Search Results (9)

The present study is concerned with some aspects of the production of [ɨ] and [ə] in Romanian, i.e., their position within the vowel space, degree of acoustic variability and acoustic duration. To this end, acoustic data were collected for the Romanian stressed vowels [i e a o u ɨ ə] produced by six speakers in controlled consonantal context conditions and real and nonsense words. The formant frequency data reveal that [ɨ] and [ə] do not overlap along the F1 dimension, which may be ascribed to the need to set in contrast the two central vowels phonologically. Moreover, [ɨ] is clearly more variable in F2, and thus in vowel fronting, than schwa. Regarding segmental duration, [ɨ] is as short as high vowels and shorter than schwa, whose duration is comparable to that of mid vowels. The phonetic characteristics for stressed schwa in Romanian are in contrast with those for the same vowel in other world’s languages, in which it is highly variable and shorter than all or most peripheral vowels. This behaviour may be attributed to the existence of two central vowels, while suggesting that [ə] has a well-defined articulatory target in the Romanian language. Full article

This study presents an acoustic analysis of vowel realisations in contexts where, in Australian English, a historical contrast between unstressed /ɪ/ and /ə/ has largely diminished in favour of a central schwa-like variant. The study is motivated by indications that there is greater complexity in this area of vowel variation than has been conventionally set out in the existing literature, and our goal is to shed new light by studying a dataset of conversational speech produced by 40 young speakers from Perth, WA. In doing so, we also offer some critical thoughts on the use of Wells’ lexical sets as a framework for analysis in work of this kind, in particular with reference to the treatment of items in unstressed position, and of grammatical (or function) words. The acoustic analysis focused on the realisation in F1/F2 space of a range of /ɪ/ and /ə/ variants in both accented and unaccented syllables (thus a broader approach than a focus on stressed kit vowels). For the purposes of comparison, we also analysed tokens of the fleece and happy-tensing lexical sets. Grammatical and non-grammatical words were analysed independently in order to understand the extent to which a high-frequency grammatical word such as it might contribute to the overall pattern of vowel alternation. Our findings are largely consistent with the small amount of previous work that has been carried out in this area, pointing to a continuum of realisations across a range of accented and unaccented contexts. The data suggest that the reduced historical /ɪ/ vowel encountered in unaccented syllables cannot be straightforwardly analysed as a merger with /ə/. We also highlight the way in which the grammatical word it participates in this alternation. Full article

It is widely accepted that languages organize speech material into prosodic domains, which are hierarchically arranged. However, it is still a matter of debate whether this prosodic hierarchy is composed of a small number of universal categories, or whether these prosodic categories are language-particular and emergent. In this article, we concentrate on one of these categories, the foot, and we investigate its role in European Portuguese (EP). Whereas research on EP has shown that other prosodic domains commonly found crosslinguistically are active in the language, it seems that EP may lack this prosodic constituent. Therefore, the goal of this article is to systematically investigate the role of the foot in a number of areas within EP grammar. In our study, we defend some new approaches to several long-standing issues in EP phonology and we conclude that many facts of the language can be, in fact, better understood resorting to the foot domain. Namely, the distribution of stress in the most frequent morphological classes (thematic non-verbs and present tense verbs), -inh-/-zinh- diminutive formation, the domain for regular vowel reduction, obligatory glide formation, the stress window, and poetic rhyme seem to benefit from a metrically-governed account. By contrast, other facts, such as vowel lowering, word clipping, minimal words, secondary stress, and schwa deletion are shown not to be conditioned by the foot in EP. Importantly, the evidence we found for metrical structure only cues the prominent foot of the word, suggesting that pretonic material may not be footed. All in all, in addition to shedding light on facts previously poorly understood, and exposing some noteworthy specificities of EP in the realm of Romance languages and other varieties of Portuguese, we draw implications for the universal characterization of the prosodic hierarchy and its acquisition. Full article

The well-known deletion of coda sibilants in Old French (11th–14th centuries) induced a compensatory lengthening effect on the preceding vowel, generally described as applying uniformly where coda /s/ was lost. This study highlights and analyzes phonological contexts where lengthening likely did not occur, examining their interaction with stress assignment, vowel quality, schwa adjustment, prothesis, and morphological structure. The Stratal OT analysis formalizes the proposed pattern differentiating the long and short vowel reflexes identified especially for mid vowels: while categorical in tonic syllables and low vowels /a, ɑ/ irrespective of stress, lengthening only prevails in atonic mid vowels when coda /s/ deletion impacts a syllable assigned stress within the specific stratal phonological cycle when /s/ is deleted from input. The resulting length is transmitted and preserved in subsequent stratal cycles regardless of eventual word-level stress reassignment, especially (but not exclusively) because of word-level schwa adjustment, allowing a shift to word-final stress and producing an opacity effect of a long atonic mid vowel inherited from an earlier cycle. The stratal account formalizes observed analogical effects between lexical items and derived forms with respect to vowel quality and length and proposes them to result instead from the interplay of morphology and phonology. Full article

Schwa in English shows a considerable amount of contextual variation, to the extent that previous work has proposed that it is acoustically targetless. Although the consensus of previous research seems to suggest that schwa is targeted, the sources of schwa’s contextual variation have yet to be fully explained. We explored a potential source of variation in English schwa, namely, whether schwa occurs in a content word (word-initial schwa, e.g., accompany) or is a function word (phrase-initial schwa, e.g., a company). We sought to determine whether English speakers distinguish word- and phrase-initial schwas in production, as well as whether word- and phrase-initial schwas differ in their level of targetedness. To elicit hyperarticulation of word- and phrase-initial schwas and thereby facilitate our ability to observe their targets, participants produced ambiguous and unambiguous word- and phrase-initial schwa pairs in neutral and biased sentence contexts. The first and second formant trajectories of the schwas were analyzed using growth curve analysis, allowing us to demonstrate that word-initial and phrase-initial schwas are both targeted and have different targets. Ultimately, our results suggest different underlying representations for schwas in function and content words. Full article

This study investigated cue weighting in the perception of the retroflex and non-retroflex lateral contrast in the monosyllabic words /ɭə/ and /lə/ in the Zibo dialect of Chinese. A binary forced-choice identification task was carried out among 32 natives, using computer-modified natural speech situated in a two-dimensional acoustic space. The results showed that both acoustic cues had a significant main effect on lateral identification, with F1 of the following schwa being the primary cue and the consonant-tos-vowel (C/V) duration ratio as a secondary cue. No interaction effect was found between these two acoustic cues. Moreover, the results indicated that acoustic cues were not equally weighted in production and perception of the syllables /ɭə/ and /lə/ in the Zibo dialect. Future studies are suggested involving other acoustic cues (e.g., the F1 of laterals) or adding noise in the identification task to better understand listeners’ listening strategies in their perception of the two laterals in the Zibo dialect. Full article

Some studies on training effects of pronunciation instruction have claimed that the training of prosodic features has effects at the segmental level and that the training of segmental features has effects at the prosodic level, with greater effects reported when prosody is the main focus of training. This paper revisits this claim by looking at the effects of pronunciation training on Italian learners of German. In a pre-post-test design, we investigate acoustic changes after training in learners’ productions of two features regarded as prosodic and two features regarded as segmental. The prosodic features were the pitch excursion of final rises in yes–no questions and the reduction in schwa epenthesis in word-final closed syllables. The segmental features were final devoicing and voice onset time (VOT) in plosives. We discuss the results for three groups (with segmental training, with prosody training, and with no pronunciation training). Our results indicate that there are positive effects of prosody-oriented training on the production of segments, especially when training focuses on syllable structure and prosodic prominence (stress and accent). They also indicate that teaching segmental and prosodic aspects of pronunciation together is beneficial. Full article

Vowel reduction is a common pronunciation phenomenon in stress-timed languages like English. Native speakers tend to weaken unstressed vowels into a schwa-like sound. It is an essential factor that makes the accent of language learners sound unnatural. To improve vowel reduction detection in a phoneme recognition framework, we propose an end-to-end vowel reduction detection method that introduces pronunciation prior knowledge as auxiliary information. In particular, we have designed two methods for automatically generating pronunciation prior sequences from reference texts and have implemented a main and auxiliary encoder structure that uses hierarchical attention mechanisms to utilize the pronunciation prior information and acoustic information dynamically. In addition, we also propose a method to realize the feature enhancement after encoding by using the attention mechanism between different streams to obtain expanded multi-streams. Compared with the HMM-DNN hybrid method and the general end-to-end method, the average F1 score of our approach for the two types of vowel reduction detection increased by 8.8% and 6.9%, respectively. The overall phoneme recognition rate increased by 5.8% and 5.0%, respectively. The experimental part further analyzes why the pronunciation prior knowledge auxiliary input is effective and the impact of different pronunciation prior knowledge types on performance. Full article

Does bilingual language influence in the domain of phonetics impact the morphosyntactic domain? Spanish gender is encoded by word-final, unstressed vowels (/a e o/), which may diphthongize in word-boundary vowel sequences. English neutralizes unstressed final vowels and separates across-word vocalic sequences. The realization of gender vowels as schwa, due to cross-linguistic influence, may remain undetected if not directly analyzed. To explore the potential over-reporting of gender accuracy, we conducted parallel phonetic and morphosyntactic analyses of read and semi-spontaneous speech produced by 11 Monolingual speakers and 13 Early and 13 Late Spanish-English bilinguals. F1 and F2 values were extracted at five points for all word-final unstressed vowels and vowel sequences. All determiner phrases (DPs) from narratives were coded for morphological and contextual parameters. Early bilinguals exhibited clear patterns of vowel centralization and higher rates of hiatuses than the other groups. However, the morphological analysis yielded very few errors. A follow-up integrated analysis revealed that /a and o/ were realized as centralized vowels, particularly with [+Animate] nouns. We propose that bilinguals’ schwa-like realizations can be over-interpreted as target Spanish vowels. Such variable vowel realization may be a factor in the vulnerability to attrition in gender marking in Spanish as a heritage language. Full article