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Article

Challenges Facing Andean Communities in the Protection of the Páramo in the Central Highlands of Ecuador

by
María Cristina Torres
1,2,*,
Efraín Naranjo
2 and
Vanessa Fierro
1
1
Departamento de Ingeniería Civil y Ambiental, Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Ladrón de Guevara E11·253, Quito P.O. Box 17-01-2759, Ecuador
2
Departamento de Estudios Organizacionales y Desarrollo Humano, Escuela Politécnica Nacional, Ladrón de Guevara E11·253, Quito P.O. Box 17-01-2759, Ecuador
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Sustainability 2023, 15(15), 11980; https://doi.org/10.3390/su151511980
Submission received: 18 May 2023 / Revised: 30 June 2023 / Accepted: 3 July 2023 / Published: 3 August 2023
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Socio-Ecological Systems Sustainability and Resilience)
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Abstract

:
In the rural parish of Salinas, located in the central highlands of Ecuador, most of the communities are settled in a páramo ecosystem, whose deterioration has become a concern since the beginning of the century. The scarcity of water that some communities have experienced has led to a reconsideration of economic activities, as part of a community process that began 50 years ago, which has currently allowed them to overcome extreme poverty. This research aims to analyze the socio-technical reconfiguration process these communities have undergone in their new role as conservationists that has simultaneously ensured their livelihoods. The methodology applied is a qualitative approach based on a discourse analysis. The results indicate a process of applying social technology to protect the páramo. The availability of economic resources, a new mentality and the exercise of authority are key starting elements for the latter, and through strengthened organizations, permanent reflection, creativity, and the search for sustainability, the primary objective can be reached: the protection of the páramo.

1. Introduction

The páramo is a high-altitude tropical ecosystem found only in the northern Andes [1,2]. It is a regional reservoir of biodiversity and ecosystem services and plays a key role in the hydrology of South America [3,4,5]. In Ecuador, the páramos correspond to 5% of the national territory and are located along the eastern and western mountain ranges of the Andes, bordering Colombia to the north and Peru to the south [6].
This ecosystem is fundamental both for the inhabitants of the area and for those located in the lowlands who benefit from its ecosystem services, mainly related to the provision of water for irrigation, human consumption and hydroelectricity [7]. Despite its importance, a long history of its use and impacts can be recounted, related to the advance of the agricultural frontier, intensive livestock farming and the introduction of species unsuitable for the type of soil characteristic of the páramo, without the existence of efficient programs for their protection or management [5,6,7,8].
These areas are inhabited by communities that can have an up to 80% indigenous population, the result of a combination of processes of colonization, marginalization, migration and miscegenation [9,10,11]. The occupied areas are variable and present characteristics of overpopulation, poverty, soil degradation and, in some cases, abandonment due to migration [12]. Many communities began to increase the direct use of the páramo for crops and grazing, causing a significant change in the unique characteristics of páramo soils, which in balanced environmental conditions are a permanent water reserve, a situation that changed following 2005, when this resource began to be scarce during the dry season [13,14].
For these reasons, since the beginning of the 21st century, the scientific community has demonstrated an awakened interest, in ecological and anthropological terms, in recovering the páramo [15]. The recovery of páramo soils is a challenge due to their complex nature and the difficulty resulting from the elimination of anthropogenic factors; therefore, it is necessary to implement incentives and alternatives that encourage these populations to participate in conservation and restoration activities within the páramo. At the moment, there is not enough research that focuses on finding socially sustainable alternatives that are compatible with this ecosystem, which is essential, because decisions at the local level play a transcendental role when it comes to protecting an ecosystem and ensuring the subsistence of people [5,10,16,17].
The páramos located in the central highlands of the country have historically presented greater alterations due to their easy access and the presence of a greater number of human settlements [18]. Within this region, the population of “Salinas de Guaranda”, located in the province of Bolívar, appears as an interesting study opportunity due to its achievements in terms of community development and solidarity economy, but also because the advance of the agricultural frontier threatens the sustainability of this project, a situation that has raised the need to initiate measures for the conservation of the páramo from the communities themselves [13]. The study of the process of social construction of the measures adopted by these communities to protect the páramo is very opportune because it has been possible to consolidate social technology (ST) in accordance with the reality of the area [19].
The main objective of this article is to analyze the phenomenon of socio-technical reconfiguration that the communities located in the Salinas parish have gone through in their search to protect this ecosystem and at the same time manage livelihoods that allow them to survive without leaving the area. For this purpose, a descriptive investigation was developed with the use of qualitative tools (interviews and participant observations), which facilitated the understanding of relevant issues through personal experiences and the opinions of interviewees [10]. It is expected that the results obtained will contribute to a better understanding of the realities concerning the inhabitants of this area, and will be inputs for those in charge of formulating policies for the protection of natural resources to consider the socio-technical processes of the communities involved.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1. Technology and Society

Throughout history, civilizations have used various techniques to satisfy their needs [20]. Each social group presents different types of needs and their way of managing them is diverse; therefore, socio-technical frameworks are crucial to understanding historical processes [21]. Since the industrial revolution, no sphere of social life can be understood outside of the technological matrix [22].
This relationship between technology and society is debated between two currents. The first corresponds to technological determinism, which defends that technology is autonomous, and is the one that models society without considering the intentions of citizens [23]. Technology is not seen as part of a broader spectrum of human activity, but rather as the basis of all human activity, which implies that certain technologies end up affecting and conditioning all social spheres, i.e., institutions, forms of interaction, the cultural imaginary and even worldviews. The author defends that technology is capable, by itself, of directly and positively influencing the socio-economic development of people. Technology occupies the central axis of the reasons why social changes occur throughout history, and is also the determining factor of social development. That is, technology is what determines and establishes the direction of society, its organization and even its cultural values, which could implicate a risk since it would be technology that conditions humanity and directs its destiny [21]. From this perspective, technology plays a central role in the processes of social change, since they mark the positions and behaviors of the actors; they establish social distribution structures, production costs and access to goods and services; they create social and environmental problems; and, in the same way, they facilitate or hinder their solution [24].
The second current, known as social constructivism, maintains that objects and technological systems respond to the sum of interests, where the social interests are the main ones [23]. This gave way to one of the most relevant models in the study of technology dynamics, called social construction [25]. It arose as a criticism of one-dimensional and linear models; it is compared to opening the black box of knowledge and technology, only to discover that within it are dynamics intimately linked to social processes, which must be studied [26].
Social construction is the process by which a practice that arises in a particular social context ends up seeming natural to those who practice it. It can also be understood as the set of social interests that cause the generation of a technological practice [23]. Social constructivism is presented as a sociological theory of knowledge that seeks to discover the ways in which groups and individuals participate in the creation of the social reality they perceive as part of a dynamic process that is reproduced by acting and interpreting the world [27].
The current social changes are not the product of technological development, understood as an external and neutral process; they are the result of transformations in a person’s relationship with reality, nature and their historical context [27]. A challenge for the study of technology is to understand it as a social construction, where symbolic elements, ideologies, ambiguities and dualities, among others, come together as part of a dynamic, multidirectional, interconnected and complex system [28].
Experience shows that the local approach and the articulation of the context as part of a process of technological change contributes to better management of the restructuring of social configurations, an increased acceptance of diversity and complexity, more rigorous and in detail investigations of the relationships between technological change and political–social relations and, fundamentally, the integration of environmental and local elements [29].

2.2. Socio-Technical Approach

Bruno Latour, a specialist in Science, Technology and Society Studies, warned about the excesses and deficiencies of the disciplines when facing the problems of science and, particularly, of technology by indicating that, on the one hand, engineers act without reflection, and on the other hand, sociologists study society systematically, excluding technology [30,31].
It is necessary to talk about technology being a social construction and society as a technological construction, which results in a bidirectional technology–society co-construction process [32]. Hence, the social nature of technology and the technological nature of society is what is known as the “seamless fabric” [33]; that is, nothing is absolutely technological; a social aspect is always present. Socio-technical analyses seek to break the technological and social determinisms on the problems of science, technology and society and introduce a symmetrical perspective of the relationship between them [34]. This recognition is important for the approach of technological alternatives with the objective of facing social and environmental problems, such as poverty, exclusion, underdevelopment and climate change, among others [24,35].
The socio-technical approach considers that artifacts, processes and forms of organization are not purely technological or purely social objects, but rather that they are part of a technological framework that also involves cultural values, scientific objectives and theories and tacit knowledge, among others, which generate changes both in the meaning and functioning of a technology and in the associated social relations [36].
In this context, a socio-technical reconfiguration process aims to create, recreate and redefine social practices (processes and forms of organization) and tools (devices and artifacts) through the interaction of local actors and external social groups. Generally, external groups contribute with technical knowledge, while local groups contribute with autochthonous, contextual and practical knowledge, with the additional dimension that they can also contribute with technical knowledge [36].
In a democratic society, socio-technical citizenship constitutes a central aspect, and the expression of citizen’s rights is ST, through which the foundations of the future are designed, developed, produced, implemented, managed and evaluated [37]. This type of technology is also associated with inclusion and sustainable development because a common good is sought [38]. In this context, ST is conceived as the contextualization of local reality (traditions, beliefs, history, culture and economy, among others), which makes it possible to propose viable and fair technological alternatives in social, economic and environmental terms, where, in addition, local knowledge is prioritized and it is the community that performs the leading role [39].

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Study Area

The study area is located in the rural parish of Salinas, belonging to the province of Bolívar (Figure 1). It comprises 30 communities in a 445 km2 area and several climatic zones (Table 1). The páramo ecosystem corresponds to 15% of the total surface, most of which is located within the Chimborazo Faunistic Reserve, which belongs to the National System of Protected Areas (NSPA). As of 2014, there was a predominantly indigenous population of 7262 inhabitants, with 80% living in the communities and the others in the parish seat, the attractive town of Salinas. In the last four decades, this area has developed significantly by establishing cooperative enterprises, allowing effective and democratic tackling of poverty and marginalization [40,41].

3.2. Methodology

The methodological strategy selected for this research corresponds to the interpretive paradigm [43] because it facilitates the understanding of the emotions, feelings and thought processes of the subjects involved as a way of approaching the social reality of this area. The strategy was systematized through three methods: documentary research, participant observation and discourse analysis.
Documentary research was the first stage and allowed us to obtain data to understand the history of the area, the state of deterioration of the páramo, the advance of the agricultural frontier, the situation of the communities, the organizations formed and the community process and actions carried out by the people to tackle the lack of water [44]. Similarly, this first activity made it possible to identify key community leaders in the area.
Participant observation was the second stage, and it was carried out through guided tours by initially contacted community leaders, which made it possible to observe and understand what the communities do and to compare this with the results of the documentary research [45]. It was possible to better understand the area and the situation of the ecosystem; access the communities; learn about the facilities of the cheese factories, grazing areas and areas declared as páramo reserves; and observe the activities of the community members and their economic initiatives. This first contact with the population made it possible to identify and contact public and private organizations involved in the conservation and management of the páramo in the area [46], which facilitated the elaboration of a map of actors to later establish those relevant in relation to the protection of the páramo [47]. The result of this activity was the definition of a list of possible interview subjects, which was verified and simplified [46].
Finally, for the third stage, based on the initial list of interviewees, semi-structured interviews were applied, which contained open questions and followed flexible guidelines regarding the topics that should be addressed. That is, reflective interviews were developed, where the answers to the main questions allowed new questions that facilitated the understanding of the environment and the living situation of the inhabitants to be raised [46]. Each respondent was asked to recommend other key stakeholders to be contacted, using a snowball sampling technique [48], so that only those essential to the analysis were included. The final sample of interviewees was established based on the availability of people and data saturation [49]. Table 2 shows the characteristics of the people interviewed, 26 in total, of which 20% were women. The duration of each interview was 45 to 90 min, depending on the availability of the interviewee.
The research question that guided the data collection was as follows: how did the process of social construction occur in the configuration of social technologies for the protection of the páramo, and what was the impact on people’s lives? The interviews were conducted in two phases: the first had an objective to establish the perceptions of the people about the measures that the community has initiated with the objective of conserving the páramo as part of an ST (nineteen interviews), and in the second stage, based on the results of the first interview, we sought to inquire about the very process of socio-technical reconfiguration that the communities have gone through to consolidate this ST in a more representative group in terms of leadership functions (seven people).
During this second phase of interviews, the representatives of the local government entities were very supportive since they were willing to freely and openly share their experiences and concerns. Both the field tours and the interviews were developed during the period from December 2021 to December 2022. Table 3 presents a summary of these two referential questionnaires.
The information collected was used for a discourse analysis, a method to learn about the realities and practices of life in society, and to understand the worldviews, existential positions and points of view of different social groups [50]. The objective was to identify the perceptions of local inhabitants, community leaders, representatives of local decentralized autonomous governments (DAGs) and experts from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and also to interpret the reality in which they live [50]. The information obtained made it possible to determine the consistency between the criteria and opinions of the interviewees with the field observations and the historical background of the area to finally generate a map of constructs [46].

4. Results

4.1. Historical Review

In the 1970s, Salinas was the shortest route to Simiátug from Guaranda. Much of the area was part of the Cordobés family’s haciendas, where mainly indigenous people worked. They were accustomed to doing “things together” based on the principles of reciprocity and mutual aid characteristic of their culture [51,52]. However, the living conditions were precarious, lacking essential elements such as electricity and water [53]. The area was known as a bunch of huts where extreme poverty prevailed, with an infant mortality rate of 45%. The indigenous people were treated like cattle [54].
The Salesian missionaries sent by the Matto Grosso Operation (MGO) who traveled to Simiátug noticed this situation. Father Antonio Polo identified with this area and decided to lead the change. This is when the socio-technical reconfiguration of the area began [55]. According to Naranjo et al. [41], this process had three crucial stages.
  • Construction of basic infrastructure (1970–1978): The projects focused on providing water, electricity, access roads, more appropriate housing for human life, a communal house for assemblies, a co-community school and a place for the meetings of a reborn community [54]. The Salinas Savings and Credit Cooperative (COACSAL) was created. It was a transcendental organization for the development of productive projects. It was also the promoter of other second-order organizations such as the Salinas Community Organizations Foundation (FUNORSAL), Salinas Textiles (TEXSAL) and Salinas Youth Group Foundation (FUGJS), among others. The key to the economic development of the area was through their technical assistance [41,54,56]. The Fondo Ecuatoriano Populorum Progressio (FEPP) provided peasants with loans that allowed them to buy land and dairy cattle from the haciendas in the area. It also promoted the introduction of cheese factories [54]; this stimulated the purchase of livestock and the adaptation of páramo land to pasture.
  • Development of production and marketing systems (1978–1990): The name “Salinerito” began to be used as a brand name for cheeses from this area with a message of economic solidarity [54]. A research program on rural dairy products in Ecuador was initiated. A store was opened in Quito (the capital), thus launching a large market [57]. This led to the creation of about thirty local cheese factories, which accounted for 90% of family incomes [54]. The communities began to grow and settle in increasingly higher areas without considering the extreme climatic conditions that made agriculture and cattle raising complex [58]. Nature was transforming, and the advance of the agricultural frontier gradually deteriorated the páramo without causing significant damage during this period [59]. The families raised hundreds of sheep throughout the communal area and provided wool and meat [13]. The Salinas Salesian Family Foundation (SSFF) promoted other economic initiatives related to jam, sausages, nougat, soy products, chocolates, herbal teas, wool sacks, compost, essential pine oils and mushrooms, among others [54]. The landscape began to take a significant turn, marking the initiation of future interest in environmental protection [54].
  • Decentralization of the production system (1990–present): The organization was no longer sufficient. The challenge was to create, diversify and consolidate sources of employment that allowed people to escape poverty with new criteria [54]. Under the concept of trial and error, new products were developed [41]. The government opened several job positions. Tourism began to make headway regarding community enterprises spontaneously and without planning, with fragmented food and lodging services [57]. The Salinas Group began coordinating, articulating and facilitating project access and supporting local initiatives to strengthen the community work process [54].

Relevant Environmental Background and Challenges to Overcome

In 1992, the English mining company Rio Tinto Zinc (RTZ) invaded the Salinas parish to exploit silver, copper and other materials. This led to an anti-mining movement in the Bolívar province, initially led by the Matiaví Salinas commune [60]. The community did not accept the mining company’s offers. The local government legitimized the defense of the territory according to their customs, way of life and autonomy, and the legal, economic and political system [60,61]. At the beginning of this century, the discussion about climate change and its possible effects on the Andean páramos, such as increased temperatures and changes in water regimes, winds and fog became more widespread, unnoticed by the population [62,63]. Far from imagining that these fears would become reality, the productive activities in the area continued to expand, with cattle raising being the preferred activity of the inhabitants [41].
In 2005, some communities began to feel the effects of the first droughts. This alerted them to the urgency of rethinking the activities in the highest páramo zones [19], where the soil’s characteristics changed due to livestock and continuous burning for grass planting [19]. The original water cushion was compacted, so water capture and regulation were no longer possible. During the dry season, there was no water for domestic use, agriculture, livestock or cheese production [13]. In 2008, the new Constitution introduced the Socio-Páramo Program as part of a conservation policy and an opportunity to protect this ecosystem by transferring a direct monetary incentive per hectare of páramo to individual landowners and local and indigenous communities and also to alleviate poverty in these areas [13,64]. Some of the communities in the area, driven by young members, voluntarily agreed to join the program [19].

4.2. Field Observation

The field visits in the area included the parish head, the indigenous communities and the páramo reserve areas. This made it possible to (1) engage in conversations with the people, (2) make a photographic record and (3) directly observe aspects such as the situation of the páramo, the economic activities carried out by the people and the progress made in terms of conservation. The observations can be summarized as follows:
  • Accentuated advancement of the agricultural frontier, with a fragmented páramo and many patches of pine forest (Figure 2a). This situation is observed even within the NSPA in the Chimborazo Faunistic Reserve.
  • There are some communities that are not participating in the conservation and solidarity efforts started in Salinas for the conservation of the páramo (Figure 2b).
  • The women are organized and are interested in promoting new ventures, such as handicrafts made from páramo straw (Figure 2c).
  • Use of heavy machinery to prepare the soil for pasture significantly impacts soil structure (Figure 2a).
  • The communities have a significant social organization, as evidenced by communal assemblies and Monday reflections facilitated by the FFSS (Figure 2d).
  • Cheese shops are a vital part of the communities, with sheep cheese gaining popularity.
  • Very well-defined páramo reserve areas, free from agriculture and livestock, with improved soil conditions and increased native páramo vegetation. Visitors are only allowed entry as tourists (Figure 2f).
  • The Salineran companies are well organized and in good working order.
  • Eroded areas are being restored through reforestation with native plants and shrubs.
  • The communities are engaging in other activities that do not involve livestock or agriculture (weaving, mushroom harvesting, llama sausages, mortiño jam and trout farms, among others).
  • Social and environmental organizations are active, and national and international volunteers are present.

4.3. Interviews

4.3.1. Measures to Protect the Páramo and Its Constraints

Table 4 presents the set of actions defined by the communities, their description and the main perceived limitations in protecting and conserving the páramo, which can be proposed as an ST. Achieving agreements is a critical point in conservation efforts, as is the lack of understanding of the ecosystem services provided by the páramo and the functioning of soils. Regarding restoration, the main difficulty is encouraging people to stop cultivating pine trees, an exotic species unsuitable for páramo soils [65]. The change in livestock dynamics has affected people’s customs and way of life. Finally, creating economic alternatives is a topic that interests the inhabitants, keeping them active. However, there are still no markets for the new products.

4.3.2. Socio-Technical Reconfiguration for Conservation

Table 5 summarizes the constructs of the socio-technical reconfiguration process resulting from the application of ST, its description and an example of discourse segments (verbal data) that support their definition. The order of the identified constructs was established mainly according to the historical events developed in the area. Initially, two social groups participating in this process are distinguished: an external or foreign group and a local one.

5. Discussion

The socio-technical reconfiguration of the Salineran project arose from the urgency to overcome extreme poverty and water scarcity. This reconfiguration was modeled on a local development process, based on the contribution of foreign and local social groups, resulting in an ST that responds to the reality and needs of the area and that follows the logic presented in Figure 3, according to the constructs identified during the interviews.
This complex process is assigned by phases that are not explicit, but which have been permanently adjusted to the reality of the area and its interest in seeking the collective good. The first phase and starting point is the strengthening of the local organization and the training of community leaders, which has allowed progress toward the stage of seeking the sustainability of the initiated projects. Firstly, it seeks to incorporate gender equality and then jointly reflect and, based on their creativity and knowledge, establish the requirements to reach the final phase, which corresponds to visualizing nature as a provider of ecosystem services and promoting its protection.

5.1. Resources

The arrival of the Salesian Mission to Salinas marked a positive and constructive encounter with the inhabitants, with trust being the common denominator expressed and acknowledged by all those interviewed [54]. The financial support received was a fundamental external element for this socio-technical reconfiguration process, allowing for the possibility of starting initiatives in the area (Figure 3). Over time, government organizations and NGOs have joined the cause [13].
The Socio-Páramo Program was an opportunity that some communities saw as a way to obtain income and develop economic alternatives related to the exchange of cattle and tourism. According to those interviewed, when this opportunity arose in 2008, not all of the communities involved were concerned about water since the resource was still regularly available. Over time, the importance of releasing reserve areas to maintain the ecosystem services of water provision and regulation has been reinforced (without implying conditions of poverty due to the restriction and access to natural resources on which the communities’ way of life depends) [59]. This is because current projects seek to harmonize the fundamental rights of the population (work, health and education) with the conservation of ecosystems. However, the financial issue is always a limiting factor, which is why the interviewees insist on the need for a more significant presence of the State through policies that are inclusive and consistent with these two realities: those of surviving and conserving [66]. Currently, municipal authorities are discussing two possible ordinances. The first is related to the declaration of a large biological corridor that consolidates important páramo areas and ensures water recharge. The second is the creation of a fund for the conservation of páramos, capitalized by all beneficiaries of the hydrographic basin, whose resources would make it possible to implement environmental management plans and new economic alternatives [5,67].

5.2. Mindset

The improvement in living conditions, embodied in basic infrastructure and the radical change in the structure of land ownership from the hands of landlords to those of indigenous and peasant families, was the aspect that strengthened the self-esteem of the people, resulting in changing visions and giving way to new life opportunities [29]. This began a fundamental social and environmental transformation (Figure 3), where each fulfilled their role. The technical and social proposals were achieved through mutual feedback [54].
Over time and with new environmental circumstances, interest in the conservation of the páramo has been added to this new mentality, bearing in mind that fair land redistribution also implies ecological justice [63]. With various limitations, the communities have agreed on a set of social technologies (Table 3), which are expected to continue to expand.

5.3. Authority

The communities in this area maintain traditional indigenous organizational traits, in which their history and the past, present and future are important and defined not only in physical terms but also in spiritual terms related to nature [68]. The various issues and problems are managed in assembly with reasoning based on morals, ethics, peaceful coexistence, good customs and respect, establishing guidelines for their solution in an expanded council in which all members of the community participate along with the leaders of the Cabildo as the highest authority. The background with the RTZ mining company and Cabildo’s position strengthened the organization and generated interest in environmental issues [69]. The communes cover large tracts of land with joint tenancy deeds, but individual landowners are also welcome to join and accept their authority.
The availability of resources plus the strengthening of authority and the new mentality motivated the socio-technical reconfiguration of the area within a constructivist process (Figure 3) and the consolidation of the essential regions of the páramo reserve was achieved owing to the consensus, agreements and power of the commune [27].

5.4. Organization

The new mentality, the resources available for new opportunities and the authority of the commune were elements that established significant changes (Figure 3); however, they were limited by a weak internal structure reflected in leaders who were not capable of elaborating proposals, negotiation or self-management at different local levels [13]. This development process led to the creation of FUNORSAL, whose objective is to support communities through training and technical assistance to their leaders. This has made it possible to strengthen community development and propose various solutions to problems. Other organizations created with this same vision are TEXSAL for promoting women, FUGJS for youth participation and FFSS for pastoral care and disadvantaged groups [54]. All of these organizations understand the problem of páramo deterioration and water scarcity, so part of their vision focuses on educating people and sensitizing them to environmental issues. Most interviewees agree that support for the organization of the communities is vital to move forward with the protection of the páramo and see the need for greater State participation.

5.5. Technical Support and Training

As part of this complex vision of social actors, a socio-technical framework is generated in which part of the achievements are due to the technical support and equipment received from national and international institutions (Figure 3). Likewise, the presence of young university interns from other provinces motivates the communities and contributes to the improvement in procedures and results. The Gruppone Missionario collaborates permanently with volunteers, resources and the exchange of Italian and local youth, with the aim of inspiring them to return motivated to contribute to their communities [54]. The Evangelical Church has also been present in this process through education and training of leaders [70].
On the specific issue of páramo protection, the local DAGs have relied on neighboring experiences and, as part of an awareness-raising process, have invited local leaders to go on technical tours to observe the benefits of conserving and protecting this ecosystem with patience first-hand [13]. Sadly, several interviewees expressed that there are leaders for whom this experience was not enough and who do not join the majority’s missive, which is why they see the need for the State to impose laws and regulations.

5.6. Sustainability

The solidarity economy model developed in Salinas is a concrete example of what can be achieved by working collectively in synergy based on solidarity, reciprocity and sustainability [54]; that is, producing goods and services under the criterion of social and environmental responsibility [52]. Although in each community there is a cheese factory, which is the economic engine that sustains families, over time, it became evident that this was counterproductive with páramo protection due to the increase in cattle. Therefore, work is being carried out to reverse this process through ST developed by the communities themselves, according to their reality and capacities (Table 1 and Figure 3). This is an opportunity for community learning with the necessary socio-technical transformations [30,52]. The Salineran organizations do not distribute the profits obtained by the community enterprises but use them for productive reinvestment, public works and environmental protection [54].
Some interviewees fear that the community vision will succumb to the pressure of capitalism and the ambition of some, which is why they believe that the authorities should strengthen community processes in which caring for nature is a priority.

5.7. Gender Equity

The result of strengthening the organization, technical support and training is the reduction in the levels of discrimination and gender inequity (Figure 3). This has stimulated the productive activity of women, turning them into a fundamental pillar for the community’s and their family’s progress [71] and the sustainability of the entire Salineran project. There is talk of a contribution of approximately thirty productive initiatives within the solidarity economy model that are part of the ST achieved [55]. Tourist services and straw crafts (Figure 2) have been prominent lately and were evident on field trips [54]. All the interviewees agree that the understanding and sensitivity that women have regarding the importance of the páramo is visible in the area, this being the main reason for their increasing role, including in the local water boards. However, it is necessary to advance new policies that allow further improvements of living, working and equity conditions [72,73].

5.8. Creativity

The impetus given by the Salesian Mission 50 years ago is reflected today in the people’s ability to develop new economic alternatives with the commitment not to advance the agricultural frontier (Table 1). This motivated attitude of the people, in which women play an important role, has allowed the solidarity model to be maintained and prosper, that is, to be socially sustainable [74]. One example is sheep cheese, an initiative that arose from the commitment to reduce the number of cattle and introduce genetically improved sheep, which need less water and pasture. This technique is growing in the area. It is an opportunity to strengthen community ties because when a pair of sheep is given to a family, the latter commits to providing the first offspring to another family so that the practice spreads, which is evidence of technological innovation resulting from stakeholder dialogue [30].
The interviewees agree that the State should support this tireless attitude of the people, which contributes to the protection of the páramo; thus, studies are needed to identify the potential of communities and new markets and identify resources to commence initiatives and regulations that promote order, gender equity and respect for the environment.

5.9. Reflection

For 20 years, every Monday and at the initiative of Padre Polo, a period of approximately 2 h has been set aside to open the dialogue and share ideas with members of the Salineran organizations [75]. This day, also called “reflection day” allows the participation of the entire community, including volunteers and interns, among others (Figure 2d). The topics covered are of an ethical and social nature as well as regarding activities to be developed and community concerns [72]. It was possible to observe a planning session where the different institutions and organizations in turn presented a topic to be discussed and then allowed the attendees to freely comment. These meetings are also broadcast on community radio, which makes it possible for the entire population to be aware of the issues discussed [54]. This element is essential in the socio-technical reconfiguration, since although problems are not resolved in this space, it does provide guidelines for extended and specific dialogues as part of a systemic and complex vision of social actors [76]. The interviewees agree that this permanent exercise revitalizes their identity and reviews their history [77], which stimulates other elements such as organization, training needs, technical support, sustainability, gender equality, local knowledge and nature (Figure 3).

5.10. Local Knowledge

The native peoples of this area had advanced knowledge of pottery, spinning, agriculture and animal domestication [78]. When the Italian volunteers and those from other parts of the world arrived, the ancestral knowledge of these communities merged with the technical and social proposals already tested in other regions [54]. These peoples have botanical knowledge and they know which herbs are suitable for feeding animals and which plants have medicinal attributes [63]. This is the reason why when restoring degraded páramo areas, it is the community that approves the plants planned for reforestation. This helps to maintain the páramo in its natural conditions without the invasion of species not suitable for this ecosystem. However, many of those interviewed expressed their concern about migration and the exposure of people to customs from other places, which causes the loss of language and cultural values such as the Andean cosmovision, a philosophy that promotes a reciprocal and balanced relationship between man and nature [17,79].

5.11. Nature

This whole process of socio-technical reconfiguration ends with the recognition of the nature and its role in all the achievements of the Salineran project (Figure 3), since the páramo is seen as a provider of essential ecosystem services, with water being the vital element for developing the area’s emblematic productive activities. Those interviewed stated that people become conservationists, giving a new direction to the human–nature relationship [54]. The effects of the measures adopted over the last 12 years, as part of this new relationship, can be seen in a decrease in the advancement of the agricultural frontier as of 2008 compared to previous periods [19], and the recovery of wetland soil characteristics in previously deteriorated areas. This condition could be verified in the field. The people finally understand the páramo–water relationship, after seeing that the flows are maintained during the dry season, which has allowed them to carry out their activities normally. The relatively rapid recovery of the soil contrasts with studies that indicate that páramo soils are irreparable or need at least 50 years to return to their original characteristics [80,81]. Unfortunately, according to the local water board authority, there are no hydrometeorological stations to record changes, an issue on which the environmental managers should take action.
Observing the benefits of the ST adopted has led people to become involved in various environmental projects to protect the area’s natural heritage. Today, tourism is no longer concentrated in community enterprises. Still, owing to the privileged geographic location of the site, its magnificent landscapes and the creation of páramo reserves, there is also talk of ecotourism [82]. This opportunity is highly appreciated in the search for livelihoods because it generates significant economic income; the communities become guardians of the páramo on their lands while simultaneously no longer needing to migrate, and young people are interested in strengthening and promoting this most promising activity [54].

6. Conclusions

The Andean communities that inhabit the páramos in Ecuador face many challenges, with poverty being a recurrent issue that has not improved in the region. In addition, there is a severe environmental crisis resulting from the deterioration of the páramo, which could lead to water shortages. Salinas de Guaranda is a population that has acknowledged this reality, and, as part of a community and sustainable development model independent of the central government, it has applied ST based on a socio-technical reconfiguration that responds to its history and reality.
The results show a process based on strengthening community organization (a key element) since it ensures the participation of the people and consequently places the collective interests over the private ones. Likewise, giving more attention to women’s involvement has been shown to be very opportune because the relationship that women have with the páramo is more significant and thus so is their sensitivity to its deterioration. This aspect has promoted the creation of socioeconomic alternatives with less impact on the ecosystem, which dynamize the community and covers the needs of families. All of the elements discussed are under permanent observation by the community owing to continuous reflection, which has favored the construction of technologies in accordance with their reality, which promises hope for the páramo and a dignified life for the people who inhabit it.
It is important that these types of initiatives are analyzed and strengthened by the environmental authorities, first to ensure their continuation in the area and consolidate the achieved protection measures for the páramo, and second, to be able to replicate its principles in other areas in similar circumstances that need to reformulate their traditional economic activities (agriculture and livestock). For this, it is necessary to promote and support alternatives for productive systems that reduce the pressure in using the páramo and that are supported by an organized, structured, inclusive community development with permanent reflection on the importance of caring for nature, both for the well-being of the communities and that of populations located in the lowlands, who are also users of water from the páramo.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, M.C.T. and E.N.; methodology, M.C.T. and V.F.; formal analysis, M.C.T. and E.N.; investigation, M.C.T.; writing—original draft preparation, M.C.T. and V.F.; writing—review and editing, M.C.T., E.N. and V.F.; supervision, E.N. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. Approval for the study was not required in accordance with local/national legislation.

Data Availability Statement

Not applicable.

Acknowledgments

The authors are grateful to the many individuals and organizations in the Salinas de Guaranda parish who contributed to this research.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Figure 1. Map of the Salinas parish and the main distribution in land cover [42].
Figure 1. Map of the Salinas parish and the main distribution in land cover [42].
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Figure 2. Photographic records: (a) Fragmented and impacted páramo. (b) Advance of the agricultural frontier very close to reserve areas. (c) Women making handicrafts with páramo straw. (d) Reflection Monday. (e) Sheep cheese production. (f) Páramo reserve suitable for ecotourism.
Figure 2. Photographic records: (a) Fragmented and impacted páramo. (b) Advance of the agricultural frontier very close to reserve areas. (c) Women making handicrafts with páramo straw. (d) Reflection Monday. (e) Sheep cheese production. (f) Páramo reserve suitable for ecotourism.
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Figure 3. Map of constructs for the identified ST.
Figure 3. Map of constructs for the identified ST.
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Table 1. Distribution of the communities in the Salinas parish [42].
Table 1. Distribution of the communities in the Salinas parish [42].
Climate ZoneAltitude
(masl)		Temperature
(°C)		Communities
Páramo3000–40006–12Salinas, Apahua, Las Mercedes de Pumín, Pambabuela, San Vicente, Verdepamba, Natahua, Yurauksha, Pachancho, Piscotero, La Moya, Yacubiana
Inter-Andean2000–300012–18La Palma, Los Arrayanes, Chaupi, Tres Marías, Tigre Urco
Subtropical600–200018–24Bellavista, El Calvario, Cañitas, Chazojuan, Copalpamba, Gramalote, Guarumal, La Libertad, Lanzahurco, Matiaví Bajo, Monoloma, Muldiaguan, Río Verde
Note, masl: meters above sea level.
Table 2. Characterization of interviewees.
Table 2. Characterization of interviewees.
No. InterviewedCharacterization
E1Salinas resident/communicator
E2Cantonal DAG authority/environmental activist
E3Parish DAG authority/community leader
E4NGO social project technician
E5Community leader
E6NGO forestry expert
E7NGO executive director
E8Inhabitant of Salinas/Straw handicraft expert
E9DAG parish authority
E10NGO agricultural expert/páramo specialist
E11NGO agricultural expert/environmentalist
E12DAG parish authority
E13NGO agricultural expert/páramo specialist
E14Community leader
E15Salinas resident/youth environmental activist
E16NGO social projects expert
E17Community leader
E18Community leader/weaver
E19Expert on agricultural issues NGO
E20Community leader
E21Salinas resident/merchant
E22Cantonal DAG authority/environmental area
E23DAG parish authority
E24Salinas Water Board Representative
E25Salinas financial institution director
E26Salinas resident/teacher
Table 3. Main questions applied in the interviews.
Table 3. Main questions applied in the interviews.
Questionnaire 1
  • What is your role in the community?
  • Are there management plans for the páramo in your community?
  • Does your community participate in training or environmental education programs?
  • What kind of economic activity takes place in your community?
  • Do you think it is important to protect the páramo? Does it influence your economic activities?
  • Has your community developed any activity to protect the páramo? What are they, where did they come from and since when?
  • Is there an interest on the part of the members of your community in participating in decision-making? Was a consensus reached? Who are the most involved?
  • Is local knowledge taken into account in the application of these measures?
  • Is a common good sought? How does the community understand the common good?
  • Is there solidarity and cooperation to execute these measures?
  • Have there been changes in the customs of your community? Do you live better?
  • Do you think these measures can be maintained over time? What does it depend on?
  • What do the new generations think about it? Are they involved in the care of the páramo?
  • How do you see the future of the páramo?
Questionnaire 2
  • What was the social process of construction for the current initiatives for the protection of the páramo?
  • What were the main problems that had to be overcome to incorporate the conservation and recovery of the páramo into the area’s development model?
  • How have difficulties been overcome/addressed?
  • What role have the media and social networks played in this process?
  • What was the role of women in this process and what is their current situation?
  • Have there been changes in the internal organization of families?
  • Have social relations improved from the incorporation of the conservation and management of the páramo? How is this evidenced?
  • Do you think that the people have control over these páramo conservation and management initiatives? How is this control evidenced? What would it take to be in control?
  • Who has contributed the most in terms of knowledge: the people of the communities, government entities or NGOs? Please specify.
  • Do you think that this adopted vision of conservation and recovery of the páramo considers the needs of the poorest?
  • What have been the biggest successes/failures in this process? What has been learned from this?
Table 4. ST for the páramo protection and perception of its limitations.
Table 4. ST for the páramo protection and perception of its limitations.
ActionsDescriptionLimitation (Perception)
ConservationDelimitation of páramo areas in the highest parts, declaring them water reserve zones, prohibiting access by livestock, hunters and human settlements.“Reaching agreements between families and authorities has been the biggest social problem, as well as reaching agreements with everyone” (E22).
“Not everyone is in agreement because people expect immediate results, and it takes 10 to 15 years to see the effects of conservation” (E21).
RestorationReforestation of degraded areas resulting from burning or erosion with native páramo species.“We work with pine trees in areas below the reserve to cultivate mushrooms and firewood. We looked for specific areas for planting, trying not to impact the soils, without further advice and through trial and error” (E9).
“There are many families that are dedicated to the cultivation of pine trees as a means of subsistence, which is why they are opposed to replacing them with native species” (E10).
Change in livestock
ownership dynamics		Reduction in sheep and cattle, mainly by limiting grazing areas and acquiring genetically improved sheep (triple purpose), which consume less water and grass.“Having people leave their physical space where they have been raised since childhood, the land is the mother (…) getting rid of their animals, going from 100, 200 to 10, was a difficult aspect that people did not understand” (E2).
Creation of socioeconomic alternativesComplementary activities to agriculture and cattle ranching take pressure off the use of the páramo (tourism, handicrafts and medicinal plants, among others).“It is not easy to balance the issue of páramo management; it is necessary to create markets that accept the proposed products, such as llama meat, for example” (E7).
Table 5. Constructs of socio-technical reconfiguration based on interviewee perceptions.
Table 5. Constructs of socio-technical reconfiguration based on interviewee perceptions.
ConstructDescriptionSegment Example
ResourcesFinancial support from many public and
private entities for the execution of projects.		“The motivation to improve the living conditions of the inhabitants of this area was such that countless contributors from all over the world, of all religious beliefs and all political orientations, joined together to financially support the start-up of all the proposed initiatives, from the most basic to the most productive” (E4).
MindsetGeneral vision of life
(ideas and convictions).		“The mentality of the original people was that of being laborers, almost to the point of being slaves to the landowners. The impetus given by the Jesuit missionaries made it possible to strengthen community organizations, carrying out various projects with their objectives. It can be said that the seed achieved great milestones in social, educational, productive and environmental improvement” (E24).
AuthorityThe commune as the highest authority of a community.“The commune is another important pillar. It is the one that calls for “mingas” (community work). It is the highest authority, and in some issues, it has more power than the Parish Council itself. Thanks to the power of the commune, the páramo reserve areas have been consolidated. It decides the release of areas for the reserve and the community accepts” (E16).
OrganizationCreation of first, second and third order organizations.“Although the indigenous organization has important strengths due to its traditional values such as solidarity and reciprocity, there were limitations in terms of visions of community development that were overcome with the support of various organizations” (E13).
Technical support and trainingTechnical assistance from government and private entities. National and international volunteers, interns, permanent talks and technical tours.“Taking leaders from the area to see examples of protection of the páramo in other parts of the country has been a success in this conservation process, since they have been able to observe first-hand the benefits of protecting this ecosystem with patience” (E8).
SustainabilityThe solidarity economy model allows company profits to be allocated to productive reinvestment, public works and expansion of opportunities for the inhabitants.“FUNORSAL invests profits in giving environmental education talks and technical assistance to improve productivity, adding value to raw materials (…), supporting new initiatives such as llama meat sausages, which add to the cause of protecting the páramo” (E7).
Gender equalityWomen are a fundamental pillar for the progress of communities“Women are the ones who attend the meetings the most, and now, they have the power of opinion and a vote. They are the ones that support the mingas the most and are also invited to technical tours to other páramo areas. They are the ones that best understand the relationship between the páramo, water and crops, which is why they are already part of the water board directives” (E23).
CreativityAbility to develop new economic alternatives.“The greatest success achieved in generating alternatives, which is the inheritance of the Salesians, is the curiosity and drive to develop various product initiatives. Almost everyone knows how to make cheese, nougat and jam. This has allowed people to get ahead, even if they did not have the advantage of obtaining a more thorough academic education” (E1).
ReflectionPermanent dialogue that seeks understanding among all members of the community.“Reflection Mondays are a strength, an opportunity to discuss and talk about the needs of the area, and everyone contributes and enriches the search for solutions to the various problems in the area” (E20).
Local knowledgeTechnical and social proposals of native peoples.“When reforestation activities are carried out, if the plants are native to the páramo, they are accepted; otherwise, the community rejects them” (E14).
NatureIncredible biodiversity and magnificent landscapes open the door to ecological tourism.“The younger generations observe that caring for the páramo has its advantages; sightings of wild animals and plants attract tourism” (E14).
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Torres, M.C.; Naranjo, E.; Fierro, V. Challenges Facing Andean Communities in the Protection of the Páramo in the Central Highlands of Ecuador. Sustainability 2023, 15, 11980. https://doi.org/10.3390/su151511980

AMA Style

Torres MC, Naranjo E, Fierro V. Challenges Facing Andean Communities in the Protection of the Páramo in the Central Highlands of Ecuador. Sustainability. 2023; 15(15):11980. https://doi.org/10.3390/su151511980

Chicago/Turabian Style

Torres, María Cristina, Efraín Naranjo, and Vanessa Fierro. 2023. "Challenges Facing Andean Communities in the Protection of the Páramo in the Central Highlands of Ecuador" Sustainability 15, no. 15: 11980. https://doi.org/10.3390/su151511980

APA Style

Torres, M. C., Naranjo, E., & Fierro, V. (2023). Challenges Facing Andean Communities in the Protection of the Páramo in the Central Highlands of Ecuador. Sustainability, 15(15), 11980. https://doi.org/10.3390/su151511980

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