Search Results (50)

Famed lawyer Clarence Darrow (1857–1938) argued strongly for an early-life public health approach to crime prevention, one that focused on education, poverty reduction, and equity of resources. Due to his defense of marginalized persons and his positions that were often at odds with his legal colleagues and public opinion, he was known as the Big Minority Man. He argued that the assumption of free will—humans as free moral agents—justifies systems of inequity, retributive punishment, and “unadulterated brutality.” Here, the authors revisit Darrow’s views and expand upon them via contemporary research. We examine increasingly louder argumentation—from scholars across multiple disciplines—contending that prescientific notions of willpower, free will, blameworthiness, and moral responsibility, are contributing to social harms. We draw from biopsychosocial perspectives and recent scientific consensus papers calling for the dismantling of folk psychology ideas of willpower and blameworthiness in obesity. We scrutinize how the status quo of the legal system is justified and argue that outdated notions of ‘moral fiber’ need to be addressed at the root. The authors examine recent arguments for one of Darrow’s ideas—a public health quarantine model of public safety and carceral care that considers the ‘causes of the causes’ and risk assessments through a public health lens. In our view, public health needs to vigorously scrutinize the prescientific “normative” underpinnings of the criminal justice system. Full article

Social work has long operated at the intersection of care and control—nowhere is this more apparent than in its treatment of sex-working parents. This article draws on participatory research with thirteen sex-working parents in California to examine how the child welfare system, family court, and public benefit infrastructures extend punitive surveillance under the guise of support. Utilizing the framework of prison industrial complex abolition, the analysis identifies three key findings: first, family policing systems often mirror the coercive dynamics of abusive relationships that sex work helped participants to escape; second, access to social services is contingent on the performance of respectability, with compliance met not with care but with suspicion and deprivation; and third, sex-working parents enact abolitionist praxis by creating new systems of safety and stability through mutual aid when state systems fail. As social work reckons with its complicity in the carceral state, the everyday practices of sex-working parents offer a powerful blueprint for care rooted in trust, unconditional positive regard, and self-determination. Full article

This article introduces the Third Space of Indian child welfare to theorize how Indigenous nations simultaneously engage and disrupt settler legal systems while building sovereign, care-based alternatives. Drawing from legal analysis, Indigenous political thought, and sociohistorical synthesis, I trace the historical continuity from boarding schools to today’s foster care removals, showing how child welfare operates as a colonial apparatus of family separation. In response, Native nations enact governance through three interrelated strategies: strategic legal engagement, kinship-based care, and tribally controlled family collectives. Building on Bruyneel’s theory of third space sovereignty, Simpson’s nested sovereignty, and Lightfoot’s global Indigenous rights framework, I conceptualize the Third Space as a dynamic field of Indigenous governance that transcends binary settler logics. These practices constitute sovereign abolitionist praxis. They reclaim kinship, resist carceral systems, and build collective futures beyond settler rule. Thus, rather than treating the Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) as a federal safeguard, I argue that tribes have repurposed ICWA as a legal and political vehicle for relational governance. This reframing challenges dominant crisis-based narratives and positions Indigenous child welfare as the center of a “global Indigenous politics of care” with implications for theories of sovereignty, family, and abolitionist futures across disciplines, geographies, and social groups. The article concludes by reflecting on the broader implications of the Third Space for other Indigenous and minoritized communities navigating state control and asserting self-determined care. Full article

HIV rates among young adults remain high, and those impacted by the justice system are at particular risk. Understanding the factors associated with HIV testing, as well as determining changes in risk behavior after an HIV test, may inform interventions to reduce HIV prevalence among this population. As such, this study sought to determine the individual, contextual, and demographic factors associated with HIV testing among legal-system-impacted young adults and to explore whether a first HIV test is associated with changes in future risk behavior when compared to Never Tested individuals. Significant predictors of HIV testing included the absence of a biological father (OR = 0.68, p = 0.049), a higher variety of lifetime offending (OR = 4.74, p = 0.015), and living in Philadelphia vs. Phoenix (OR = 3.07, p < 0.001). Compared to those never tested for HIV, those newly tested significantly increased in their number of unprotected sexual partners (b = 0.52, p < 0.001) and in the number of times they had unprotected sex (b = 0.47, p < 0.001) one year later. This study is one of the first to assess predictors of HIV testing among legal-system-impacted young adults living across both community and carceral settings and to assess changes in risk behavior before and after a first HIV test. Future studies should investigate changes in risk behavior among those newly tested to inform HIV testing and care improvement interventions for this population. Full article

The carceral apparatus in the U.S. can be understood as mechanisms of policing, criminalizing, and incarcerating through the criminal justice system in its traditional sense but also encompassing mechanisms of social control, surveillance, and violence exerted through other systems such as family policing organizations, social service agencies, and helping professions. As we are witnessing the impacts of the toxic drug supply crisis and continued reliance on the “war on drugs” policies, these carceral functions are deeply felt among people who use drugs and have substance use disorders. This qualitative study uses the Foucauldian lens of biopolitics and biopower to examine how power operates in carceral systems and impacts women who use substances. By conducting and analyzing in-depth interviews with four women who identify as systems-involved in the U.S., this study highlights that power operates in a multitude of ways. The findings highlight the gendered experience these individuals face navigating these systems of circularity, including the minimization of bodily autonomy, the destruction of social reproduction, and coercive performances to the patriarchal gaze. The findings also amplify the women’s perspective on systemic change and offer alternatives to current carceral approaches. This research provides insights for social service professionals in all fields for more liberatory approaches to working with women in carceral settings and proposes a radical departure from current trajectories of social control and criminalization. Full article

Community members seeking alternatives to policing have played a substantive role in promoting safety and responding to harm for decades. The Survival Line was formed as a volunteer-run hotline to respond to community members’ concerns about neighborhood crime or police misconduct. It was established in the summer of 1970 as a mechanism for gathering data while also referring callers to community resources like pro bono attorneys and low-cost social services. It ran as a 24/7 hotline staffed entirely by volunteers from the Action for Survival coalition, a group of community-based organizations, which included the Chicago Urban League. Using historical analytic methods, this study asks the following: what function did this citizen-run hotline serve in 1970s Chicago? This study mobilizes archival research methods to analyze call records, meeting minutes, publicity materials, and internal memos from the Chicago Urban League and its Survival Line archives. This archival analysis found that the Survival Line served multiple functions; it was a non-state response to urban crises, a vehicle for Black solidarity, and a mechanism for gathering data on crime and police misconduct in the city. By functioning as an alternative to policing and state responses to crime, a vehicle for Black neighborhood solidarity, and a data collection mechanism, the Survival Line was at the core of an impactful micropolitical intervention upon urban crises in 1970s Chicago. As a historical example of community-driven violence and crisis response, this hotline has implications for contemporary social work—specifically for direct practice, community organizing, program design and evaluation, and community-based participatory research. Full article

Incarcerated women report extremely high rates of lifetime sexual violence victimization. Survivors Healing from Abuse: Recovery through Exposure (SHARE) is an exposure-based group therapy specifically designed for incarcerated women survivors of sexual violence. SHARE has been continuously delivered in a women’s prison for more than 12 years. However, like many prisons during the COVID-19 pandemic, the prison ceased all in-person programming between March 2020 and July 2021. In response, the SHARE treatment team pivoted to a hybrid telehealth delivery model (i.e., group participants gathering in a facility group room and therapists joining via video, displayed on a computer screen within the group room). Given the lack of evidence for hybrid telehealth in carceral settings, and specifically for group therapy for sexual trauma, the current study compared ratings on internalizing symptoms (Brief Symptom Inventory-18 or BSI-18), posttraumatic stress symptoms (Posttraumatic Checklist-5 or PCL-5), and group cohesion ratings (Inclusion of Self in Other scale, or IOS) for participants who received SHARE in person (n = 21) or through hybrid telehealth (n = 19). The results demonstrated that participants of in-person and hybrid telehealth SHARE groups reported similar significant reductions in BSI-18 (15.21 in person vs. 16.00 in hybrid telehealth) and PCL-5 (30.78 in person vs. 26.40 in hybrid telehealth) scores pre- to post-treatment and comparable IOS ratings (5.06 in person vs. 5.31 in hybrid telehealth). The findings suggest hybrid telehealth is an effective and feasible treatment modality for meeting the need for trauma-focused therapy in prisons. Future studies examining the effectiveness and implementation of trauma-focused hybrid telehealth groups in prisons are warranted. Full article

Hepatitis C virus (HCV) disproportionately affects certain sub-populations, including people with experience of incarceration (PWEI). Little is known about how perceptions of HCV and treatment have changed despite simplifications in testing and treatment in carceral settings. Nineteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with people living with or having a history of HCV infection released from Quebec provincial prison. Interviews were guided by the Common Sense Self-Regulation Model (CS-SRM) and aimed to explore cognitive and emotional representations of HCV and coping strategies. Among the 19 participants, seven (37%) were diagnosed with HCV in prison and 14 (74%) had previously received HCV treatment. Participants’ HCV illness perceptions were influenced by fear (of HCV transmission, death, and the well-being of family) and stigma (related to HCV, injection drug use, and incarceration). While some sought education and social and professional support, others self-isolated or engaged in high-risk behaviors to cope. Despite advances in HCV treatment, PWEI continue to experience various forms of stigma and fear surrounding their HCV diagnosis, resulting in delayed HCV care. These findings provide insights into how prison-based healthcare providers can better utilize HCV illness perceptions to evaluate willingness to engage in HCV care among PWEI. Full article

Since the era of chattel slavery, the state has used institutionalized abuse and violence as a tool for reproductive control. Today, public institutions and social services have been established by the state to police and surveil the behavior of poor communities and parents to maintain the reproductive violence and oppression that began centuries ago. This paper uses a reproductive justice framework to explore how the history of criminalizing pregnancy, surveilling Black and Indigenous communities, and denying reproductive autonomy are connected to and maintained by the present-day family policing system. In doing so, this paper expands on existing literature to create a stronger link and build solidarity between the movements against family policing and reproductive oppression. Full article

Reflecting upon Mary Richmond’s early call for formalized social work training to address the historical struggles of the field, this analysis examines how American social work education has addressed the paradoxes of help and harm present in the field for more than a century. We examine how, under the guise of benevolence and care, social work has exerted social control and contributed to gendered criminalization. We use the term carceral complicity to extend the concept of carceral social work, illustrating how carceral complicity has contributed to women’s criminalization through the embedding, enacting, and invisibilizing of carceral logics in social work. In addition to describing how carceral complicity has been addressed in social work education, we illustrate the gendered nature of carceral complicity, highlighting how women have historically and contemporarily been positioned as both the proprietors and the recipients of carceral complicity. In line with recent scholarship, we suggest that through a transformative approach to social work education we may disrupt carceral complicity and support liberatory futures. Full article

The contemporary Defund the Police movement has renewed interest in social work’s role in public safety, leading some to call for increased police–social work collaborations. However, claims regarding the potential virtues and pitfalls of social work–police collaborations are largely ahistorical. To contextualize current debates, a systematic investigation into the evolution of social work and its relationship with law enforcement is necessary, particularly the impact that gender norms have had on this relationship. Drawing from the National Conference on Charities and Corrections proceedings, we examined how gendered underpinnings have shaped social work’s relationship to law enforcement and the understanding of social work’s role in public safety. During the Progressive Era, social workers acted as an intervention to reform police by infusing ‘rehabilitative’, ‘protective’, ‘preventative’, and ‘quarantining’ approaches in law enforcement. What emerges from the archives is a chronicle detailing how using social work as a gendered intervention for police reform during the Progressive Era fell short of addressing the root causes of carceral issues, drawing parallels between the Progressive Era reforms and today’s contemporary reforms. Full article

This study characterizes cancer and non-cancer risks due to inhalation exposure to volatile organic compounds (VOCs) in a border city of Windsor in southern Ontario, Canada, using hourly ambient concentrations collected from 17 November 2021 to 17 March 2023. The total incremental lifetime cancer risk (CR) due to benzene and ethylbenzene is 4.33 × 10⁻⁶, which is in the acceptable risk range of 1 × 10⁻⁶ to 1 × 10⁻⁴ used by the USEPA. The CR was higher in winter (5.20 × 10⁻⁶), followed by fall (4.32 × 10⁻⁶), spring (3.86 × 10⁻⁶), and summer (2.96 × 10⁻⁶), all in the acceptable range. The total chronic non-cancer risk (Hazard Quotient, HQ) of inhalation exposure to 16 VOCs was 0.0488, with a higher value in fall (0.0571), followed by winter (0.0464), and lower in spring (0.0454) and summer (0.0451), all in the safe level of below HQ = 1 used by the USEPA. The hazard index (HI) by organs was higher for the nervous system (0.0213), followed by the hematologic system and immune system (0.0165 each), but much lower for the other five target organs, i.e., the liver/kidney (1.52 × 10⁻⁴), developmental system (3.38 × 10⁻⁴), endocrine system and urinary system (2.82 × 10⁻⁴ each), and respiratory system (9.70 × 10⁻⁵). Similar hour-of-day trends were observed in the total CR, total HQ, and HI by organs with higher values in the early morning hours of 5:00–8:00 and lower values during 12:00 to 15:00. Benzene was the major contributor to both total CR (89%) and total HQ (34%) due to its high toxicity and high concentrations. Benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, and xylenes (BTEX) contributed 100% of the total CR and 51% of the total HQ. Further, BTEX is the sole contributor to the HI for the hematologic system and immune system and the major contributor to the HI for the nervous system (39%) and developmental system (55%). Higher cancer and non-cancer risks were associated with the airmass from the east, southeast, and southwest of Windsor. Full article

This archival study explores the life and work of Dr. Carrie Weaver Smith (1885–1942), a Progressive Era social worker and prison warden. Specifically, I explore the first phase of her career as a House Physician at the Virginia K. Johnson Home in Dallas, Texas (1911–1915) and as the first Superintendent of the Texas State Training School for Girls in Gainesville, Texas (1916–1925). Using archival research, I detail three conflicts that defined Dr. Smith’s superintendency: her fight to reclassify a youth prison as a school, her challenges to a Ku Klux Klan-dominated legislature, and her refusal to cede authority to a State Board of Control. Together, these conflicts led the Board to terminate Dr. Smith’s position, an outcome that would replay twice more before she retired from prisonwork. I argue that when most reformers made significant concessions, compromising their visions to maintain state funding and political allyship, Dr. Smith stood out for her record of refusal. And yet, like other reformers, she left Texas with the capacity to imprison more women and girls than ever before. Full article

Much of the American response to the COVID-19 pandemic was characterized by a divergence between general public opinion and public health policy. With little attention paid to individuals incarcerated during this time, there is limited direct evidence regarding how incarcerated people perceived efforts to mediate the harms of COVID-19. Prisons operate as a microcosm of society in many ways but they also face unique public health challenges. This study examines vaccine hesitancy—and acceptance—among a sample of individuals incarcerated within adult prisons in Pennsylvania. Using administrative records as well as rich attitudinal data from a survey of the incarcerated population, this study identifies a variety of social and historical factors that are—and are not—associated with an incarcerated person’s willingness to receive the COVID-19 vaccine. Our findings highlight vaccination challenges unique to the carceral context and offer policy recommendations to improve trust in credible health messengers and health service provision for this often overlooked but vulnerable population. Full article

This essay brings psychoanalytic theory on trauma together with film and television criticism on rape narrative in an analysis of Michael Coel’s 2020 series I May Destroy You. Beyond the limited carceral framework of the police procedural, which dislocates the act of violence from the survivor’s history and context, Coel’s polyvalent, looping narrative metabolizes rape television’s forms and genres in order to stage and restage both trauma and genre again and anew. Contesting common conceptions of vulnerability and susceptibility that prefigure a violent breach of autonomy, Coel’s series and her interviews about it invite an ethics of looking that embraces a curiosity in the unknowable and untreatable kernel of subjective experience and defies and resists a policing of the survivor’s thoughts and emotions. By emphasizing and exploring what psychoanalysis calls the “afterwardness” of trauma, Coel foregrounds her main character’s subjectivity prior to her victimization, widens the sphere of consequence beyond the victim and criminal justice system to the survivor’s larger community, and entreats that community to preserve a space for her to look and look again at everything, without judgment. Full article