1. Introduction
According to the 7th National Population Census, China’s TFR (total fertility rate) was 1.3 in 2020, and the number of newborns hit a record low of 10.62 million in 2021, as revealed by the National Bureau of Statistics, drawing wide concern regarding the dropping fertility rate in China.
The decrease in China’s fertility rate is believed to be the result of family planning policies and socioeconomic development. The decrease in the number of new births is attributable to factors such as a decline in the number of women of childbearing age, delayed entry into parenthood, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Adjustments to family planning policies since 2014 are undeniably unsatisfactory in increasing the overall fertility level. This indicates that the key to increasing the fertility rate lies in socioeconomic drivers rather than in China’s family planning policies, which no longer work.
It underlines the value of interpreting China’s low fertility and the reasons behind it, in light of general trends and international practices. Reasons for China’s low fertility rate were generally classified into economic and institutional changes that impose objective restrictions and economic pressures on young people when making decisions regarding marriage and childbearing, on the one hand, and ideological or ideational changes that were deemed to be external shocks, independent of economic fluctuations, on the other hand. It has been assumed that the change in individuals’ needs induces an individualism that shapes fertility values and behaviors in return. Regrettably, these factors were isolated in previous studies, where neither a unified theoretical framework nor a holistic perspective was found. Thus, they did not convincingly explain the low fertility in the new era.
For this reason, in the context of increased economic uncertainty and cultural and ideational transition, we draw our findings from 34 OECD member states to test the inhibiting effect of economic uncertainty on fertility, analyze the heterogeneity of the impact of economic uncertainty on fertility in different economic and cultural contexts, and verify the reinforcing effect of cultural and ideational transition on such an inhibiting effect. We also discuss the possible mechanisms of how economic uncertainty affects fertility, including the timing of entry into parenthood, marriage stability, and the percentage of childless women.
By doing so, we hope to develop a more inclusive analytical framework that links economic uncertainty with cultural and ideational transition, to explain fertility behaviors with macroscopic evidence. In comparison with previous studies, the contributions of this paper are as follows. Firstly, economic uncertainty and cultural and ideational transition are originally put under the same analysis framework, to reveal their interactions and cumulative effects on fertility, which is compensation for and an expansion of previous frameworks. Secondly, the entropy evaluation method and arithmetic mean method are combined to generate the composite index, which measures economic uncertainty and cultural and ideational transition, reflecting major economic, social and cultural changes in relation to low fertility in a conceptualized and concrete way. Thirdly, according to the heterogeneity analysis, individuals’ perceptions of economic uncertainty at the same level and their responding fertility behaviors may be different, depending on the economy, culture, and history of the society in which they live. Fourthly, new mechanisms regarding the way that economic uncertainty shapes the fertility behaviors of individuals are uncovered; that is, in addition to delayed parenthood, as already discussed by others, fertility is also inhibited by microscopic factors such as marriage substitution and fertility preference. Furthermore, we preliminarily analyzed and tested the moderating effect of cultural and ideational transition, which is valuable for understanding the motives and consequences of convergent fertility behaviors in more depth.
2. Theoretical Analysis and Research Hypotheses
This study is mainly related to two types of research in the literature. The first type explores the impact of economic uncertainty on fertility. An individual, in terms of population economics, is believed to be a rational, economic man who determines the timing of parenthood and the number of children by balancing cost against return. Economic uncertainty, which usually refers to the economic fluctuations that affect the employment and income of individuals [
1], is the external constraint that significantly influences anticipated cost and returns. The relationship between economic uncertainty and the fertility rate has gained increasing attention in the academic community since the global financial crisis of 2007–2008.
Technically, macroeconomic uncertainty, which cannot be directly measured without a unified standard, is most often represented by the proxy variables. According to studies where labor productivity or economic growth rate is used as the proxy variable, the fertility rate is procyclical and is positively correlated to the economic growth rate since the 2008 financial crisis [
2,
3]. Studies measuring economic uncertainty using labor market conditions conclude that the increase in unemployment and non-standard employment (e.g., part-time jobs, short-term contract jobs, and seasonal jobs) significantly inhibits fertility desire and the fertility rate [
4,
5]. In addition, repeated spells of joblessness, along with the number of employment spells, were used to measure economic uncertainty; it was found that a high level of repeated spells of joblessness was linked to a low fertility desire in females [
6,
7]. Similar findings are also found in the literature, using indicators such as CCI and economic policy uncertainty (EPU) to measure economic uncertainty. For example, according to estimations by Fokkema et al. (2008), an increase of about 0.04% in TFR was observed for each 10% increase in CCI [
8]. When examining the fertility data of 32 countries from 2000 to 2013, Comolli (2017) found that a rise of 1% in EPU was associated with a decline of about 0.04% in TFR in the following year [
9].
There are no direct studies on the impact of economic uncertainty on the fertility rate in China, except for indirect literature on female employment, economic pressure, or fertility cost. Female employment has been proven to be positively related to fertility, as employment and financial security were deemed to be a prerequisite for childbearing by women, who became risk-averse in the face of social risks [
10]. Likewise, sound financial conditions were found to be fundamental for childbearing [
11].
All the studies mentioned above show that macro-level economic instability translates into individual-level financial uncertainty and that this discourages people from starting a family and having children. Such a mechanism may be aggravated if an “added worker effect” is in place and women try to compensate for their partners’ loss of income by remaining in the labor market [
12].
However, individuals’ responses to economic uncertainty are not homogeneous, and individual factors and socioeconomic background will affect individuals’ perceptions of economic uncertainty and their ability to cope with it. Grouping analysis shows that the impact of economic uncertainty on fertility varies with age, gender, income in particular, immigration status, and country cluster [
13].Institutional situations, including welfare and family policies [
14], the time period examined [
15], and the duration and intensity of economic recession [
16] will also influence the research results. Considering the varying impact of economic uncertainty on fertility in different groups and contexts, heterogeneity analysis is essential.
The second type of literature concerns the impact of cultural and value shifts regarding fertility. Since the late 1960s, Western countries have seen a multifaceted revolution, also known as the “contraceptive revolution”, “sexual revolution”, and “gender revolution” [
17], which has affected fertility rates in many ways. Northern and Western Europe and many other foreign countries saw a dropping fertility rate that had already fallen below the replacement level, in conjunction with significant changes in marriage and fertility patterns, family structure, and other aspects, including delayed marriage and increasing cohabitation. This is referred to as the “second demographic transition” (SDT) [
18]. Since the beginning of the 21st century, signs of SDT have been observed in an increasing number of countries. It indicates that extremely low fertility, which is not individual or transient, represents another systematic transition of the marital and childbearing behaviors of human beings [
19]. For example, by using data fromthe National Population Census, the 1% National Population Sample Survey, and China Family Panel Studies, Yu and Xie (2019) evaluated important indicators of the SDT in China and suggested that China and the Western countries have commonalities in relation to certain features of the SDT, including the timing of the first marriage, cohabitation rate, and divorce rate [
20].
The theory of SDT originates from the hierarchy of needs developed by Maslow (1954); that is, the needs of individuals will transform from material possessions to higher-level, non-material needs as a result of economic and social development. In line with the theory that a change in individuals’ needs induces cultural, structural, and ideational changes, Lesthaeghe and Meekers (1986) demonstrated that family formation was highly conditioned by ideational changes, with individuals and couples making the transition to parenthood to satisfy their own private needs rather thanto satisfypublic needs [
21]. As Liefbroer (2005) showed, having children emerged as something to be carefully planned, which might influence the partnership and the further economic well-being of the couple. Consequently, the transition into parenthood increasingly emerged as an extended expression of individualism and self-expression of the individual [
22]. By using the data from the China Family Panel Studies, Chen and Hu (2020) found that this individualistic motivation, an important driver of fertility behaviors in modern China, would induce lower fertility desire and a delayed entry into marriage, thus reducing the number of children born [
23].
The two types of literature are valuable for explaining fertility behaviors in the new era. They have both advantages and disadvantages. Literature focusing on economic uncertainty paid attention to key institutional or resource restrictions that lead to low fertility, while the reason why individuals with abundant resources have fewer children was not explained. Literature studying the cultural and ideational transition gave prominence to individuals’ preferences and motivations in a specific institutional and resource context and considered the diversified fertility motivations and their determinants, but why the actual fertility rate was lower than fertility desire would suggest was not clarified. In fact, whether an individual procreates depends not only on external circumstances but also on subjective preferences. Therefore, it is of theoretical value to analyze the interaction between economic uncertainty and cultural and ideational transition, and their impact on the fertility rate. Here, we try to compensate for these disadvantages.
Firstly, uncertainty is one of the fundamental attributes of modern economic society [
24]. As a result of the structural changes caused by economic globalization, a growing number of individuals have been engaged in unstable, low-paid, and low-quality jobs [
25], giving rise to the anticipation of employment instability and economic insecurity [
26]. Job insecurity, which is related to other areas of their personal life, makes an individual more uncertain about the envisioned future and further affects the balance between work and family life. Such uncertainties are regarded as important reasons for delayed parenthood and decreased fertility rates in Europe [
27].
Secondly, the studies above imply that individuals set personal expectations and perform fertility-related actions according to objective macroeconomic information. However, economic uncertainty involves the subjective perceptions of individuals, in addition to external environmental changes [
28]. Objective indicators alone cannot fully describe the economic conditions perceived by individuals. Individuals facing the same objective environmental conditions may have diverse perceptions and fertility behaviors because they have different values and modes of thinking. Therefore, values are non-negligible in the study of the impact of economic uncertainty on the fertility rate.
Thirdly, according to the SDT theory developed on the basis of sociological studies, cultural and ideational transition is the main cause of low fertility, which is marked by a decline in fertility to a level below the sub-replacement fertility level, as a result of a weakened traditional, family-oriented system. Supporters of the SDT theory believe that this is a transition of cultural orientation from materialism to post-materialism and, fundamentally, a change in the development goals and needs of human beings, namely, a shifting of individual values from material possessions to autonomy and self-expression [
29].
Finally, it is theoretically predictable that the needs of individuals in modern society will transform from material possessions to higher-level non-material needs as a result of economic and social development. It gives rise to cultural and value changes and further promotes an individualism that emphasizes the freedom and ability of individuals in shaping their lives (including marriage and fertility). Being able to control their fertility independently and freely on the basis of utility evaluation, individuals will raise their expectations for their personal lifestyle and living standards and will become more sensitive to changes in material possessions, making economic uncertainty more perceptible.
Based on the above analysis, we propose two hypotheses and test them successively.
Hypothesis 1 (H1). An increase in economic uncertainty will result in the decline of the fertility rate.
Hypothesis 2 (H2). The rise of the level of subjective needs and the associated cultural and ideational transitions make economic uncertainty more perceptible for individuals, and reinforce the inhibiting effect of economic uncertainty on the fertility rate.
4. Variable Selection and Model Building
4.1. Variable Selection
Considering data availability and representativeness, this paper provides an empirical analysis of data from 34 OECD countries (the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Canada, Ireland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Austria, Switzerland, Norway, Iceland, Denmark, Sweden, Spain, Portugal, Greece, Turkey, Japan, Finland, Australia, New Zealand, Mexico, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, South Korea, Slovakia, Chile, Slovenia, Estonia, and Israel)from 2000 to 2018.The variables involved include the dependent variable, explanatory variable, moderating variable, and control variable.
Dependent variable. Total fertility rate (TFR) represents the average number of children borne by a woman. Given that the fertility rate remains constant at different ages, TFR is the sum of fertility rates at different ages; it can be used to compare the fertility rates of different regions and different groups. Thus, TFR is used in this paper to indicate the fertility level. Data originate from the OECD database.
Explanatory variable. According to the analyses above, economic uncertainty, an undesirable factor that is expected to be eliminated or mitigated, may be construed as a macroeconomic change affecting individuals’ perceptions of financial security. Thus, economic uncertainty must be measured according to multiple dimensions. Firstly, considering that employment has been regarded as a factor influencing fertility desire in many previous studies, this paper mainly uses the unemployment rate, youth unemployment rate (the proportion of unemployed 15–24-year-olds to the total number of unemployed people aged 15 and over), the percentage of vulnerable youth employment (the proportion of 15–29-year-olds, who are neither in employment nor in education or training, to the total number of 15–29-year-olds), and the ratio of full-time employment to part-time employment, to measure the labor market. Secondly, in the context of the knowledge economy and globalization, the level of education of young people directly determines their potential earnings and their ability to cope with market fluctuations. Thus, the college enrollment rate is measured in this paper. Lastly, economic inequality and economic uncertainty are intertwined. In the globalized labor market, it is barely possible for the young generation, particularly young people without a favorable socio-economic status, to gain greater socio-economic benefits than their parents did [
42]. Thus, the Gini coefficient is included in the model (See
Table 1). The original data are orthogonalized and standardized, followed by the determination of the weights of indexes, based on the entropy weight method. After that, the weighted average is calculated, and the economic uncertainty index is re-measured and comprehensively evaluated, generating a composite index (see attachment for details of the calculation process).
Moderating variable. In light of the analyses above, cultural and ideational transition, which enhances an individual’s perceptions of economic uncertainty, may show a moderating effect on the relationship between economic uncertainty and fertility rate. Social media has greatly facilitated the social interaction between people of the same age group and has created a tremendous opportunity for them to learn lessons and seek advice from their peers, which may affect some individuals’ fertility decision-making process [
42]. In this regard, cultural and ideational transition, which influences fertility decisions, depends on the media of information flow and its dissemination in modern society, to some extent. Referring to the research by Chen [
29], this paper uses global information flow and dissemination as the proxy variable of cultural and ideational transition. It is measured by mobile cellular subscriptions (per 100 people), Internet subscriptions (per 100 people), and households with internet subscriptions (%). The data originate from the CEI database.
Table 1.
Descriptive statistics ofthedimensions of economic uncertainty.
Table 1.
Descriptive statistics ofthedimensions of economic uncertainty.
Dimension | Sub-Dimension | Unit | Mean | Std. Dev | Min | Max | Types |
---|
Employment | Total unemployment rate | % | 7.441 | 3.983 | 2.211 | 27.466 | + |
Youth unemployment rate | % | 27.024 | 7.637 | 10.579 | 54.658 | + |
Percentage of vulnerable youth employment | % | 12.317 | 6.02 | 3.27 | 43.6 | + |
Ratio of full-time employment to part-time employment | - | 3.763 | 2.237 | 0.548 | 9.951 | - |
Education | College enrollment rate | % | 65.451 | 17.427 | 9.815 | 142.852 | - |
Income distribution | Gini coefficient | % | 32.455 | 4.524 | 23.7 | 51.5 | + |
- 4.
Other Control Variables.
(1) Infant mortality rate (Imr): this refers to the number of deaths of infants under one year of age per 1000 live births (data source: WDI database). (2) Economic growth (Eg): this refers to the nominal GDP per capita (data source: WDI database). (3) Average life expectancy (Ale): this refers to life expectancy at birth, which is defined as how long, on average, a newborn can expect to live, if the death rates at birth do not change (data source: WDI database); (4) Urbanization (Ur): As a structural change in society, urbanization is commonly recognized as an important cause of the decline in the fertility rate. The urbanization rate refers to the ratio of urban population to the total population (data source: WDI database). (5) Population migration(Pm) considers the influences of international migration on the fertility rate; population migration is included as a control variable. This refers to the inflow of asylum-seekers (data source: OECD database).
Based on the above, the data of the related variables are collected and interpolation is performed to fill in the missing values, according to the mean value or tendency. Please refer to
Table 2 for the descriptive statistics of the variables used in this paper. TFR measures the fertility rate, with a minimum value of 0.98, a maximum value of 3.11, a mean value of 1.683, and a standard deviation of 0.373. EU measures economic uncertainty, with a mean value of 0.345 and a standard deviation of 0.125. This indicates that fertility and economic uncertainty vary greatly among countries.
4.2. Model-Building
Below is the benchmarking model in this paper:
where
i and
t refer to country and year, respectively, and
refers to the total fertility rate, which is a proxy variable measuring fertility level.
, which refers to the economic uncertainty index, is the core explanatory variable that measures the level of economic uncertainty.
refers to the control variable above, while
refers to the country fixed effect, and
refers to the year fixed effect, controlling other variables and temporal trends that may affect the fertility rate, and
is the error term of the model.
To test the moderating effect of cultural and ideational transition, the interaction term
is included in the following model.
refers to the level of cultural and ideational transition. The definitions of other variables are the same as those in Equation (1).
According to the theoretical hypotheses of this paper, both and are estimated to be negative.
6. Conclusions and Insights
In the context of economic globalization and the SDT, increased economic uncertainty and cultural and ideational transition are recognized as two structural dimensions affecting fertility in the modern society. In the meantime, more regions are seeing a continuously declining fertility rate. Moreover, realistic evidence shows increasing commonalities between China, a developing country, and developed countries in terms of the transformation of social structure and the change tendency of fertility rate.
On the one hand, in the context of worldwide instability and economic uncertainty (particularly the effect ofCOVID-19, which significantly influenced global economic recovery), there is no way for China’s economy to remain unaffected. Faced with slowing economic growth, a widening income gap and increased job insecurity, more and more young people are choosing to delay their entry into parenthood or to have fewer children.
On the other hand, as a result of the changes in values concerning marriage and the family, the marriage and fertility behaviors of young people in China are taking on the characteristics of SDT. Such changes in the external environment and subjective preferences have generated a huge negative impact on the reproduction rate of China’s population. According to the seventh census, China’s TFR was 1.3 in 2020, and the number of newborns hit a record low of 10.62 million in 2021. In July 2021, China’s central government announced the introduction of its “third-child” policy, which is an effective measure to cope with low fertility rates in the country. However, complaints about the high costs of bearing and raising a child and comments expressing people’s unwillingness regarding childbearing are prevalent online, indicating the existence of objective restrictions and the change in subjective attitudes.
By using the panel data of 34 OECD member countries to empirically investigate the inhibiting effect of economic uncertainty on fertility, and whether cultural and ideational transition reinforces such an effect, our study is believed to be meaningful for the recovery of fertility rates in China.
According to the findings, economic uncertainty has a significant negative effect on the fertility rate, which is more noticeable after the 2008 financial crisis and among low-income countries and countries that are strongly influenced by Confucianism. After the lagged variable and instrumental variable are used to control endogeneity, it was found that the negative impact may have been underestimated. In addition, the cultural and ideational transition reinforces the negative influence of economic uncertainty. Further tests reveal that the fertility rate is inhibited by delayed parenthood, the substitution of marriage with cohabitation, and fertility preference. Specifically, resource restrictions or financial strain as a result of increased economic uncertainty leads to a delayed entry into parenthood, indirectly damages marriage stability, and increases conflicts between work and family life, thus discouraging individuals from having more children. In addition, cultural and ideational transition is a catalyst reinforcing such impacts.
The findings suggest that the low fertility rate is the result of objective and subjective inhibiting factors and that the inhibiting effect is self-reinforcing. Economic uncertainty has a greater impact on the fertility rate of low-income countries and countries strongly influenced by Confucianism, and individuals’ expectations of the future economy affect their fertility desire. The key to increasing the fertility rate lies in the creation of a “favorable” physical and psychological environment, to enhance individuals’ expectations for and confidence in childbearing.
To this end, supportive policies are invaluable. Firstly, childbearing-related policies should be integrated with social and economic policies in such a way that job security, fair education, and income increase are achieved, in a bid to minimize economic uncertainty and enhance the perception of individuals and households of economic and social safety, stability, and predictability. Secondly, the media should play its role in properly guiding public opinion so that the correct ideas and concepts are communicated and spread to create a healthy, encouraging, and enabling environment favorable for childbearing. An efficient early-warning and evaluation system should be established to prevent the media from spreading or amplifying the economic risks and inducing or encouraging the preference for a small family.
There are limitations to this study to be noted and addressed in the future. Firstly, only macro and objective economic uncertainties have been considered, while insufficient attention has been paid to micro-level subjective economic uncertainties. Secondly, due to limited data availability, economic uncertainty indicators have been restricted to employment, education, and income distribution, while the cultural and ideational transition is merely measured by several proxy variables. Finally, the dominating factor of economic uncertainty, a composite index, is unknown and ise xpected to be further discussed.