(Re)shaping the Tourists’ Imagined Identity of Mosuo towards Sustainable Ethnic Tourism Development in Southwest China

Abstract

Ethnic tourism development has emerged as a vital strategy in ethnic regions to drive local economic growth and improve the quality of life. However, numerous ethnic areas have undergone transformation to accommodate tourism and commercial advancement, with little regard for the conservation of their cultural values. Therefore, the aim of this study is to enhance the cultural tourism attributes and construct place identities from the tourists’ perspective. By conducting fieldwork in Zhaishi village of Yongning Township and Lige village near Lugu Lake, encompassing semi-structured interviews with professionals and questionnaires for tourists, we explore the relationship between the “imagined” and “perceived” identity from the tourists’ perspective and the constructed identity from the authorities’ perspective in two Mosuo villages in China. The findings suggest that the local government should focus on the (re)shaping of tourists’ imagined identity and perceived identities. The results of this study provide policy recommendations for the future development of tourism in the Mosuo region, thereby enriching the perspective of ethnic tourism research.

1. Introduction

Tourism has grown rapidly and become a global industry, with hundreds of millions of people traveling both internationally and domestically annually. Domestic tourism has emerged as a strategically significant sector for boosting the local economy, especially in ethnic regions in China [1,2]. Moreover, driven by the development of tourism, Yunnan Province has transformed into a popular destination for ethnic tourism and cultural heritage [3,4,5]. As a type of sightseeing tourism, ethnic tourism is founded on a vernacular community, like a tribe, a village, a town, or a city. The target groups of this form of tourism are touristically “marked” because of their distinctive culture [6]. Consequently, many villages (inhabited by specific ethnic groups) have been chosen for concentrated redevelopment because of the tourist potential derived from their ethnic and cultural features [7,8,9,10]. Through ethnic tourism, ethnic groups develop a strengthened sense of place identity and acquire the confidence and commitment to safeguard traditional culture [11].

Due to the uniqueness of the Mosuo matriarchal culture and the stunning landscape of Lugu Lake, tourism around Lugu Lake has been steadily increasing since 2000 [12]. In 1995, 82,600 tourists visited the region, and in 2011, the number had grown to 500,000; by 2019, the number of people just visiting Lugu Lake from Yunnan Province had reached 2,167,000 [13]. Over the past two decades, many ethnic settlements in the Mosuo region have witnessed a series of tourism-related developments. Many locals have embarked on a process of alteration, restoration, reconstruction, refurbishment, and renewal to transform ordinary Mosuo dwellings into multi-functional ones. When an ordinary Mosuo dwelling is converted into a guesthouse, the dwelling becomes not only the private residence of a family but also a public tourist agency providing exotic cultural products for tourists’ consumption. However, due to the contradiction between the dual goals of cultural preservation and economic development in the process of ethnic tourism development, the results of this development do not meet the expectations of the government or those of the Mosuo people. If both economic and tourism developments are not managed properly and sustainably, the Mosuo people are at risk of losing their cultural identity and heritage [14].

There is a growing body of literature that explores the link between tourism and identity, particularly in the field of heritage tourism [15,16,17,18,19]. Heritage tourism often serves as a model for understanding how tourism interacts with and influences the identity of a place. Insights from heritage tourism can be applied to the context of ethnic tourism. For instance, the strategies used in heritage tourism for presenting and preserving cultural and historical assets could provide valuable lessons for promoting and protecting the unique aspects of Mosuo culture in tourism. Heritage tourism can enhance our understanding of Mosuo ethnic tourism and place identity research. However, there has been limited consideration given to the relationship between ethnic tourism development and the construction of place identity [20]. Previous studies have shown that tourists may develop a sense of place identity towards natural settings and tourist destinations as they have symbolic and physical contact with those destinations [21]. While the theoretical and empirical elaboration of the meanings of place in cultural discourses has been emphasized, little attention has been paid to the practical methods employed by tourists in formulating and constructing place and identity. Therefore, it is necessary to study the implications of tourism development on place identity from the perspective of tourists in order to gain their understanding of the value of Mosuo ethnic tourism.

This research examines the identities ‘imagined’ and ‘perceived’ by tourists and compares them with the identities ‘constructed’ by the local authorities. It reveals that the attitudes and thoughts of tourists, to a certain extent, reflect local cultural tourism features, rather than simply summarizing the trend in tourism development. Research on the place identity of tourists and tourism management departments in Mosuo villages can enrich the perspective and insights of ethnic tourism research to promote the practice of ethnic tourism. It provides policy suggestions for the future development of tourism in the Mosuo region.

2. Theoretical Background

2.1. Identity and Tourism

Identity is strongly related to tourism development and cultural revival [22,23]. Identity, an important concept in the social sciences, refers to the way an individual or social group defines ‘who I am’ [24,25]. This term has a long history in philosophy and was subsequently developed in psychology [26]. Concepts such as clan identity, cultural identity, ethnic identity, and regional identity have been constructed and used in rural and urban studies to explore the interrelationships between communities and spatial transformations [27,28,29].

As tourism has become one of the world’s major economic forces, there is a growing interest in understanding the influences of tourism on identities [30,31,32,33,34,35,36,37]. Previous studies have shown that tourism has two sides. Some have argued that tourism is portrayed as a destructive force, leading to an erosion of local identity through commodification and commercialization [16,38,39]. On the contrary, others believe that tourism can provide a platform for identity management, representation, and reconstruction, helping to generate a sense of identity and belonging [40,41]. For instance, the crafts, performances, and festivals organized for tourism purposes can assist minority people in maintaining or reinforcing their identity [42].

In the field of heritage tourism, identity is considered the core issue of heritage; both tangible and intangible heritage represents the identity of people [43]. The relationship between tourism and identity has been frequently discussed in terms of how heritage tourism contributes to tourist identity formation [36,44,45,46,47]; how the advent of tourism has transformed aspects of host group identities [40,48,49,50]; and how ethnic, cultural, national, and regional identities are reaffirmed, challenged, or altered through their tourism experiences [51,52,53,54]. It has been argued that heritage tourism can be used as a potent marketing strategy to create a national identity through mechanisms of touristic cultural production [15,46]. Oakes [49] and Rogers [40] noted that heritage tourism in rural areas creates a forum for local populations to participate in promoting themselves and their villages, which makes local residents aware of the value of their traditions and enhances their sense of identity. Thus, understanding how identity is represented, perceived, and reshaped is increasingly important in the field of tourism.

2.2. Sustainable Tourism Development

The idea of sustainable tourism development started to emerge in the 1970s [55]. A few years later, the Brundtland Report further developed and disseminated the ideas of sustainable development. At the “World Conference on Sustainable Tourism” conference held in Spain in 1995, a charter for sustainable development was drafted, stating that sustainable development plays a dominant role in the tourism industry [56]. The Journal of Sustainable Tourism (JOST) was established in the UK in the late 1990s, dedicated to the study of sustainable tourism, highlighting the significant status of sustainable development in the field of tourism research [57]. With the support and promotion of UNESCO, the UN Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Tourism Organization (WTO), sustainable tourism development has been fully acknowledged by various countries and non-governmental organizations. Sustainable tourism has become a crucial topic and concept in tourism planning and development [58,59,60].

Sustainable tourism is defined as “tourism that takes full account of its current and future economic, social and environmental impacts, addressing the needs of visitors, the industry, the environment and host communities”. This definition not only clarifies the nature of tourism but also brings in the concept of equitable inter-regional development for both the “host” and the “guest”. According to the UNEP and the UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), sustainable tourism “refers to the environmental, economic, and socio-cultural aspects of tourism development, and a suitable balance must be established between these three dimensions to guarantee its long-term sustainability [61]”. Both of these definitions mandate that attention should be given to preserving the integrity of environmental resources and culture during tourism development. It becomes evident that sustainable tourism development means ensuring that while undertaking tourism development, care should be taken to maintain environmental resources and cultural integrity to not undermine the possibility of future generations to fulfill their tourism needs.

With the advancement of the sustainable tourism concept, it is an inevitable trend for ethnic tourism to be integrated into sustainable development theory. Fundamentally, the future of ethnic tourism depends on the protection of ethnic culture and the continuity of settlements and cultural landscapes [62]. Yang [63] claimed that maintaining authenticity and cultural integrity is crucial for the sustainable development of ethnic tourism. Ethnic tourism creates a connection of identity and perceptions between inhabitants and tourists [64]. Thus, within the framework of sustainable tourism, identity, as an intangible tourism resource, has great potential to promote the sustainable development of ethnic tourism through appropriate presentation and promotion. However, the existing literature has not put forward the sustainable development idea from the perspective of tourists’ identity, which is expounded in greater detail in the following study in combination with a specific case.

3. Sites and Research Methods

3.1. Sites: Zhashi and Lige Village

Mosuo villages are mainly distributed in the Yongning basin and surrounding areas: in the Lugu Lake area of the Ninglang District in Yunnan Province and to the west of the Yanyuan District in Sichuan Province [65]. Although tourism has brought increasing prosperity to the Mosuo villages, except for the main tourist sites around the Lugu Lake region, most of the other villages still mainly have an agricultural and natural economy.

This research selected Zhashi village in the Yongning basin area and Lige village around the Lugu Lake as case studies (Figure 1). This is because these two Mosuo villages represent different degrees of tourism development in the Mosuo region. Lige village has had a highly developed tourism industry for nearly 30 years, while Zhashi village has not undergone systematic development. The future trend indicates that a growing number of Mosuo villages are starting to become more involved in modernization and tourism and are becoming targets for further development.

The Mosuo, dubbed the kingdom of women, is one of the few remaining matriarchal societies globally, located on the shores of Lugu Lake in the southwest of China and sharing borders with the provinces of Sichuan and Yunnan. According to the Seventh National Population Census [66], there are approximately 50,000 Mosuo people. They possess their own distinct language but lack a written script. The area they inhabit has a maximum elevation of 3200 m and a minimum of 800 m. Three aspects of the Mosuo culture that tend to attract the most attention are matriarchal culture, walking marriages, and their integration of Tibetan Buddhism and their own religion, ‘Daba’. The unique culture and traditions of the Mosuo people, including these aspects, are one of the primary reasons why tourists visit this region.

3.2. Methods

3.2.1. Semi-Structured Interviews

Semi-structured interviews [67,68] were conducted in July and August 2016 and aimed to explore the professionals’ perceptions of Mosuo village and culture, which in turn provided insights into how external factors shape and influence the identities of the local people. A total of 26 interviews were conducted. Interviewees cover different types of professionals and stakeholders associated with the Mosuo tourism development in order to obtain comprehensive and diverse viewpoints, including local officials responsible for tourism planning, cultural experts, village leaders, and businesspeople engaged in tourism-related enterprises.

Invitations for the interviews were sent through emails, phone calls, and WeChat messages through authors’ personal network and contact information published on the local government’s website. A snowball sampling strategy was employed to access the diverse groups relevant to the interview purpose. Initial data analysis was conducted after each interview to inform the direction of sampling. The size of the sample was determined by the situation of data through the initial analysis. In the semi-structured interviews, data were acquired by posing the following open-ended questions [69]: What are the distinctions between Zhashi village and Lige village? What are the influences of tourism on these two Mosuo villages? What are your perspectives on the future development of Mosuo villages? Each interview lasted approximately half an hour per informant and was audio-recorded to minimize information loss, with the process being flexible to accommodate longer ones if needed. In this study, the thematic analysis method [70] was employed to analyze all data transcripts.

3.2.2. Questionnaire

To gain an understanding of how tourists perceive Mosuo ethnic villages and their culture, a study was conducted based on the answers that tourists gave when completing a questionnaire in the field. The significance of tourists’ opinions lies in providing a comprehensive understanding of the tourists’ mindset and their evolving relationship with the Mosuo identity throughout their travel experience. Questionnaires can be used for both qualitative research with open-ended questions to gather in-depth data about people’s opinions, experiences, and beliefs [71].

To gain an insight into tourists’ motivations and expectations prior to their arrival, as well as their experiences and level of satisfaction with Mosuo villages following their arrival, the respondents were randomly approached on-site in Zhashi village and Lige village in April 2017, with the purpose of capturing a diverse range of responses from tourists in different age groups and maintaining a gender balance [72,73]. A total of 100 responses were collected, and 96 of them were complete and valid for analysis, with 46 from Zhashi village and 50 from Lige village. The questionnaire was in Mandarin, and the data were analyzed in Mandarin. The anecdotal quotes were translated into English and cited in this article.

The open-ended questions in the questionnaire include the following: Why did you select ethnic settlements as a tourism destination? What did you aim to acquire from the tourist experience? Have your expectations been fulfilled? Fifty tourist questionnaires were distributed in both Zhashi village and Lige village to gather information and views from respondents. The questionnaire was reviewed by the supervisory team to increase reliability. The questionnaires provide an external evaluation of the Mosuo identity influenced by the tourism development from the tourists’ perceptions.

3.2.3. Reflection

Two strategies, data triangulation and a rich and thorough description of the findings, were adopted in this study to enhance the validity of the research findings [74]. The triangulation of data with different methods helped produce a more comprehensive set of findings [75]. In this study, the data sources included interviews with various stakeholders such as Mosuo inhabitants, professionals in the region, and tourists visiting the area, along with visual materials (e.g., photos). In addition, the interview data used in this study are directly cited to clarify the themes of qualitative research and give the reader a sense of immediacy [76]. This description brings the reader into the setting and provides many perspectives on related themes, resulting in richer and more realistic findings.

Qualitative reliability refers to the consistency of research results [77]. Morgan and Drury [78] suggested that in order to attain reliability in research, a series of steps through the stages of data generation, analysis, and interpretation need to be documented. In this study, the suggestions of Morgan and Drury were adopted to consider the issues of reliability by providing a rich and detailed description of each stage of this study. Especially, reliability is provided for the structure by comparing the results of the two surveys conducted between 2016–2017 and 2022 and looking for the reasons for this change in the various identities. The authors attempt to avoid subjective thinking as a researcher in the field investigation and objectively present the participants’ ideas.

4. Results

4.1. Questionnaire Survey Results

This section of the questionnaire survey results analyzes the feedback of different tourists before and after arriving at the tourist destination, which helps to understand their perception and construction of identities related to Mosuo culture and the sustainable development of the area. In the survey, over two-thirds of survey respondents (61.5%) were female, while males made up only 38.5%. Regarding age specifically, a significant proportion of the respondents were aged 20–39, and only 13.54% were aged 40–59. In terms of monthly personal income, 42.7% of the respondents had a monthly personal income of 3000–10,000 RMB. Those with an income of 10,000–30,000 RMB accounted for 15.6%, and 14.6% had no income. The lowest proportion (1.04%) had an income of more than 30,000 RMB.

4.1.1. Tourists’ Motivation and Expectation

As shown in

Table 1. Tourist motivation and expectation before arrival of survey respondents (N = 96).

Categories	Frequency (N)	Percent (%)
Tourist motivation and expectation
Mosuo matriarchal culture	5	5.21
Natural scenery	9	9.38
Mosuo matriarchal culture and natural scenery	54	56.3
Rest and relaxation	23	24.0
Other reasons	4	4.17
Not known	1	1.04

, more than half (56.3%) of the respondents’ travel motivation was to experience Mosuo matriarchal culture and natural beauty. They claimed to be highly interested in Mosuo culture, looking forward to witnessing different aspects of Mosuo culture that are distinct from the city. They aimed to gain an in-depth understanding of Mosuo culture, see more traditional and old Mosuo dwellings, and obtain a unique experience. A proportion of 24% of respondents were seeking a relaxing environment, and their motivation was to get away from the stresses and routines of daily life.

4.1.2. Tourists’ Experience and Perception

Regarding the tourist destination, as indicated in

Table 2. Tourists’ experience after arriving at the tourist destination (N = 96).

Categories	Frequency (N)	Percent (%)
Tourist destination
Lige village	29	30.2
Daluoshui village	25	26.0
Zhudi village	37	38.5
Sanjia village	2	2.08
Not known	3	3.13
Stay for days
2	76	79.2
3	15	15.6
More than 3 days	4	4.17
Not known	1	1.04
Tourist activities
Cultural activities	36	37.5
Natural outdoor activities	58	60.4
Not known	2	2.08

, firstly, the largest number (38.5%) of respondents stayed in Zhudi village, followed by Lige village (30.2%) and then Daluoshui village (26.0%). Most of the respondents selected visiting villages around the Lugu Lake rather than entering villages in the Yongning area because the former provides perfect tourist facilities. In terms of length of travel, all respondents stayed more than one day in the area. Most (76%) typically spent two days at the tourist site; the remainder of respondents (19.8%) stayed for 3 days or more. With regard to the tourist activities, more than two-thirds of the respondents (60.4%) participated in natural outdoor activities such as driving around Lugu Lake and boating on it. Additionally, one-third of the respondents (37.5%) engaged in cultural activities, including experiencing local cuisine at the Grandmother’s house, attending a bonfire party, and visiting the Mosuo Folk Museum.

Tourists’ perceptions of Mosuo villages and dwellings are shown in

Table 3. Tourists’ perception of Mosuo villages and dwellings after arrival (N = 96).

Categories	Frequency (N)	Percent (%)
The most representative Mosuo villages
Zhashi village	28	29.2
Zhudi village	11	11.6
Lige village	13	13.5
Lijiazui village (Sichuan Province)	2	2.08
Yanyuan county (Sichuan Province)	5	5.21
Huxin island	2	2.08
All can represent	9	9.38
None	6	6.25
Not known	18	18.8
The ‘most impression’ part of Mosuo villages and dwellings
Courtyard house	9	9.38
The Grandmother’s house	19	19.8
Muleng house	34	35.4
The Flower house	1	1.04
Dedicated wood carving	2	2.08
Lake-view guesthouses	3	3.13
No impression	25	26.0
Not known	3	3.13

. Among the survey respondents, 29.2% chose Zhashi village as the most representative Mosuo village, 18.8% were unsure of the answer, 13.5% chose Lige village, 11.6% chose Zhudi village, and 9.38% believed that all can represent it. A small proportion of respondents (7.29%) selected Lijiazui village and villages in Yanyuan County, Sichuan Province. Respondents had the deepest impressions of the Courtyard house, the Grandmother’s house, Muleng house (well-structured wooden buildings), the Flower house, dedicated wood carving, and lake-view guesthouses in the Mosuo village and dwelling. The Muleng house stood out as the most impressive part of the Mosuo village. As indicated, 35.4% of the survey respondents believed that the Muleng house showcases distinct ethnic characteristics due to its unique architecture and cultural significance. ‘No impression’ ranked as the second highest category. Additionally, 26% of the respondents pointed out that Mosuo architecture seems to lack ethnic characteristics because it is losing its authentic forms and becoming overly tourist-oriented. Following this were the Grandmother’s house (19.8%), Courtyard house (9.38%), dedicated wood carving (2.08%), and the Flower house (1.04%).

4.1.3. Satisfaction of Mosuo Villages and Dwellings

This part gauges their overall assessment and interpretation of the tourism offerings and how these relate to the presentation and marketing of the Mosuo identity and the sustainable development of the villages. More respondents (40.6%) were dissatisfied with their travel experience in the Mosuo region than those who were satisfied with it (as shown in

Table 4. Tourists’ assessment of Mosuo villages and dwellings.

Categories	Satisfied (%)	Neutral (%)	Dissatisfied (%)	N/K (%)
Satisfaction with Mosuo villages and dwellings	34.4	18.6	40.6	6.25

). They indicated that they could not see and experience the uniqueness of Mosuo culture, because of overly abundant commercial elements in the villages, such as souvenir shops, restaurants, and bars. A relatively small proportion of the respondents (18.6%) held a neutral attitude. Several tourists reported that rest and relaxation were the main purpose for their visit rather than an understanding of the local culture. They also said that they had no preconceptions before coming to this destination.

Overall, the responses received suggest that the tourists’ perception of the changes in Mosuo dwellings is negative in terms of the cultural and identity preservation. The over-promised authentic experiences from the promotional material led to disappointment in experiences, mismatching their expectations. There is a strong voice that tourists’ concern of the overly commercialized lifestyles and businesses in the villages may cause the Mosuo people to lose their traditions and ethnicity. The responses indicate the necessity to protect traditional dwellings and culture for sustainable tourism and identity conservation.

4.2. Interview Survey Results

4.2.1. The Commodified Identity

The commercialized identity is formed when tourists’ perceptions of the destination are influenced by the marketing and promotional efforts that emphasize certain aspects of the culture for commercial purposes. For example, in the case of Mosuo tourism, the emphasis on romanticized and sexualized images of the culture leads tourists to form a commercialized identity. This occurs not through direct commercial activities by the tourists themselves but through their exposure to and internalization of the commercially driven representations presented to them. Local governments, tourism agencies, and developers construct unique place identities to attract tourism and investment through promotional texts and images [79]. These communications to the outside world often stimulate the imaginations of the local landscape and culture, which would also feed back into the area’s development towards a commodified identity.

Owing to the matrilineal system that largely persists in Mosuo households, official representations of Mosuo culture have therefore placed an emphasis on promoting a marketing image of sexuality and gender figures [80,81,82]. In the case of Mosuo villages, romanticized concepts are often used for propaganda, such as ‘Girls Country’ and pictures of beautiful natural landscapes and Mosuo girls (Figure 2 and Figure 3). The Mosuo matrilineal system and the tradition of walking marriage are presented as representatives of Mosuo culture. Some media have even depicted the Mosuo village as a primitive sexual paradise. Yang Erche Namu published ‘Leaving Mother Lake: A Girlhood at the Edge of the World’ in 1997 as a biography of a Mosuo woman [83]. However, the description of ‘only knowing his mother but not his father’ in the book has led many people to have an incorrect view of the Mosuo custom of walking marriage, which has been regarded as group marriages, incest, and promiscuity [84]. In addition, there are many guesthouses in Luoshui Village called ‘Mosuo Eden’, ‘Goddess House’, ‘Maternal Family’, etc. These names, which imply sexual liberation, are constructed as Mosuo customs [85].

The results of the questionnaire survey showed that 40.6% of tourists were dissatisfied with their travel experiences, and one tourist felt disappointed and depressed because he thought he had been cheated on but did not have an affair. On the one hand, the mass media or commercial brokers maliciously guide and consume the traditional cultures of ethnic minorities, distorting their own cultural values. On the other hand, tourists who travel to ethnic areas are always willing to put this kind of colorful exotic imagination into their tourism activities, which intentionally or unintentionally tramples on the cultural dignity of the local ethnic groups.

These Mosuo images constructed by local authorities had a significant effect on tourists’ perception of the Mosuo culture. The semi-structured interviews conducted with local tourism stakeholders reveal that they are well aware of the commodified image but feel pressured to maintain it due to the initial success it brought in attracting tourists. However, they also express concerns about the long-term negative impact on the authenticity of the culture. The Mosuo tradition of mate selection and marriage has been misinterpreted in a certain way, serving as a reason that outsiders might misunderstand or misinterpret the nature of relationships. Some tourists, especially men, come to Lugu Lake out of curiosity to ‘experience walking marriage’ [86]. Mosuo scholar Shi Gaofeng also argued the following: “There is a romantic misinterpretation that overglorifies and deifies Mosuo culture, imagining that different cultures are magical and beautiful. It seems that the Mosuo people are otherworldly, only drinking, singing and dancing, lying on the clouds and falling in love, and walking marriages with tourists at will”.

As an integral part of ethnic culture, Mosuo dwellings and villages are among the crucial Mosuo tourism resources boasting regional characteristics. Due to ethnic tourism development, local residents have spontaneously built guesthouses or converted their own houses into guesthouses to meet commercial needs, thereby introducing new architectural forms and features to Mosuo villages (Figure 4). New types of businesses have also emerged in Mosuo villages to serve the large tourist population, such as restaurants, cafes, bars, fashion shops, crafts shops, and souvenir shops. Among the newly built guesthouses, very few have been built in the traditional log style; instead, they are often multi-level buildings of three or even four stories with some decorative features from traditional Mosuo houses (Figure 5). Furthermore, in the process of development, a variety of new types of guesthouses have arisen, for example, the combination of a guesthouse with a restaurant or with a cultural communication center. It seems that the guesthouse constitutes a complex mixture; it should be capable of not only providing accommodation for tourists but also fulfilling the consumer requirements associated with restaurants and cultural centers.

The villagers of Zhashi village are anticipating the development of tourism. To prepare for the future and in line with future tourism development, if they have sufficient funds, the layout and decoration of newly built dwellings are largely based on the construction of guesthouses or restaurants. There were three guesthouses in Zhashi village in 2016: Bowang Luru Hotel (in operation), Dingya Tree House (expanding), and Mosuo Buluo (preparing to open). After just six months in 2017, it can be observed that another four new guesthouses were under construction, among which Gedi Yinxiang has been opened to the public. Five years later, the author revisited the village again for fieldwork investigation and discovered that the number had reached 12 in 2022. The guesthouses were being constructed at an astonishing pace by the local villagers. As one of the professionals expressed his viewpoint in the interview: “Due to the impact of ethnic tourism, several guesthouses are being built in Zhashi village. Besides, it has also affected the maternal family structure, marriage pattern, and house form, especially in those villages near the scenic area”.

4.2.2. The Renewed Identity

Renewed identity is attained when tourists witness and experience the transformation of traditional elements in the destination as it adapts to modern tourism needs. They observe the changes in spatial functions shifting from daily activities to tourism activities, with the transformation of the Grandmother’s house being an example, and recognize the continuation and adaptation of cultural practices. Traditionally, the Grandmother’s house was the central place where the daily life of the household occurred. It was where they gathered, cooked, ate, drank, discussed family matters, received guests, and worshiped their ancestors, and where family members experienced major life events and held significant ceremonies. Now, in the tourist villages, the main room of the Grandmother’s house has been converted into a tourist reception area for activities such as eating, visiting, watching ethnic performances, and experiencing the Mosuo culture (Figure 6). The new function is designed to attract tourists and achieve economic benefits. An interview with one of the village leaders reveals that while local residents are willing to adapt the Grandmother’s house for tourism purposes, they are also vigilant about preserving the core cultural elements and values. They strive to find a balance between economic gains and cultural integrity.

Tourists’ perception during the actual visit, including experiences with local architecture, customs, and interactions with locals, plays a crucial role in the formation of the renewed identity. Positive or negative experiences can lead to a reevaluation and reshaping of the Mosuo identity in their minds. In this study, the renewed identity has a positive impact on the tourism destination. As it is the interpretation of traditional culture in the contemporary context, ethnic culture is also continued and conserved through it. In the present Grandmother’s house, various ritual activities continue in the same manner, such as worshiping ancestors and holding ceremonies. It is still a place where gods, ancestors, and humans coexist, and that has not changed. Despite some subjective desires and tourist influences, some architectural elements (e.g., female and male columns) and interior settings (e.g., Situo, Guozhuang stone, Zambala) have persisted in a more decorative manner. These elements are now crafted by modern machines, making them more esthetically attractive, yet their arrangements in the Grandmother’s house have not basically changed in form, function, or meaning. Due to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the local tourism market, an interesting finding from the 2022 survey is that the Grandmother’s house has been restored to its original decoration, continuing the daily life and ritual places of the Mosuo people. This is because the Mosuo people have a strong place attachment to the Grandmother’s house, which has strong deep-seated cultural traditions within it.

4.2.3. The Undefined Identity

The undefined identity comes into being when tourists come across cultural practices that have lost their original meaning or have been transformed in such a way that makes their true nature ambiguous. For instance, the changed nature and purpose of the Mosuo bonfire dance create an identity that is neither purely traditional nor clearly defined in the context of modern tourism. At night, tourists are encouraged to attend a Guohuowanhui (bonfire party). One person from each Mosuo family participates and the Mosuo all dance around the fire in a line, holding hands or fingers with one another. The line of men is cut in two, with all of the women in between (Figure 7). All of the performers are dressed in formal Mosuo clothing. The dances display traditional Mosuo culture, and tourists are encouraged to learn the dances themselves. It is expected that this event is enjoyable for both the people of the village and tourists [87].

From a physical point of view, the location of a bonfire party has been transformed from a relatively open space—an empty grassland area in the village for performing the traditional bonfire dance—into a multi-functional and semi-enclosed performance space with a cement floor as an activity center to host visitors. From a social point of view, the Mosuo people’s talent for singing and dancing, which was used in the past at bonfire parties to make friends and to look for a partner, has become another way to make money and attract tourists and has lost its village entertainment function [88]. Although these dance celebrations used to be held only for cultural purposes during major holidays, they now take place every night for tourists to experience [89]. The 2022 survey found that the decline in tourists due to the COVID-19 pandemic also led to the stagnation of this Mosuo cultural experience. As a matter of fact, this tourism-driven tourist experience is strongly dependent on the development of tourism.

Today’s bonfire dancing holds little meaning for the local Mosuo people. Although the bonfire dance has its origins in Mosuo culture, it has become detached from reality. To enhance the tourists’ experience, the bonfire dance needs to be reimagined with a new identity. It can be said that in contrast to the traditional bonfire dance, the current bonfire dance is crafted to adapt to tourism. From conversations with tourists, it was learned that they regarded the bonfire dances they saw as performances that were, to some degree, inauthentic. Therefore, the tourists perceive an identity that cannot be defined. The undefined identity emerges when there is a disconnect or confusion between their initial expectations and the actual experiences. The undefined identity is in between a commodified identity and a renewed identity. It does belong to the cultural category, but it does not sustain the tradition; thus, it is no longer ‘lived identity’.

From the above, tourists’ perceived identity can be divided into commodified identity, renewed identity, and undefined identity. These three identities have also changed with the rapid development of ethnic tourism. Based on the analysis of tourists’ perceived identity, this study suggests that the government should pay attention to the (re)shaping of tourists’ imagined identity and perceived identity. Particularly, great importance should be attached to perceived identity because we can determine which policies are inappropriate and fail to achieve tourists’ satisfaction from the tourists’ perception. Among them, commodified and undefined identities need to be further considered as they have negative impacts on sustainable tourism development.

5. Discussion

5.1. New Concept: Imagined Identity

Research on the relationship between tourism and identity is closely related to Anderson’s concept of ‘imagined communities’. Communities are socially constructed by people who identify themselves as part of a group and are associated with certain beliefs, perceptions, and discourses. It is ‘imagined’ because members in the community may not know each other, yet they have an image of their community in their minds [90]. In the realm of tourism, branded messages might create ‘imagined’ landscapes and cultures of ethnic minorities for tourists. However, this might deviate from the genuine or actual day-to-day experiences of these people. Some locals even develop ‘fake folk cultures’ to meet tourists’ desires to experience cultural otherness, resulting in the loss of original identity and the cultural significance of traditions [91]. Therefore, it is crucial to understand and manage the diverse expectations of tourists in the tourism development of ethnic villages. Although interdisciplinary scholarly attention has been focused on the theoretical links between tourism and identity, less effort has been put into analyzing the links between the identities ‘imagined’ and ‘perceived’ by tourists, and the concept of imagined identity has not been defined either.

Tourism entails the human capacity to imagine or to step into the imaginings of others [92]. Bachelard, in his book “The Poetics of Space”, claimed that imagination, being an unrestricted mode of action, connects space with objects that are not perceptible by the senses and gives rise to new conceptions of spaces in the mind [93]. The imagination of tourist destinations spurs the actions of traveling and forms preconceived ideas about the landscape, local culture, and travel experiences. Most imaginations of tourist destinations are kindled by the visual information presented in tourist guidebooks, brochures, photographs, promotional videos, and the like [94]. Salazar posits that tourist imaginations exert an influence on the development of tourism destinations and have a significant bearing on the perceived place identity [95].

In some cases, local authorities would ‘beautify’ and ‘brand’ tourist destinations to enrich tourist imaginations as lures to attract tourists. These actions give rise to a certain degree of ‘illusions’, blurring the boundaries between reality and imagination [96,97]. However, excessive information and development may cause irreversible damage to the local culture and spatial features to satisfy the tourist imagination. As Peng noted, words and images promoting tourist destinations should be as real as possible to showcase the authenticity of the place [98]. Till holds that the perceived identities of places are built up by both imagination and reality [99]. The aspect of reality is usually mirrored through real participation, experience, and physical interactions, while the imaginary aspect is brought to life by descriptive words, pictures, stories, and exotic images that are constructed. Tourism ‘middlemen’ (guides, tourist brochures, etc.) have served as identity brokers in ethno-exoticism, demonstrating that the aspirations of many ethnic tourists are identity-driven as they strive to connect with communities and groups that are perceived as offering a more ‘authentic’ way of life than their own [100].

As Leite [94] (p. 264) puts it, “Tourist imaginaries, on the other hand, are more narrowly those shared, composite images of a place or people, whether as general types or as particular destinations, held by tourists, would-be tourists, and not-yet tourists as a result of widely circulating imagery and ideas”. In this study, imagined identity is the collection of mental images and impressions that tourists, would-be tourists, and not-yet tourists considering tourism but exposed to relevant information hold about a tourism destination. It evolves through an ongoing cycle of sharing and receiving information between the identities that are directly perceived from personal experiences and those that are constructed by external factors like marketing campaigns and social influences. It is a cognitive and emotional synthesis of diverse images and ideas that are disseminated widely. This imagined identity acts as a mental framework through which individuals view and anticipate a destination, shaping their expectations and potential decisions to visit or influencing their understanding of what the destination might offer even before they physically engage with it.

5.2. Construction of Various Identities

The imagined, perceived, and constructed identity of these three identities are closely intertwined (as shown in Figure 8). The imagined identity of the Mosuo region often emerges from various sources such as popular culture, media narratives, and personal aspirations. Tourists might develop an idealized mental image of the Mosuo area as a place steeped in ancient traditions, untouched by modernity, and holding a sense of mystery and allure. This imagined identity serves as a cognitive framework that guides their initial expectations and preconceptions.

Perceived identity refers to the state in which tourists have a cognitive and emotional interpretation of their real participation, experience, and physical interactions with a tourist destination [101,102]. As tourists step into the Mosuo region and engage with its physical and social environment, their perceived identity starts to take shape. The sensory experiences, social interactions, and cultural encounters play crucial roles in this process. For instance, when they observe the unique architecture of the Mosuo houses, interact with the locals, and witness traditional ceremonies, their perceptions are formed. If the actual experiences resonate with their prior imagination, it reinforces and validates the imagined identity. However, discrepancies might occur. For example, if they expected a completely secluded and primitive environment but encounter modern amenities and some external influences, their perception needs to adapt and may lead to a modification of the initially imagined identity. One respondent expressed: “I thought it was a good place to enjoy views and culture. But the whole street is full of modern bars and restaurants”. This dynamic interaction between the imagined and perceived identities reflects the complex nature of human perception and the impact of reality on preconceived notions.

Constructed identity refers to the process of forming an identity based on the construction carried out by the local authorities [103]. The constructed identity of the Mosuo region is a result of the deliberate efforts of multiple stakeholders, including the tourism industry, local authorities, and cultural institutions. Through tourism marketing campaigns, promotional materials, and cultural representations, a particular image of the Mosuo region is crafted. This constructed identity aims to attract tourists and create a distinct brand for the destination. It often emphasizes the unique matriarchal social structure, the rich cultural heritage, and the stunning natural landscapes of the area.

This constructed identity serves as a source of inspiration for the tourists’ imagination. It provides them with a set of symbols, images, and themes that they incorporate into their mental construction of the destination. For example, tourism brochures showcasing the beautiful Lugu Lake might fuel the tourists’ imagination and shape their expectations. At the same time, the tourists’ imagined identity also has a feedback effect on the constructed identity. If a significant number of tourists have a particular imagined identity that is in line with the marketing efforts, it validates the constructed identity and may even encourage further reinforcement of those elements in future promotional strategies. However, if there is a mismatch between the tourists’ imagination and the constructed identity, it could lead to challenges in attracting and satisfying the tourists, prompting a reevaluation and adjustment of the constructed identity.

The constructed identity sets the stage and creates an initial framework of expectations for the tourists visiting the Mosuo region. The tourism infrastructure, cultural displays, and interpretive signage all contribute to this constructed identity. When tourists arrive and interact with these elements, their perception begins to form. If the constructed identity accurately reflects the actual cultural and social realities of the Mosuo region, and the tourism experiences are well designed to showcase the authenticity and uniqueness of the place, the tourists’ perceived identity will align with the constructed one. This alignment is crucial for the success of the tourism destination as it leads to tourist satisfaction and positive word-of-mouth. However, if there are inaccuracies, over-commercialization, or a lack of authenticity in the constructed identity, tourists’ perception will deviate from it. This could lead to negative feedback and challenges for the destination’s reputation. Comments made by the survey respondents on Mosuo villages and dwellings include “Today’s Mosuo dwellings cater to tourists”; “There is a strong commercial atmosphere and too many buildings are refurbished with concrete”; and “I felt no authentic feelings towards the tourist villages and dwellings, particularly selling silver in the Grandmother’s house”. In such cases, adjustments need to be made to either the constructed identity or the tourism offerings to bridge the gap between the constructed and perceived identities and ensure a more harmonious tourism experience.

Both the imagined and the perceived identity highlight the subjective perception of tourists. The imagined identity affects tourists’ destination choices and is not always positive; a negative imagined identity would prevent tourists from engaging in tourism activity. Therefore, the imagined identity is crucial, and its construction can promote the sustainable development of tourism.

5.3. The Lived and Renewed Identity—Towards the Sustainability of Ethnic Tourism

Based on the previous findings and discussions, this study explores how ethnic areas could establish sustainable imagined communities in the future. The results of the questionnaire clearly indicate that tourists have a negative perception of Mosuo architecture and cultural changes. They felt disappointed with the alterations in the villages because the dwellings and the minority people are losing their traditional ethnic characteristics and becoming overly commercial. Most tourists expected to experience Mosuo culture but left disappointed, having only the impression of having witnessed the natural beauty of Lugu Lake.

In recent years, the governments of Yunnan and Sichuan Provinces have proposed a series of measures for the protection and inheritance of Mosuo culture. These include the joint declaration of ‘Lugu Lake and Mosuo Culture’ as World Cultural Landscape Heritage, ‘Mosuo Extended Matriarchal Family’ as World Intangible Cultural Heritage, and the establishment of the national ‘Mosuo Culture Ecological Protection area’, among others. At the meeting aiming to accelerate the development and construction of the Lugu Lake Scenic Area, the mayor of Lijiang in Yunnan pointed out that the key to the sustainable development of the Lugu Lake Scenic Area lies in correctly handling the relationships between protection and development, ethnic culture protection and tourism development, immediate interests and long-term interests, and government leadership and extensive participation [84]. Guided by the concept that ‘Lugu Lake is the Lugu Lake of the world, and Mosuo culture is the outstanding cultural heritage of all humanity’, the government of Yanyuan County in Sichuan adheres to the sustainable development mode of ‘attaching equal importance to protection and development and combining ecological tourism with cultural tourism’ [84] (pp. 328–329). The policy measures demonstrate the government’s awareness and initial efforts towards the sustainable development of Mosuo ethnic tourism.

However, the absence of Mosuo culture in the publicity slogan and certain actions that seemly downplay its cultural development suggest a disconnect between policy intent and practical implementation. During the fieldwork investigation in July this year compared with that of five years ago, the author found that the local government’s propaganda slogan was ‘Harmony by Lugu Lake, the Big Family of the Chinese Nation’, which focused on Lugu Lake and made no mention of Mosuo culture. A series of policies, such as the demolition of all dwellings near the lake and their relocation 80 to 100 m away from Lugu Lake, show that the current government policy is to protect the ecology of Lugu Lake. This situation emphasizes the need for the government to adopt a more comprehensive and coherent approach. It should ensure that its policies and actions are not only formulated with the aim of developing Mosuo ethnic tourism but also effectively implemented and visibly demonstrated.

Moreover, many scholars have put forward their own viewpoints on the development of Mosuo ethnic tourism. Shih proposed that walking marriage, matrilineal heirs, matrilineal extended family, and women’s social status in Mosuo culture are not appropriate to be showcased or experienced in the form of tourism products. Therefore, when developing Mosuo tourist attractions, tourism areas should be properly separated from Mosuo traditional villages [104]. The consensus among most scholars is that the development of ethnic tourism should be founded on the protection of Mosuo culture, namely, ‘protection first, development second’. Additionally, we should stick to the mode of ‘visiting within the village and living outside the village’ and minimize the impact of tourism development on Mosuo culture by means of functional zoning, tourism volume control, and tourism route design [105].

Take the Cotswolds in the UK as an example. Despite the increasing number of tourists, the basic morphology of the centuries-old villages is still well preserved. Even when compared with 2015, the situation in 1915 remains largely unchanged. The rural conservation in the Cotswolds is not just the preservation of the exterior; its connotation also lies in the complete continuation of the characteristics of the ways of living [106]. It advocates that in addition to the meticulous care of the landscape environment, the utilization of the buildings also keeps pace with the development needs of the times and is presented in the rural environment with superior quality. There should be renovation of the past housing that does not conform to the ways of living, optimization of the physical environment, and updating of equipment and facilities. Sustainable development means adhering to the development strategy of protecting tourism destinations, which involves maintaining the authenticity and integrity of the destinations while meeting the needs of tourists and the local community.

To sustain Mosuo culture within the framework of sustainable tourism development, we should “help to conserve natural resources and biodiversity... conserve their built and living cultural heritage and traditional values” [61] (p. 11), provided that the ecological environment and living mode of the tourism destination are not altered or destroyed [107]. As Graburn said, although a certain nation or ethnic group has maintained its ethnic identity, the essence and content of the identity are not exactly the same. There must be room for development and change, and opportunities for further development must be left for future generations [108]. In view of this, this study contends that sustainable tourism development in minority areas should revert to respecting the living habits and living culture of the Mosuo people [109,110], starting from promotional tourism texts and images.

In this study, it is proposed that to attain sustainable tourism development, it is essential to construct the identity. Particularly, the government should build on the imagined identity and perceived identity. The imagined identity plays a crucial role as it is the mental construct that tourists and potential visitors form even before they physically arrive at a destination. The government can influence this by creating engaging and accurate promotional materials that highlight the unique aspects and charm of the place. For instance, through captivating travel documentaries, enticing social media campaigns, and informative tourism brochures, the government can help shape and enhance the positive aspects of the imagined identity. This can attract more tourists and set appropriate expectations.

The perceived identity, on the other hand, is formed through the actual experiences and interactions that tourists have at the destination. The government should ensure that the physical environment, services, and cultural offerings are in line with the promoted imagined identity. Based on the survey and discussion above, tourists’ perceived identity can be categorized into commodified identity, renewed identity, and undefined identity. These three forms of identity have undergone changes along with the swift progress of ethnic tourism. Among them, the commodified and undefined identities have negative impacts on the sustainable development of ethnic tourism, while the renewed identity brings positive effects. Therefore, in the changing context, the lived identity and renewed identity serve as the key to balancing the relationship among the imagined, perceived, and constructed identity, thus achieving long-term sustainable tourism development in environmental, economic, and socio-cultural aspects, as indicated in Figure 9.

6. Conclusions

This study aims to provide an in-depth understanding of Mosuo cultural tourism and place identity construction through semi-structured interviews and a qualitative questionnaire. The results reveal that tourists’ attitudes and thoughts reflect local cultural tourism features to a significant extent, enriching the study of the tourism-identity relationship. By engaging with theories on identity and imagined communities, this article introduces a new concept, imagined identity, to conceptualize the paradox of Mosuo identities created between tourism development and authenticity. This aspect requires the attention of authorities as it forms the destination impressions among various tourist groups. It is also the first study to compare the differences between ‘imagined’ and ‘perceived’ identities by tourists and the ‘constructed’ identity by local authorities. A major implication is that balancing imagined, perceived, and constructed identities is crucial for sustainable ethnic tourism development. Implications for policy makers and professionals are substantial. The findings highlight the need for policy makers to formulate planning policies and for developers to participate in ethnic tourism projects in Mosuo villages and dwellings. This will support the preservation of cultural features during development. It is anticipated that this study’s findings will establish a baseline for future research, and the resulting guidelines will contribute to discussions on sustainable ethnic tourism development in the Mosuo area.

We acknowledge that concentrating on a single tourist destination may pose challenges to the generalizability of the findings. To address this, future research could adopt a multi-site comparative approach, encompassing various Mosuo villages or even expanding to other, similar ethnic tourism destinations. This would enable a more comprehensive understanding of the patterns and variations in tourists’ imagined and perceived identities across different contexts.