. This identity is strongly grounded in the experience of growing up in Korean society and maintaining a lived connection to the nation’s cultural legacy. This conceptualization of identity may also apply to the children of Korean-Chinese, commonly referred to as Joseonjok, or Korean-Russians, known as Koryoin, who are born in Korea. These individuals might blend their ancestral heritage with contemporary cultural engagement, reflecting both their lineage and their immersion in Korean society.

As illustrated in Figure 4, Class 1 (Civic) represents 15%, Class 2 (Non-Territorial Ethnocultural Civic) 12%, Class 3 (Pluralistic) 5%, Class 4 (Ethnocultural Civic) 48%, Class 5 (Ethnic) 15%, and the newly emerging Class 6 (Territorial-Cultural) accounts for 6% of the population.

4.2. Summary of Analysis Results: Yearly Comparison

Figure 5 presents a comprehensive analysis of the data from 2012 to 2021, detailing the evolving trends in national identity across these years. This longitudinal overview captures significant shifts in the way various identity groups have developed and interacted over time.

The distribution of identity classes from 2012 to 2021, as shown in Figure 5, reveals significant shifts in how people understand and define national identity. In 2012, the Ethnocultural Civic class was dominant, representing 69% of the population. However, by 2015 the proportion of this group had decreased significantly to 56%, indicating a decline in the emphasis on traditional ethnocultural components. By 2018, this group continued to shrink, falling to 48%, where it stabilized through 2021, reflecting an ongoing but less pronounced importance of ethnocultural identity.

Similarly, the Ethnic class, which focused primarily on ethnic lineage as the core of national identity, also underwent notable changes. In 2012, 19% of the population belonged to this class, which grew slightly to 23% by 2015. However, by 2018 there was a sharp drop to 13%, showing a declining emphasis on ethnic identity. The Ethnic class recovered slightly in 2021, rising to 15%, but it remained much smaller than in earlier years.

The Civic class, emphasizing citizenship and political engagement, showed a contrasting trend. In 2012, it accounted for only 12% of the population, but by 2015 this group had grown significantly to 21%. The class’s size decreased slightly in 2018 to 15% and remained stable at 15% in 2021, indicating consistent but moderate importance.

New groups began to emerge starting in 2018, as reflected in Figure 5. The Non-Territorial Ethnocultural Civic class, which did not exist in 2012 or 2015, appeared for the first time in 2018, representing 9% of the population. This class reflects a growing recognition of cultural and political identity that is not tied to specific geographic boundaries. By 2021, this class expanded to 12%, indicating an increasing number of people who view being a “true Korean” as cultural and political, yet independent of territorial constraints. This implies that being a “true Korean” is based on cultural and political identity rather than being tied to a specific geographical or territorial boundary. In other words, their sense of Korean identity is not limited to physical or national borders but is instead shaped by shared cultural values, traditions, or political beliefs. This reflects a broader, more flexible view of national identity.

Similarly, the Pluralistic class also emerged in 2018, accounting for 5% of the population. This class represents a more inclusive and flexible perspective on national identity, blending civic, cultural, and ethnic elements. It remained stable at 5% in 2021, suggesting that while it is a small group, the pluralistic view of identity has maintained its relevance.

Another new class, the Civic-Cultural group, also appeared in 2018, comprising 9% of the population. This class represents individuals who integrate both civic participation and cultural heritage into their understanding of national identity. However, by 2021 this class had disappeared, possibly indicating that individuals had shifted their understanding of the relationship between civic and cultural elements, or that they had merged with other groups with more defined identities.

Finally, in 2021 a new class, the Territorial-Cultural class, emerged for the first time, representing 6% of the population. This class reflects a rising importance of geographic and cultural belonging, suggesting that national identity is increasingly being viewed through the lens of territoriality.

Overall, the trends reveal a decline in the dominance of both ethnocultural and ethnic identities, with a corresponding rise in more flexible and civic-oriented understandings of national identity. The emergence of new classes, such as the Non-Territorial Ethnocultural Civic, Pluralistic, and Territorial-Cultural classes, highlights the growing complexity of national identity in the modern era, with various factors—civic, cultural, ethnic, and territorial—all playing a role. The shifts suggest that national identity is no longer defined by a single dimension but is rather a blend of multiple influences that reflect the changing social and political landscape.

5. Discussion and Implications of the Analysis for Social Sustainability

The latent class analysis of national identity in Korea reveals a dynamic transformation, shifting from rigid ethnocultural conceptions to more inclusive, civic-oriented frameworks. This evolution holds profound implications for social sustainability as it promotes adaptability and inclusivity in an increasingly globalized and diverse society. Addressing these changes through comprehensive approaches in policy, education, and media will enable Korea to further cultivate a nuanced and flexible understanding of national identity. Such efforts are essential for fostering long-term social cohesion and sustainability. Building on these insights, the researcher will explore the broader implications for education, media representation, and policy development, and the significance of the analysis for enhancing social sustainability. This discussion will encompass not only practical considerations but also theoretical implications, contributing to a deeper understanding of the subject within the academic discourse.

5.1. Theoretical Implications

This study seeks to provide a comprehensive exploration of the theoretical significance of its findings. By doing so, the research not only addresses real-world applications but also contributes to the broader academic discourse, offering new insights into the conceptual frameworks and underlying theories related to national identity perceptions. In contrast to previous research [2,3,8,9,19], which classified perceptions of “true Koreans” into four predefined groups, this study employed a latent class analysis over the 2012–2021 period, revealing a more nuanced and diversified categorization of perceptions. The theoretical significance of this outcome lies in its ability to challenge and extend the simplified frameworks previously employed in studies on national identity.

While past research [2,3,8,9,19] often adhered to rigid categorization, the findings in this study demonstrate that societal perceptions of national identity are more fluid and complex than previously understood. These dynamic shifts, as illustrated in the evolving categories, suggest a broader range of criteria individuals use to define a “true Korean.” This richer understanding not only challenges the established paradigm but also calls for more flexible theoretical approaches when analyzing national identity.

The novelty of this study is further highlighted by the methodological innovation of employing latent class analysis, which allowed for the identification of emergent, multifaceted categories rather than fitting data into predetermined models [10,11,12]. Thus, the research contributes uniquely to both the methodological and theoretical discourse, advocating for more nuanced interpretations of national identity in contemporary contexts.

These findings highlight the flexibility and dynamic nature of Anderson’s “Imagined Communities” theory. While Anderson emphasizes that nations are socially constructed through the shared imagination of their members [13], the shifts in Korean identity perceptions from 2012 to 2021 demonstrate that these imagined communities are not static but adaptable. Over time, Korea’s national identity has expanded from narrow ethnic criteria to a more pluralistic and civic-based understanding, showing that the process of imagining a community is ongoing and responsive to societal change. This movement towards a more inclusive understanding of a “true Korean” reflects broader global trends, where national identity is shaped by both internal diversity and external influences. The study underscores the transformative potential of national identity, offering insights into how it is continually negotiated and redefined, with significant implications for both theory and policymaking in diverse and globalized societies.

In relation to Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries, this study provides important theoretical contributions. Wimmer posits that ethnic boundaries are socially constructed and maintained but can be shifted in response to changing contexts [4,5,6]. The study’s findings, showing a decreasing emphasis on ethnocultural civic values and increasing acceptance of pluralistic and civic criteria, illustrate the reconfiguration of ethnic boundaries in Korea. The traditional ethnic boundary based on homogeneity is being redrawn to include broader civic and cultural dimensions, making national identity more fluid and inclusive. This research supports Wimmer’s framework by demonstrating how globalization, migration, and multicultural policies can lead to the renegotiation of ethnic boundaries, with citizenship and civic participation becoming central to belonging in modern nation-states.

5.2. Policy Implications

From the perspective of social sustainability, the findings suggest a positive trend toward more inclusive and adaptable social structures. The decreasing emphasis on rigid ethnocultural and ethnic identities indicates a society moving toward greater social cohesion by accommodating diverse identities that are less exclusionary. The rise of civic and pluralistic identities supports the idea of social systems that are resilient to demographic and cultural changes, enhancing the ability of a society to integrate various groups, including immigrants, into its fabric. By focusing on citizenship, participation, and cultural fluidity, these trends promote long-term social harmony and adaptability, which are essential components of social sustainability.

The decline in ethnocultural and ethnic identity, alongside the rise of civic and pluralistic identity groups, indicates a need for policy initiatives that support inclusive and flexible frameworks of belonging. Policies that promote citizenship as the primary marker of national identity, such as reforms in immigration, naturalization, and integration policies, can help sustain the growing civic-oriented understanding of identity. Additionally, fostering social policies that support cultural diversity and recognize non-territorial or multi-faceted identities will help accommodate the rise of new identity groups. These policies can help sustain and nurture social cohesion by ensuring that people from different backgrounds feel equally represented and integrated into the social fabric.

Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries offers a framework for understanding how social processes construct and maintain distinctions between ethnic groups. The decline in ethnic identity and the rise of more flexible identity groups in Korea indicate that policies need to continue fostering inclusivity and fluidity in these boundaries. Policies such as the Multicultural Family Support Act [30] and other immigration-related reforms [31,32,33] already reflect attempts to broaden the definition of national identity to include non-ethnic elements.

To align with the observed shifts in national identity, policies should aim to reinforce inclusivity in legal, political, and social frameworks. Policies that facilitate the integration of immigrants, such as offering pathways to citizenship and promoting participation in civic life, are essential. The rise of civic-oriented identity groups supports the need for policies that emphasize equality of rights and responsibilities over ethnic lineage or cultural heritage. Government programs that foster social inclusion through community-building initiatives, public services tailored for diverse populations, and anti-discrimination laws are vital to sustaining the broadening concept of national identity.

5.3. Implications for Multicultural Education

Benedict Anderson’s concept of “Imagined Communities” emphasizes that national identity is constructed through shared experiences and collective imagination. This is particularly relevant for multicultural education in Korea, where traditional ethnocultural boundaries are giving way to more inclusive, civic-oriented identities. The rise of civic and pluralistic identity groups underscores the importance of teaching students about shared civic values, political participation, and the collective imagination of what it means to be “Korean.”

Multicultural education programs [31,32,33], such as those promoted under the Multicultural Family Support Act [30], have already started to encourage a more inclusive understanding of national identity. These programs can further incorporate Anderson’s perspective by fostering a sense of community that transcends ethnicity and highlights the value of cultural diversity and civic engagement. Students should be encouraged to see themselves as part of a broader national community that is defined not solely by ethnic heritage but by shared civic ideals and participation in the nation’s political and social life.

The rise of pluralistic and civic-oriented identities suggests a growing recognition of the value of diversity, which can be further supported through education that emphasizes civic responsibility, cultural appreciation, and global citizenship. Introducing curricula that focus on intercultural dialogue, the contributions of various ethnic and immigrant groups to Korean society, and the importance of civic participation can help nurture a socially sustainable society that is better equipped to handle demographic changes and the integration of immigrants. Therefore, multicultural education can play a key role in reinforcing the trends observed in the analysis by fostering an understanding of national identity that is inclusive of diverse cultural, ethnic, and civic elements.

5.4. Implications for Media Contents

Media representations play a key role in constructing national identity, as Anderson’s theory suggests. In Korea, the media has the power to either reinforce traditional ethnocultural distinctions or promote a more inclusive and imagined community based on civic values. The rise of pluralistic and civic identities aligns with the need for media portrayals that emphasize the contributions of immigrants, multicultural families, and diasporas to the national fabric.

The media’s portrayal of multiculturalism and civic participation can help reshape public perceptions, moving away from exclusive ethnic boundaries to a more inclusive, civic-oriented understanding of belonging. In line with Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundaries [4,5,6], the media can contribute to making ethnic distinctions more fluid, highlighting stories of individuals and communities who negotiate multiple identities—ethnic, civic, and cultural—within the evolving national narrative.

The media plays a crucial role in shaping public perceptions of national identity. Based on the analysis, the rise of pluralistic and non-ethnic identity groups implies that media content should shift toward promoting diverse narratives of what it means to be Korean. Rather than focusing on narrow ethnocultural definitions of identity, the media can highlight stories that emphasize civic engagement, multiculturalism, and the shared experiences of individuals from various backgrounds, including immigrants and diasporas. This approach can help reinforce the trend toward more inclusive identities and reduce social tensions related to ethnicity or culture. Additionally, media literacy programs could help citizens critically engage with media portrayals of national identity, further supporting social sustainability.

The rise of civic-oriented identity groups supports the need for policies that emphasize equality of rights and responsibilities over ethnic lineage or cultural heritage. Government programs that foster social inclusion through community-building initiatives, public services tailored for diverse populations, and anti-discrimination laws are vital to sustaining the broadening concept of national identity.

6. Conclusions and Suggestions

The latent class analysis of national identity among Korean adults, conducted between 2012 and 2021, reveals a profound transformation, shifting from traditional, rigid ethnocultural identities to more inclusive, civic-oriented frameworks. Over this period, significant changes have emerged, reflecting a move toward adaptability and inclusivity in a society that is increasingly diverse and globalized. The rise of flexible, civic-focused identities demonstrates the growing complexity in how national identity is understood, incorporating civic, cultural, ethnic, and territorial dimensions.

These changes underscore the importance of developing policies, educational systems, and media narratives that recognize and embrace this evolving reality. To ensure long-term social cohesion and sustainability, Korea must adopt a more inclusive approach that reflects the multiplicity of identities now shaping the nation. The analysis, which tracks changes over nearly a decade, provides crucial insights into how Korea can navigate the challenges of diversity and globalization, offering a clear roadmap for fostering a more integrated and sustainable vision of national identity.

As Korea continues to adapt to these changes, the findings of this study highlight the importance of embracing a national identity defined not by exclusion but by inclusion, where diversity and shared civic values form the foundation for greater social cohesion, resilience, and sustainability.

This study can be significant as it not only enhances our understanding of the changing landscape of national identity in Korea but also derives implications from a multifaceted perspective to enhance social sustainability. This researcher infers the factors of changes in national identity perceptions over a decade within the broader context of the growing interest and evolving policies in multicultural education in Korea, rather than delving into analyzing causal factors such as experiences in multicultural education or media exposure as variables. Therefore, research discussions are based on possibilities rather than empirical validations, representing a potential limitation of the study. Future research should aim to address these limitations by including a rigorous causal analysis that incorporates variables such as experiences in multicultural education and media exposure.

Another limitation of this study lies in its exclusive reliance on quantitative research methods. Although the quantitative approach has offered important insights into patterns and correlations concerning national identity in Korea, it falls short of capturing the deeper, context-specific nuances that may arise through more exploratory inquiry. To mitigate this limitation, future research should consider incorporating qualitative methodologies, such as in-depth interviews or focus groups, which would allow for a more comprehensive exploration of participants’ lived experiences and the underlying factors shaping their perceptions. The inclusion of qualitative data could significantly augment and enhance the current findings, facilitating a more holistic understanding of the multifaceted nature of national identity.

Despite employing consistent probability sampling methods across all survey periods in 2012, 2015, 2018, and 2021, variations in sample sizes remain a limitation. These variations arise from the dependency on existing survey data. Standardizing sample sizes across different survey periods would enhance the comparability and reliability of the findings. By undertaking these improvements, further studies can provide a more concrete understanding of how various influences shape national identity, thereby better informing targeted policy-making and educational strategies to foster a socially sustainable future.