Search Results (3)

This paper revisits the cross-reference marking system of Mbyá Guaraní, focusing on two phenomena: object agreement using the prefix i- and its allomorphs, and absolutive cross-reference marking in converbs. The analysis demonstrates that cross-reference marking in Mbyá is sensitive to abstract Case. Building on a view of agreement as an obligatory operation whose failure does not result in ungrammaticality, this paper argues that the segment i- is an object agreement prefix, rather than part of an allomorph of an active subject agreement prefix. This marker is underspecified for person, allowing it to cross-reference 1st, 2nd or 3rd objects. The paper further argues that converbs in Mbyá Guaraní follow an absolutive cross-reference marking pattern, where only intransitive subjects or objects are cross-referenced. This pattern is shown to be consistent with cross-linguistic and historical data from the Tupí–Guaraní family. This paper’s contributions include a proposal for case-sensitive agreement in Mbyá, with active agreement prefixes realizing agreement with nominative DPs only. The analysis also emphasizes the different roles of Infl and little v as probes for person features, with little v being underspecified and not triggering cyclic expansion. The proposed framework accounts for both hierarchical cross-reference marking in independent clauses and absolutive marking in converbs, unifying these two patterns under the assumption of Case dependence of agreement. Full article

The aim of this paper is to describe the available strategies for coding purpose relations in Mbya, focusing on their semantico-pragmatic distribution. According to Dooley, Mbya Guarani presents two main different strategies involved in the coding of purpose relations: aguã nominalizations and vy-dependent clauses, and among the latter a motion-cum-purpose (MCP) construction subtype is included. These strategies differ in regard to the semantic class of the main verb, referential continuity between the dependent and the main unit, and the fact that the dependent form can be negated independently from the main clause—thus, establishing different degrees of integration within the main unit in each case—, but overlap in same-subject contexts that involve a directed motion verb. However, according to our data, speakers do not use these constructions interchangeably, whereas aguã nominalizations portray an intended hypothetical outcome of the event or state-of-affair (hereafter SoA) expressed in the matrix clause; vy-dependent clauses and motion-cum-purpose constructions consistently trigger a result interpretation, entailing that the intended SoA was successfully accomplished. Full article

In this paper, we intend to describe and discuss the grammatical status of the V1-V2 (Cy/vy) constructions found in Mbya Guarani which can express simultaneous events, among other meanings, and which involve a single clause. We suggest here that this verbal complex can be treated as a case of asymmetrical verbal serialization because it contains verbs from a major lexical class, occupying the V1 slot, followed by a more restricted intransitive verbal class, such as movement, postural, or stative verbs, which stands in the V2 position. The curious property of these constructions is that V2 can be transitivized through the attachment of applicative or causative morphemes and “share” its object with transitive V1. “Object sharing” is another property attributed to serialization, as suggested by Baker and Baker and Stewart, which may be seen as a strong argument in favor of the present hypothesis. We will also provide evidence to distinguish Mbya Guarani V1-V2 (Cy/vy) complex from other constructions, such as temporal and purpose subordinate clauses, involving the particle vy. Full article