Parcelas de Agrado in Chile: A Systematic Review of Scientific and Grey Literature

Abstract

Since 1980, a land use type known as parcelas de agrado has developed in Chile, generating a series of social, economic, and environmental impacts. In recent years, its use has increased further and has become a subject of public debate. To address this, it is necessary to have evidence that documents its evolution. Within this context, the aim of the article is to analyze the state of the literature on parcelas de agrado in Chile. The method is based on three stages: the application of the PRISMA model for the identification and selection of documents, the establishment of areas and categories for quantitative analysis, and content analysis based on five dimensions. The results show a diversity of types of studies conducted in different years, territories, and scales in Chile, with a greater concentration of scientific articles and studies in areas of the central macrozone of Chile. The discussion highlights the diversity and proliferation of studies, facilitating elements and the spread of parcelas de agrado, the consequences on the territory, as well as the contribution of spatial planning. It is concluded that parcelas de agrado in Chile require greater attention from the State in relation to the territorial planning of rural, peri-urban, and suburban areas.

1. Introduction

1.1. Historical Context and Initial Definitions

Since the late 1970s, urban expansion and growth in Chile have developed within a political-economic framework oriented toward liberalization and private sector decision-making, governed by the logic of the land market rather than State planning and intervention [1]. A geospatial expression of this corresponds to the origin of parcelas de agrado, which emerged as a result of two regulations stemming from the agrarian counter-reform that had a significant impact on rural areas [2]. The first is the National Urban Development Policy [3], which liberalized the land market by defining land as a non-scarce resource and allowed the private sector to set the guidelines for urban growth through the land market. The second, and a consequence of the first, is Decree Law (DL) 3.516 [4], which allowed for the subdivision of rural properties into plots no smaller than 0.5 hectares, leading to the creation of parcelas de agrado [2,5].

Parcelas de agrado are a type of human settlement consisting of subdivisions no smaller than 0.5 hectares, featuring high-quality housing materials, and inhabited primarily by people from middle and upper socioeconomic strata [6,7]. These parcelas de agrado have produced changes in the traditional characteristics of rural areas and nearby urban zones, where in some regions they have become significant growth poles [6,8].

The expansion of parcelas de agrado has generated geospatial transformations that may be considered both negative and positive. Among the negative effects are impacts on property regulation, land resource availability, threats to water security, and the reproduction of socio-spatial segregation. On the positive side, they have the potential to strengthen tourism, boost trade, and improve municipal economies [6,7,8]. Moreover, this type of human settlement tends to be located near urban areas and brings about changes in land use, primarily shifting from agricultural to residential use [9,10]. In this way, it influences the development of a mixture of land uses in periurban areas [11], thereby generating the need to redefine the concepts of urban and rural, and giving rise to new categories such as suburban areas [2].

1.2. Suburban Areas: Definition and Characteristics

Suburbanization is a complex phenomenon [12], which although it has a global scope, its study has focused mainly on North America, Western Europe and Australia [13]. Initially, it was the railroad that drove the development of suburbanization in the United States [14], and then began to develop from the 1940s in the United States and the 1960s in Western Europe [15], after the Second World War [16]. Ekers, Hamel & Keil [17] indicate that suburbanization is a new form of urban expansion over rural areas resulting from the combination of urban population movement and surplus economic growth. In this same sense, Logan [18] points out that it is one of the types of urban expansion, territorial reconfiguration and decentralization of the population. This implies an exodus from large cities to their surroundings [16], giving rise to local urban decentralization [19]. Pieretti [20] defines it as the growth and spatial reorganization of the contemporary city. It is the result of population movements and the relocation of urban activities to lower-density settlements. Boiteux-Orain & Huriot [12] claim that suburbanization decentralizes activities, reorganizes space into new concentrations and recomposes the space of differentiation. As a condition, it can be noted that this process emerges within metropolitan spaces [21].

From a broader perspective, Champion [16] suggests that this phenomenon is a stage within the territorial development model. These stages are: (i) urbanization, (ii) suburbanization, (iii) deurbanization, and (iv) reurbanization. Therefore, suburbanization is considered a second-generation process for the most industrialized countries; however, for this study, suburbanization is a territorial dynamic currently in force in Chile. Among the causes of suburbanization, Logan & Molotch [22] complement by indicating that the current driving forces of suburbanization are the land market and the free choice of the consumer. Within the suburbanization process, there are also stages. Hirt [23] proposes only two stages based on the current dynamics of suburbanization: (i) the State is in a process of capitalist development with a rather passive role due to a lack of resources, so private entities build suburban areas; and (ii) the State becomes capitalist and promotes suburbanization (or population deconcentration) with planning instruments and infrastructure.

Another point to address regarding suburbanization is the geospatial effects it entails. Thus, the suburban area is the product of suburbanization, which corresponds to a settlement outside the traditional central city [20]. The suburban area is a low-density settlement outside the urban fringe [13], a product of the depopulation of central areas [19]. In conclusion, it is a new way of inhabiting the territory, in a space distinct from traditional cities [24].

1.3. Research Problem, Objective, and Reading Plan

In recent years, parcelas de agrado have increased both in number and in total area throughout Chile, generating a series of social, economic, and environmental impacts. This rapid proliferation of parcelas de agrado has become the subject of public, technical, and political debate [25], for which it is necessary to have evidence documenting their evolution over the past four decades. Although some recent studies on parcelas de agrado already exist, there has not been a study that systematizes this body of work to provide a general overview that is also useful for regional and territorial planning. Consequently, the general objective of this study is to analyze the state of the literature on parcelas de agrado in Chile, based on scientific and technical documents. In addition to the background presented in this introduction, the article includes a methods section describing the stages carried out, followed by the presentation of results, discussion, and conclusion.

2. Materials and Methods of Research

The method is based on a mixed approach (quantitative and qualitative) carried out in stages. The first stage corresponds to the identification, selection, and inventory of academic literature and grey literature on parcelas de agrado in Chile, based on the PRISMA model. The second stage involves the establishment of areas and categories for descriptive quantitative bibliometric analysis. Finally, in the third stage, a qualitative content analysis of the literature is conducted through five dimensions.

2.1. Stage 1: Data Collection and Selection Using the PRISMA Model

The inventory of academic and grey literature is the first step of the research. This was developed based on bibliographic sources related to parcelas de agrado in Chile. Literature review is a methodological process that involves searching, identifying, reading, summarizing, compiling, and analyzing [26]. In this study, a systematic literature review was conducted using the PRISMA method (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) [27,28], which facilitated an effective search and selection of bibliographic sources associated with the topic of parcelas de agrado in Chile (see Figure 1). The database search began on 25 March 2025 and concluded on 20 April 2025.

The search strategy was carried out by combining the terms “parcela de agrado” OR “parcelas de agrado,” applied to the entire content of the document. This combination was used for the languages Spanish, English, and Portuguese. For French, the concept or descriptor “parcelle d’agrément” was used. The bibliographic search was conducted through the following databases: Google (12 institutional documents), Google Scholar (146 academic documents) [29], Scopus (3 documents), Web of Science (2), and Scielo (1). The inclusion criteria were as follows:

• That the document contains at least one mention of the concept “parcela de agrado”;
• That the type of document be: public institution reports (grey literature [30]), undergraduate dissertations, postgraduate theses (master’s and doctoral dissertations), conference papers, and scientific articles;
• That the language be Spanish, English, French, or Portuguese;
• That the study be applied to an area within Chile.

After the identification stage, six duplicate documents were excluded. Subsequently, during screening, titles and abstracts of all documents were reviewed, during which three documents were excluded for being duplicates in another language, and thirteen records were excluded due to lack of access to the full document. Regarding documents with full access, the following were excluded: six documents that did not meet the “type of document” (Other types of documents not included in this systematic review are: presentations, opinion columns, editorials, preprints.) criterion and twelve documents whose study area was outside Chile. The exclusion criteria were as follows:

• That the document is of a different type than those indicated in the inclusion criteria;
• That the language is different from the four specified in the inclusion criteria;
• That it does not contain mentions of the concept parcela de agrado;
• That full access to its content is not possible;
• That the study was not applied to an area within Chile.

By applying all these criteria, the number of documents was reduced from an initial 164 to a final 124 (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. PRISMA Methodology Flow Diagram. Source: authors’ own elaboration based on [27,28].

Figure 1. PRISMA Methodology Flow Diagram. Source: authors’ own elaboration based on [27,28].

2.2. Stage 2: Definition of Categories and Descriptive Quantitative Bibliometric Analysis

Once the 124 documents were selected, they were reviewed considering the establishment of analytical domains with their respective categories (see

Table 1. Details of the Domains and Categories for Descriptive Quantitative Analysis.

Domain	Description	Category
Publication	Type of publication.	Scientific article.
		Conference paper.
		Master’s thesis.
		Doctoral dissertation.
		Undergraduate dissertation.
		Book chapter.
		Institutional document.
Degree of relevance	Level of depth regarding the topic of parcelas de agrado in each document.	Primary.
		Secondary.
		Mere mention.
Geographic scale	Definition of geographic scale according to the scope of each case study.	Local.
		Communal.
		Intercommunal/Metropolitan.
		Regional.
		Nacional.

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

). These domains and categories enable a better understanding of this phenomenon in Chile by providing a synthesis of the information studied and gathered on this subject. Two of the three domains are straightforward (publication type and geographic scale). However, the domain “degree of relevance” is more complex, and therefore a more detailed explanation is provided here:

• the “primary” degree addresses parcelas de agrado in depth by characterizing their main features and territorial aspects;
• the “secondary” degree addresses the topic with less attention, within broader themes that focus on rural areas;
• the “mere mention” category means that the concept of parcela de agrado appears in the document but is not further explored, as the focus is mainly on other topics.

The general overview of academic and institutional literature was conducted through bibliometric analysis with descriptive statistics, based on the domains and categories established in Table 1.

Another way to analyze and represent the data is based on the use of the open-source software VOSviewer (version 1.6.20) [31,32,33]. This software allows the visualization of bibliometric data regarding authors, collaborations, citations, and concepts, and it is easy and simple to use [34]. For the present literature review, the units of analysis are titles and keywords. Both are represented as nodes and links. In the first case, occurrence data (occ) is obtained, referring to the number of mentions across different documents. In the second case, link strength (LS) concerns co-occurrence, highlighting how often two words are mentioned together in more than one document [35]. Finally, a scientific mapping is produced with nodes, links, and clusters based on the degree of association among titles and keywords [36].

2.3. Stage 3: Qualitative Content Analysis

The second part of the research is addressed through a qualitative approach. For the development of content analysis, two criteria were defined. The first concerns the documents to which this analysis is applied. In this regard, the records with a “degree of relevance” of primary and secondary were analyzed, totaling 85 publications (see Table S1 in Supplementary Materials). The second criterion relates to five domains defined a priori, which provide structure to the data. The domains are: environmental, economic, social, political, and geospatial. The first three domains emerge directly from the framework of sustainable development, which values the social, economic, and environmental perspectives. The discourse emphasizes economic growth, social equity, and environmental sustainability. This convergence of the three dimensions is presented by Peter Nijkamp and his team [37] at the Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics, where Sustainable Development is symbolized as a reconciliation zone between these three objectives, using a figure now known as the Nijkamp triangle. The graphic representation was later published [38]. To this, the political and geospatial dimensions are added due to the nature of the impact of the issue of parcelas de agrado in Chile. Based on each domain, the final step is the identification of key ideas that emerge from the literature review, which will help provide a global view of the complexity of this issue.

3. Results: Systematic Literature Review on Parcelas de Agrado

3.1. Bibliometric Analysis

3.1.1. Degree of Relevance and Year of Publication

The domain “degree of relevance” is the first to be described in the results. Of the 124 documents, 21.0% and 47.6% corresponded to the “primary” and “secondary” categories, respectively, and 31.5% of the documents were associated with the “mere mention” category (see Figure 2a). Two-thirds of the documents present a more in-depth analysis of the subject.

Figure 2b shows the number of documents published from 1996 to 2024 for each category associated with the degree of relevance, in which a low number of documents can be seen between 1996 and 2004. From the latter year onward, a pattern of increasing publications is observed across the three categories. Focusing only on the “primary” and “secondary” categories, it can be seen that the second maintains a more consistent pattern over time, with a maximum of six documents in the years 2008 and 2023, in contrast to the “primary” category, which presents an irregular pattern from 1996 to 2016, with certain periods during which no associated documents were published, such as the periods 1996–2004 and 2010–2012. However, in contrast to its previous behavior, from 2016 to 2024 a steady pattern of publications can be observed each year, with a maximum of five in the year 2019.

In general terms, when observing the full-time range of the analysis and considering the three categories, there is a greater number of publications in the 2019–2024 period. Furthermore, during the 1996–2004 period, a low number of publications per year is noted, including some gaps in the years 2001, 2002, 2004, and 2006 (see Figure 2c). Finally, the most consistent category over time in terms of the number of publications per year corresponds to the “secondary” category.

3.1.2. Type of Document

Regarding the type of publication, a differentiated analysis is conducted, first examining the case for the “primary” and “secondary” categories and then analyzing the “mere mention” category separately.

In the case of the “primary” and “secondary” categories, there is a predominance of scientific articles, which represent 43.5% of the publications, followed by master’s theses and institutional documents with 15.3% and 12.9%, respectively (see Figure 3a). The remaining categories range between 9.4% (undergraduate dissertations) and 3.5% (doctoral dissertations).

In the case of the “mere mention” category, there is a significant predominance of scientific articles (82.1%) over other types of documents, followed at a wide margin by book chapters and undergraduate dissertations with 7.7% and 5.1%, respectively. For this category, there are no documents corresponding to master’s theses, doctoral dissertations, or institutional documents (see Figure 3b).

3.1.3. Geographic Scale

As in the previous case, a differentiated analysis is conducted for the domain of geographic scale. In the grouping of “primary” and “secondary,” there is a predominance of documents associated with the communal scale (34.1%), followed by the inter-communal/metropolitan and regional scales (both with 20%) (see Figure 4a). The combined category of communal and local scale has the lowest representation, with 1.2% of the documents.

In the “mere mention” category (see Figure 4b), there is a predominance of documents associated with the local and inter-communal/metropolitan scales, each with 23.1%, followed by the national scale with 20.5% of the documents. The combined category of communal and local scale again has the lowest representation, with 2.6%.

For the bibliometric analysis of document frequency associated with geographic scale, the information is presented separately by scale levels: regional, inter-communal/metropolitan, communal, and local. Likewise, the use of maps and tables is prioritized here.

Figure 5 shows the number of documents associated with the regional scale, with a predominance of documents in the central zone, specifically in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago (12 documents), followed by the Valparaíso Region (5). Next are the O’Higgins Region (2) and the Biobío and Los Ríos Regions (1 each). In the central zone regions, where the greatest number of documents are concentrated, topics are associated with the facilitating factors for the development of parcelas de agrado, with an emphasis on the impacts that parcelas have generated in rural areas, such as the loss of agricultural land and socio-spatial segregation. This takes on greater relevance given that the Metropolitan Region of Santiago has the largest surface area of high-quality agricultural soils [7]. In this region, parcelas de agrado represent an important factor of transformation in periurban spaces [11], with facilitating elements such as the Santiago Metropolitan Regulatory Plan, a strong influence of the real estate sector, and a high concentration of services and employment [9,39].

With respect to the inter-communal/metropolitan scale (Figure 6), the territories are associated exclusively with the Metropolitan Region of Santiago and the Valparaíso Region. A large number of documents are associated with the Santiago Metropolitan Area (11 documents) and 4 documents with the Province of Chacabuco. Following these, the territory associated with the Valparaíso Metropolitan Area includes 3 associated documents (see

Table 2. Number of studies by territory according to inter-communal/metropolitan geographic scale (ordered by number of documents).

Region	Code on the Map	Inter-Communal/Metropolitan Territory	N of Documents
Metropolitana de Santiago	4	Santiago Metropolitan Area	11
Metropolitana de Santiago	3	Provincia de Chacabuco	4
Valparaíso	2	Valparaíso Metropolitan Area	3
Valparaíso	1	Communes near the Coastal Range	1

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

) within the Valparaíso Region. At this scale, the documents mainly address topics of urban development in terms of the expansion of large cities such as Santiago de Chile and Viña del Mar—Valparaíso toward the peripheries [8]. Emphasis is placed here on socio-demographic transformation, highlighting the passive and facilitating role of the State and the strong influence of the real estate sector and economic-productive forces over land use control, where parcelas de agrado play an important role in the structural change in spatial organization in periurban areas [40].

For the communal geographic scale associated with the central zone, the pattern of document concentration remains, with a high number in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago (see Figure 7). In this region, documents are primarily associated with the commune of Melipilla (8 documents), followed by Talagante (7) and Buin (6) (see

Table 3. Number of studies by territory according to communal geographic scale associated with the central zone (ordered by number of documents).

Region	Code in the Map	Inter-Communal/Metropolitan Territory	N of Documents
Metropolitana de Santiago	19	Melipilla	8
Metropolitana de Santiago	17	Talagante	7
Metropolitana de Santiago	21	Buin	6
Metropolitana de Santiago	22	Pirque	3
Valparaíso	8	Algarrobo	3
Metropolitana de Santiago	23	San José de Maipo	2
Metropolitana de Santiago	20	Paine	2
Metropolitana de Santiago	18	El Monte	2
Metropolitana de Santiago	14	Curacaví	2
Metropolitana de Santiago	12	Colina	2
Valparaíso	10	El Tabo	2
Valparaíso	9	El Quisco	2
Valparaíso	6	Olmué	2
Valparaíso	5	Quillota	2
Valparaíso	4	La Cruz	2
Valparaíso	3	La Calera	2
Valparaíso	2	Hijuelas	2
Valparaíso	1	San Felipe	2
Metropolitana de Santiago	15	Padre Hurtado	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	16	Calera de Tango	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	11	Tiltil	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	13	Lampa	1
Valparaíso	7	Casablanca	1
O’Higgins	24	Navidad	1
O’Higgins	25	Litueche	1

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

). The remaining communes shown in Figure 7 range from 3 to 1 associated documents, distributed across the three present regions (Metropolitan Region of Santiago, Valparaíso, and O’Higgins). In the specific case of the communes within the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, various dimensions associated with parcelas de agrado are characterized, such as the high proportion of land use for this purpose (in the commune of Talagante, it reaches nearly 50% of the communal surface area) and its impact in terms of socio-spatial segregation, loss of agricultural land, and communal management related to the high demand for basic services [10,41,42].

In other zones of Chile—namely the Norte Chico, south-central, and southern zones—there is a significant difference in the concentration of documents compared to the central zone, as in the northern zone only the commune of La Serena is associated with a single document (see Figure 8). The south-central zone presents a rather homogeneous distribution in document frequency, with a maximum of 2 documents in the communes of San Fernando, Curicó, Constitución, and San Carlos. In the southern zone, there is a clear predominance of documents associated with the commune of Puerto Varas (6 documents), where topics are addressed concerning the increase in parcelas de agrado in recent decades due to the high concentration of natural and tourist attractions, which facilitate greater development of this type of settlement [43,44]. As for the other communes, there is a low frequency of documents (1 document) (see

Table 4. Number of studies by territory according to communal geographic scale associated with the Norte Chico, south-central, and southern zones (ordered by number of documents).

Region	Code in the Map	Inter-communal/Metropolitan Territory	N of Documents
Los Lagos	10	Puerto Varas	6
O’Higgins	2	San Fernando	2
Maule	4	Curicó	2
Maule	6	Constitución	2
Ñuble	7	San Carlos	2
Coquimbo	1	La Serena	1
Maule	3	Romeral	1
Maule	5	Sagrada Familia	1
Araucanía	8	Villarrica	1
Araucanía	9	Pucón	1
Los Lagos	11	Ancud	1
Los Lagos	12	Quemchi	1
Los Lagos	13	Dalcahue	1
Los Lagos	14	Castro	1
Los Lagos	15	Quellón	1

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

), as the development of parcelas de agrado remains more incipient. It is worth noting that from 2017 to 2024, there has been an expansion of these parcelas in the central and southern zones (this will be further explored later in the qualitative analysis) [7].

With regard to the local geographic scale, which is below the communal level (see representation with dots in Figure 9 and its details in

Table 5. Number of studies by territory according to local geographic scale.

Region	Commune	Code in the Map	Local Territory	N of Documents
Valparaíso	El Quisco	1	El Totoral	1
Valparaíso	Valparaíso	2	Reserva Nacional Lago Peñuelas and its area of influence	1
Valparaíso	Olmué	3	Quebrada de Alvarado	1
Valparaíso	Hijuelas	4	Parque Nacional La Campana and its area of influence	1
Valparaíso	Hijuelas	5	Parque Nacional La Campana	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	Tiltil	6	Caleu	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	Colina	7	Colina city	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	Colina	8	Chicureo	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	Pirque	9	Reserva Nacional río Clarillo and its area of influence	1
Metropolitana de Santiago	Paine	10	Reserva Nacional Altos de Cantillana and its area of influence	1
Ñuble	Chillán	11	Chillán city	1
Biobío	Los Ángeles	12	Los Ángeles city	1
Araucanía	Curacautín	13	Malalcahuello	1
Aysén	Coyhaique	14	Coyhaique city	1
Aysén	Río Ibáñez	15	Levicán	1

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

), the documents cover territories in both the central and southern zones of the country in a homogeneous manner (1 document for each locality). In the case of territories associated with the Valparaíso Region, the documents mainly address the impact of parcelas de agrado on protected wilderness areas, which manifests as pressure through land consumption and landscape-level effects [45]. In the territories associated with the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, the cases of the cities of Colina and Chicureo stand out, where significant geospatial, sociodemographic, and socioeconomic transformations have occurred due to intensive real estate development, in which parcelas de agrado have a major influence on the shift in land use from agricultural to residential [46]. In the southern zone, the predominant theme corresponds to amenity-driven migration associated with natural and scenic factors, which facilitate urban development and the growth of tourist zones. Here, as in the central zone, the lack of legal frameworks regulating occupation in rural spaces and the absence of territorial public policy instruments remains a relevant issue in the development of parcelas de agrado [47].

3.2. Analysis of Nodes and Conceptual Clusters in Titles and Keywords on Parcelas de Agrado

From the 85 documents whose “degree of relevance” was “primary” and “secondary,” bibliometric data were also obtained regarding nodes, links, and conceptual clusters, which are presented in Figure 10 using the VOSviewer software (version 1.6.20)as indicated in the methods section [31,32,33]. The upper part shows the words associated with the title of each record (see Figure 10a), and the lower part corresponds to the declared keywords (see Figure 10b).

In the case of titles, 35 concepts are observed, grouped into seven clusters (represented by different colors), and the concepts appear dispersed and well distributed, with the concept “Chile” predominating with 27 occurrences (occ) in the documents analyzed. Other frequently mentioned concepts include: “Santiago” (11 occ), “Valparaíso” (6 occ), and “Puerto Varas” (5 occ), all of which are cities corresponding to study areas in the research. Also standing out are: “comuna” (8 occ) and “parcela” (6 occ), which are associated with notions of geospatial units. It is noteworthy that the full concept “parcela de agrado” does not appear explicitly, but instead the isolated concept “parcela” emerges (see Figure 10a).

In the keyword map, 41 concepts are observed, grouped into five clusters (represented by different colors), which appear clustered and tightly concentrated, in contrast to the previous case. Each cluster has a predominant concept (five in total), among which the following stand out: “parcelas de agrado” (8 occ), “ordenamiento territorial” and “periurbanización” (both with 6 occ), “ruralidad” and “Chili” (both with 5 occ) (see Figure 10b).

Table 6. Details of the concepts that make up the clusters in the titles, by original language (Spanish and English).

Cluster Color	Pivotal Concept in the Title	Other Main Concepts that Make Up the Cluster
1. red	comuna.	parcela, Valparaíso, Región Metropolitana de Santiago.
2. green	caso.	periurbano.
3. blue	Chile (pivotal of all the system).	Región Metropolitana.
4. yellow	suelo.	región, uso.
5. purple	Puerto Varas.	área periurbana.
6. light blue	Latin America.	gated community.
7. orange	Santiago	producción.

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

and

Table 7. Details of the concepts that make up the clusters in the keywords, by original language (Spanish and French).

Cluster Color	Pivotal Concept in the Title	Other Main Concepts that Make Up the Cluster
1. red	parcelas de agrado.	periurbano, Chile, expansión metropolitana.
2. green	ruralidad.	población rural, suelo agrícola.
3. blue	Chili.	globalización, Plan Regulador Comunal.
4. yellow	ordenamiento territorial.	planificación regional, aménagement du territoire.
5. purple	periurbanización.	expansión urbana, áreas silvestres protegidas.

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

contain the detailed list of others concepts identified in the titles (Table 6) and in the keywords (Table 7) of the 85 records analyzed.

3.3. Qualitative Content Analysis of Studies on Parcelas de Agrado

From the five domains defined in the methods section, a total of 31 key ideas emerged, which are presented under their respective domain: environmental (four key ideas) (

Table 8. Content supporting the key ideas within the environmental domain.

Code	Key Idea	Content Description and Source
A1	Impacts of urbanization on water and soil resources.	These parcelas de agrado, originally intended for agricultural or livestock activities, must be legally regulated through an environmental assessment process due to the additional pressure they exert on the natural environment, such as soil, by increasing housing density. Particularly in the commune of Colina, they are located in areas where water availability is limited. In southern Chile, the impact of parcelas is more severe due to the scale of the projects, causing deforestation of native forests, affecting wetlands, and generally reducing biodiversity [48].
A2	Occupation of hazard-prone areas due to natural threats.	Parcelas de agrado are located in hazard-prone areas that present high fragility. According to Urban Regulatory Instruments, 8.5% (20,103 out of 236,465 ha) of the total parcela surface area is located in risk zones. At the regional level, Coquimbo has the largest surface area of rural land subdivisions in risk zones with 11,369 ha (80.46% of the regional total). It is followed by Atacama (52.15%) and O’Higgins (39.5%). In general, risk areas are distributed among various threat types: 9,285 ha are located in flood zones; 4485.8 ha in coastal flood zones; and 12,063.7 ha in mass movement zones [7,25].
A3	Impacts on high-value ecosystems and Protected Wilderness Areas.	The analysis was conducted within the Valparaíso Region. The provinces of San Felipe and Valparaíso had the highest rates of incorporation of parcelas de agrado within Protected Wilderness Areas, at 66% and 53%, respectively. At a distance of one kilometer from the edge of these protected areas, the provinces of Quillota, Marga Marga, and Petorca presented the highest percentage variations: 73%, 69%, and 32%, respectively. At the regional level, an increase was observed in all provinces, with Quillota and San Felipe showing the largest changes at 40% and 39%. This generates pressure on the ecosystems within these protected areas [49].
A4	Nature as an attraction for parcelas de agrado.	Migration occurs from urbanized areas to rural leisure areas, which are rich in landscape diversity. This is the explanation that most closely aligns with the cases of Curacaví and Casablanca. The natural attractions that draw migrants to Curacaví include various reservoirs (Orozco, Ovalle, Pitama), while in Casablanca it is the presence of coastal-access areas such as Quintay and Tunquén, where the construction of second homes in new parcelas de agrado has proliferated [50].

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

), economic (six key ideas) (

Table 9. Content supporting the key ideas within the economic domain.

Code	Key Idea	Content Description and Source
E1	Tax system and parcelas de agrado.	Parcelas de agrado are real estate assets (subject to taxation) located in rural areas, with a surface area of 0.5 hectares and a commercial land value higher than surrounding agricultural plots, where agricultural exploitation is nonexistent or secondary. This implies that only basic-consumption home gardens are cultivated, with no commercialization [51].
E2	Productive sectors with incidence in rural areas.	A system is proposed that allows for the preservation of the harvest produced in a parcela de agrado. This will reduce crop and monetary losses per season [52].
E3	Loss of agricultural land.	Focusing on the regions of Chile’s central macrozone, a loss of agricultural land is observed in relation to the establishment of parcelas de agrado, as these grow rapidly. For example, in the Biobío Region they grew by 703% (2001–2014 period), and by 395% in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago (1997–2017 period) [53].
E4	Increase in land value due to parcelas de agrado.	There has been a constant increase in the value of agricultural land caused by the sale of parcelas de agrado in recent years. The most expensive plots are located in the central coastal subzone, parallel to the sea. Projects located in the northern part of this subzone, near Matanzas and Pupuya beaches, are more expensive than those in the southern part, mainly because an urban area is located in the north, generating greater competition in land offerings. This situation drives increased investment in the service coverage of parcelas de agrado [54].
E5	Socioeconomic and socioproductive dimension.	The Territorial Socio-Materiality Index (ISMT) is applied in localities with the presence of parcelas de agrado in 15 communes of the Metropolitan Region of Santiago. Particularly in the southern part of the commune of Colina (mainly in the Chicureo area), there is a relatively homogeneous concentration of localities with parcelas de agrado, where the predominant socioeconomic group is ABC1 [46].
E6	Economic feasibility and projects associated with parcelas de agrado.	Through market studies, the prices of parcelas de agrado are established. The economic-financial study aims to organize and structure monetary information to assess the economic feasibility from the perspective of financial outcomes, and to determine whether the construction project of parcelas de agrado is advisable and viable [55].

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

), social (five key ideas) (

Table 10. Content supporting the key ideas within the social domain.

Code	Key Idea	Content Description and Source
S1	Human settlements: population, housing.	In the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, the number of dwellings in parcelas de agrado has reached 28,804, housing 85,304 people. This means they accommodate only 1.2% of the population while occupying 9.09% of the surface area. There are 2.96 people per dwelling and a very low population density (60.93 inhabitants/km2) compared to the regional average (461.75 inhabitants/km2). Peripheral communes accumulate a greater absolute population, where Pirque, Lampa, Talagante, and Colina exceed 8000 residents in these parcelas, with Colina standing out with 18,596 inhabitants [56]. Regarding the total population in parcelas de agrado, the commune of Colina has the highest number with over 18,000 inhabitants, followed by Talagante with nearly 10,000, both located in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago. In terms of the proportion of parcela de agrado population relative to the commune’s total, the same communes stand out in reverse order: first Talagante and second Colina, both around 13% and 12%. From an interregional perspective, there is a pattern of greater parcela de agrado population concentration in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, followed by Valparaíso Region, decreasing progressively towards the south [10].
S2	Socio-spatial segregation phenomenon.	Gated communities on the metropolitan periphery give rise to the privatópolis (higher income and socioeconomic status) and are in contrast to the precariópolis (lower income and socioeconomic status), since the locations of these residential complexes tend to coincide with areas that have a higher Socioeconomic Development Index [57].
S3	Socioeconomic and socioproductive dimension.	Thanks to the Territorial Socio-Materiality Index (ISMT), the population living in parcelas de agrado in various communes of Chile was classified by socioeconomic group. A common pattern is that higher-income groups living in parcelas de agrado are located near the sea or lakes, privileged by scenic landscapes [6].
S4	Social perception regarding parcelas de agrado.	Among the main advantages associated with living in parcelas de agrado are the tranquility and ample space they offer, which allows for recreational activities. It is also noted that the attribute of security in parcelas de agrado is perceived with relatively low value [41].
S5	Other social and cultural aspects and impacts.	Like parcelas de agrado, gated communities within urban areas—enclosed by fences, walls, and gates—are not legal condominiums but resemble them and could be called de facto condominiums. They are generally the result of coordinated action by neighbors who close streets and block free circulation in order to control access, protect against crime, and exclude any form of harm or contamination [58].

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

), political (five key ideas) (

Table 11. Content supporting the key ideas within the political domain.

Code	Key Idea	Content Description and Source
P1	Public institutions and governance associated with urban development.	The Regional Ministerial Secretariat of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, the Regional Agricultural and Livestock Service, and the respective Municipalities must oversee the regulations associated with rural properties and, consequently, review the proliferation of parcelas de agrado. More recently, Law 20.943 [59] added a new exception as the final clause in Articles 55 and 116 of the General Law on Urbanism and Construction [60], allowing the construction of facilities for health, education, security, and religious purposes whose occupancy load is under 1000 people in rural areas [61].
P2	Regulations proposed to control parcelas de agrado.	A draft bill [62] has been developed that addresses three legal frameworks through modifications aimed at modernizing and rationalizing the territorial planning system, equipping the State Administration with greater and improved tools to respond effectively to the emerging phenomenon of the proliferation of rural subdivisions. The laws to be modified include the General Law on Urbanism and Construction [60], Decree Law 3.516 [4], and the Organic Law of the Agricultural and Livestock Service [25,63].
P3	Temporal variation in rural public policy.	Since the 1960s, policy instruments were formulated that first promoted agrarian reform [64,65] and were later reversed by the agrarian counter-reform, which introduced legislation that promoted land subdivision and thus parcelas de agrado [4]. Subsequently, instruments affecting rural areas focused primarily on housing. In particular, this resulted in land reconcentration and resale to other actors who benefited from parcelas de agrado. While agrarian reform improved rural livelihoods through food security and State-provided housing, the counter-reform aimed to privatize land resources for medium and large landowners [2].
P4	Rural area regulations.	Urban policies were radically transformed in the late 1970s [3] in favor of liberalization, privatization, and the strengthening of property rights under Chile’s military dictatorship. Key measures included eliminating rules on urban boundaries, defining large areas for urban expansion, and the liberalization, subdivision, and transaction of land. Furthermore, Decree Law 3.516 [4] allowed the subdivision of agricultural land into plots as small as half a hectare, giving rise to parcelas de agrado. This decree made possible the expansion of parcelas de agrado throughout the country [66].
P5	Relationship with other public instruments.	The preliminary zoning for Levicán (commune of Río Ibáñez, Aysén Region) aims to define areas for natural conservation, residential zones promoting sustainable lifestyles, spaces for local economic activities, and community areas to encourage civic participation. This aligns with the objectives of other public policy instruments such as the Communal Development Plan, the Regional Development Strategy, the Regional Territorial Plan, and the Regional Energy Policy [67].

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

), and geospatial (eleven key ideas) (

Table 12. Contents Supporting the Key Ideas in the Geospatial Domain.

Code	Key Idea	Content Description and Source
G1	Suburban, rururban, and periurban space.	The suburbanization process began with the publication of Decree Law 3.516 [4], through which the subdivision of agricultural land into 5000 m2 lots led to the transformation of these lands. Through this decree, around 380,000 ha outside the urban boundary were subdivided into parcelas de agrado between 1980 and 2002 in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago. These parcelas de agrado are land subdivisions where the population lives in a rural environment but works in urban activities. Their main use is leisure, not agricultural production. These parcelas represent the spatial expression of suburbanization and thus correspond to suburban areas. Additionally, the modification of the Santiago Metropolitan Regulatory Plan [68] redefined the periurban areas of Melipilla, Talagante, and Buin by proposing a new urban boundary and a new regulatory category called “Mixed Silvoagricultural Interest Area”, which recognizes parcelas de agrado as a land use category [39].
G2	Geospatial representation of sociodemographic and socioeconomic aspects.	Maps are presented to depict the phenomenon of amenity migration in the commune of Pucón. Indicators such as population variation are shown, highlighting growth and expansion linked to parcelas de agrado and rural lot subdivision. An increase in the population’s socioeconomic conditions is also noted. The significant growth in buildings occurs through 5000 m2 parcel subdivisions and condominiums, connecting changes in urban morphology with amenity migration. Most amenity migrants settle outside the consolidated urban boundary in constructions within rural land subdivisions [69].
G3	Human settlements: distribution and surface area.	A geospatial representation of the dynamics of human settlements is developed, with emphasis on parcelas de agrado. The represented phenomena include urban growth from 1993 to 2011 in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago; communes with social housing developments; housing typologies in the communes of Colina, Calera de Tango, and Peñaflor; and a synthesis of parcelas de agrado, social housing, and urbanization by condition between 1990 and 2017 [9].
G4	Geospatial representation through chorems.	The geospatial and demographic patterns of parcelas de agrado in 17 communes of central Chile are represented using the chorem or chorematic technique [70,71], considering their support elements, flows, and centers [72] within each analyzed commune [42].
G5	Accessibility, connectivity, and mobility.	Travel times from the origin points (parcelas de agrado) to work centers in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago (communes of Santiago, Providencia, and Las Condes) are analyzed based on road infrastructure for motorized vehicles [46]. A map presents optimal routes to urban centers according to travel time cost for four communes: La Serena, Algarrobo, Villarrica, and Puerto Varas, located in different regions of Chile. The shortest travel times occur in communes with a greater number of urban centers located close to one another; these areas also have a higher concentration of parcelas de agrado and good road infrastructure [6].
G6	Land cover and land use: variation and distribution.	Regarding land use distribution, 78.6% (99 cases) of properties governed by Decree Law 3.516 [4] are designated for parcelas de agrado, and only 21.4% have another intended use. In 1997, 83% of properties under Decree Law 3.516 [4] were designated for parcelas de agrado. In contrast, in 1995, only 21 properties (75%) were recorded. This highlights the significance of parcelas de agrado in land use change [5]. Regarding land area, the commune of Colina has the largest surface area with nearly 15,000 ha, followed by Curicó with just over 9000 ha. At the other extreme, El Tabo and La Calera show no presence of this type of land use. In terms of the proportion of parcelas de agrado relative to communal area, Talagante stands out, with nearly half of its surface area made up of parcelas de agrado, followed by El Quisco with nearly a quarter [10].
G7	Human settlements: environment and urban services.	Residents of the city of Batuco and the parcelas de agrado located in the same area report that their development has taken place in disconnected zones with no shared vision (cases of the settlements of Lampa, Estación Colina, 18 de Septiembre, Batuco). For example, there is no transport line connecting these four sectors, and only one civil registry office exists in Lampa. As a result, there is a sense of neglect regarding urban services and environmental conditions [73].
G8	Land subdivision.	The subdivision process in the commune of Ancud affected 43,165 ha, representing 24.6% of the total surface area. For the entire period between 1999 and 2008, 80% of subdivided properties fall under the category of small properties (0–50 ha), 15% under medium properties (50–200 ha), and only 5% under large properties (over 200 ha). More than 2000 ha have lost their agricultural purpose. This reveals that soils with agricultural potential are increasingly shifting toward suburban parcela de agrado use [74].
G9	Geospatial representation of institutional and regulatory aspects.	The impact of instruments such as the modification of the Santiago Metropolitan Regulatory Plan [68] and the Communal Regulatory Plan in the periurban areas of Melipilla, Talagante, and Buin is represented through geospatial figures. The Santiago Metropolitan Regulatory Plan introduces new urban expansion categories, one of which is particularly significant: the urbanizable area with a maximum density of 16 inhabitants/ha [68], located west of the Melipilla city. Currently, this area is used for agro-industrial farms, but it could become an area for recreational parcelas. North of Melipilla’s urban boundary lies an area classified as a “Mixed Silvoagricultural Interest Area”. This indicates that the area is already used for low-density recreational parcelas de agrado, classifying it as suburban space [75].
G10	Landscape transformation and impacts.	Landscape units were developed based on landscape diagnostics during the 2010–2015 period. The expansion area of parcelas de agrado stands out as the landscape unit occupying the largest surface area within the study area. This unit is characterized by expansion into areas of native forest located in hill regions, which showed the highest vegetation fragility [45].
G11	Synthesis of territorial planning model.	Urban expansion over a significant portion of the Metropolitan Region of Santiago—both through continuous urbanization and parcelas de agrado–has occurred without an effective planning instrument, due to the high degree of land market liberalization [3] and Decree Law 3.516 [4]. It is noted that analyzing the capacity of the regional territory to sustain this proliferation of parcelas de agrado serves as input for proposing territorial planning policies [76].

Source: authors’ own elaboration.

). Each of these includes a description of the content associated with its corresponding source.

4. Discussion and Conclusions

The discussion aims to provide a synthesis and interpretation of the reviewed literature according to the following themes:

• Diversity and proliferation of studies;
• Facilitating elements and the proliferation of parcelas de agrado in Chile;
• Consequences associated with parcelas de agrado in Chile;
• Territorial planning as a response for the balanced development of land uses;
• Methodological approach and the use of VOSviewer;
• Conclusions and future studies.

4.1. Diversity and Proliferation of Studies

In the introduction to this article, the need for a study that synthesizes the different publications on this subject was mentioned. Thus, the objective was proposed to analyze the state of the literature on parcelas de agrado in Chile, based on scientific and technical documents. This objective was fulfilled in the present study using the PRISMA model as the methodological basis. A total of 124 documents were analyzed through bibliometric analysis using a quantitative approach; meanwhile, 85 documents were examined for the cluster and conceptual node analysis, and the identification of 31 key ideas within five domains of analysis: environmental, economic, social, political, and geospatial.

One notable aspect of the results is the diversity and proliferation of studies on parcelas de agrado. Studies were identified in which this topic was the primary or secondary focus, while in others it was only mentioned. Likewise, there is a significant diversity in the type of documents reviewed, which included: scientific articles, conference papers, master’s theses, doctoral dissertations (PhD), undergraduate dissertations, book chapters, and institutional technical documents (grey literature). Additionally, it was found that the studies cover several geographic scales: local, communal, inter-communal/metropolitan, regional, and national. A final relevant aspect is the publication period, which ranges from 1996 to the present. This corresponds to nearly 30 years of history, with the past six years showing the highest frequency of studies.

4.2. Facilitating Elements and the Proliferation of Parcelas de Agrado in Chile

Another aspect discussed relates to converging themes within the reviewed publications. Among these themes, the elements that facilitated the proliferation of parcelas de agrado stand out. A common point of convergence is the regulation that allowed their development, namely Decree Law 3.516 [4], as well as the National Urban Development Policy [3], which promoted land market liberalization by defining land as a non-scarce resource. To this must be added the absence of public policy instruments with greater autonomy at the regional level to plan and regulate rural spaces, which facilitated the predominance of the private sector in determining land uses in these areas through the land market [72]. This has led to a situation in which the communal level has few tools to respond to local demands, contributing to an unplanned urbanization process [8].

When examining public policy instruments that influence rural spaces, it becomes clear that there are indeed strategic and planning tools at both regional and communal levels, such as the Regional Territorial Plan and the Communal Development Plan. However, these instruments often come into conflict with urban regulatory instruments (Metropolitan/Inter-communal and Communal Regulatory Plans), which have greater influence over land use regulation. For example, the Santiago Metropolitan Regulatory Plan [68] acknowledged the pre-existence of parcelas de agrado through the designation of “Mixed Silvoagricultural Interest Areas”, which were mainly intended to allocate land for urban expansion rather than for integrated territorial planning [39].

These facilitating elements contribute to the development and proliferation of parcelas de agrado, raising the question: why has this proliferation occurred in Chile? Before providing a specific answer for Chile, there are two studies that offer useful insights. For instance, Rigolon et al. [77] conducted a study based on publications addressing access to green spaces in cities of the Global South. This study highlights that green spaces generate and promote leisure and physical and mental well-being. Similarly, Xu et al. [78] carried out a systematic literature review examining the relationship between green spaces and mental health. This work strongly aligns with the previous one, indicating that when mental health is affected, the presence of green areas within cities contributes to treatment and recovery. Another study focused on South America compiled several recommendations regarding ecosystem services, proposing the inclusion of vegetation as a key implementation element in populated areas [79]. Returning to the question, it can be inferred that spacious and green environments represent an important attraction for the population, and parcelas de agrado offer these characteristics [41]. During the COVID-19 quarantine, there was a marked expansion of parcelas, as a result of lockdown conditions and the general deterioration of mental health, with people seeking to escape urban confinement. This expansion also coincided with a lack of clear policies regulating rural spaces, leaving decision-making in the hands of land market actors. This proliferation has also brought about a series of consequences, which are outlined in the following section.

4.3. Consequences Associated with Parcelas de Agrado in Chile

Among the reviewed documents, a series of territorial consequences related to parcelas de agrado in Chile were also indicated. Among the significant transformations of rural areas is the decline of primary sector economic activities and the emergence of socio-spatial segregation [80]. The first resulted from the tertiarization of productive activities (services), leading to a socioeconomic as well as cultural shift [81]. The second is significant because it intensifies inequality and the lack of social integration among the rural population. In this regard, it is evident that these transformations have been unfavorable for small-scale agriculture, which has lost land both to large agro-industrial companies [9] and through land use change from agricultural to residential purposes. This reveals that these transformations have not been equitable across the different socioeconomic strata of the rural population associated with the agricultural sector [2].

One of the relevant impacts associated with parcelas de agrado is the loss of agricultural land, with the most emblematic case being the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, which contains the most agriculturally productive soils in the country compared to other regions [81,82]. Another important impact relates to the threat to water security in rural and suburban areas, as there is high occupancy in zones with water vulnerability, desertification processes, and territories subject to water scarcity decrees [7]. Furthermore, two additional factors aggravate this situation. The first is the country’s poor water management, which could intensify water insecurity in the face of uncontrolled development of parcelas de agrado [83]. Secondly, Chile is considered a country highly vulnerable to climate effects, including desertification and a high propensity for drought, which contribute to this heightened vulnerability [84].

The occupation of parcelas de agrado in areas at risk from natural hazards is also relevant, as it threatens population safety—especially when considering the implications of climate change, which suggests an increasing likelihood of natural disasters [85]. Additionally, acknowledging these potential risk areas is crucial for territorial planning, as it enables the promotion of safe and preventive human settlement development, and serves as a response to the effects of climate change [72].

4.4. Territorial Planning as a Response for the Balanced Development of Land Uses

Regarding the action of the State in response to the phenomenon of the proliferation of parcelas de agrado, it is observed that public policy instruments have not been adequately used to maintain a balance between different uses and activities [6,86]. The current growth of parcelas de agrado may be seen as an opportunity to improve State action [62] in terms of planning, and thus to prioritize the appropriate use of Regional Territorial Plans (Planes Regionales de Ordenamiento Territorial) [87]. This instrument could better guide territorial transformations based on the demands of the population, considering the capacities of soils according to their attributes, the protection of native ecosystems, and balancing them with economic-productive aspects. Likewise, the issue of parcelas de agrado reveals a lack of coordination among various stakeholders, highlighting deficiencies in terms of governance [88]. Thus, it is proposed that territorial planning can contribute by improving key aspects such as the integrated planning of rural and periurban areas [85,89]. As an example, the technical proposals from the Regional Territorial Plan of the Metropolitan Region of Santiago [72] and of Valparaíso [90] plan land use by protecting ecosystems, strengthening the most relevant productive sectors (such as agriculture), and reducing socioeconomic and social inequalities.

As seen in the literature review, parcelas de agrado generate consequences that impact the territorial dimensions mentioned above, demanding the need to align development and urban growth with the strategic perspectives of public policy instruments, as significant legislative gaps still exist for rural areas [7,61]. In this sense, territorial planning can be a response for the balanced development of land uses and aim at protecting native ecosystems while also enhancing agricultural activity in rural areas [72].

4.5. Methodological Approach: Use of VOSviewer

As previously stated, this study was primarily based on the PRISMA model [27,28] for conducting a systematic literature review, followed by a bibliometric analysis according to the domains and categories described in the methodology. However, in recent years new tools have emerged to complement and support relational data analysis. Thus, the software VOSviewer (version 1.6.20) [31,32,33] was used, which satisfactorily fulfilled the purpose of representing the bibliometric data associated with titles and keywords. This tool complements and enriches the study’s analysis by revealing the relationships between concepts within the titles of the reviewed works.

This research joins other studies that have used VOSviewer software for bibliometric data analysis in the context of systematic literature reviews focused on geospatial topics. A first example is the study by Milovanović et al. [35], who applied a keyword map to explore the relationships between urban morphology and land use and land cover, highlighting methods and tools, data types, and aspects of urban morphology. The study by Allan et al. [91] aimed to identify the driving forces that help understand land use and land cover change dynamics, where the keyword maps served to identify key conceptual and methodological codes, including: urban growth, population growth, urban sprawl, urbanization, among others. Another case to be added is the study by Lv et al. [92], who explored research trends on land use planning worldwide and particularly analyzed cooperation in scientific production across 20 countries, highlighting the United States and China as world leaders.

4.6. Conclusions and Future Studies

This research provides a broad and comprehensive view of the state of the literature on parcelas de agrado in Chile, considering both qualitative and quantitative approaches in the analysis of the records. Likewise, various characteristics were identified across different domains and categories, highlighting the types of documents from academic and grey literature, multiple geographic scales, and degrees of relevance.

Among the most recurrent ideas, it is emphasized that parcelas de agrado represent a geospatial expression linked to a State decision due to negligence in the regulation and planning of rural areas, granting greater prominence to the private sector and the market in guiding the geospatial configuration of rural areas. On the other hand, parcelas de agrado have distinct characteristics that differentiate them from traditional rural settlements, such as proximity to urban centers and main road networks, high-quality housing materials, and being inhabited mainly by middle- and high-income households. This is relevant as it creates a scenario with significant territorial consequences, such as socio-spatial segregation, loss of agricultural land, and threats to water security, among others.

Based on the results, it can be inferred that the situation of parcelas de agrado in Chile poses a challenge and calls for greater attention from the State regarding their growth and the transformations they entail. In this context, it is reflected that territorial planning plays a key role in addressing this issue through integrated planning, generating guidelines that strengthen the social dimension and the productive sector, as well as the protection and conservation of nature.

This article also makes it possible to identify some knowledge gaps, which are in turn proposed as areas for future study. Regarding the degree of relevance, only one fifth of the studies had a primary focus. Here, it is proposed to increase this proportion and to encourage studies that have parcelas de agrado as their main subject of analysis during this decade. In terms of document type, scientific articles have a broad predominance, while grey literature (institutional documents) represents about one eighth. In this regard, it is noted that the Chilean State, through its ministries and institutions, has been developing studies in recent years aimed at amending regulations to control and manage the proliferation of parcelas de agrado. It is encouraged to continue this trend. The geographic scale shows a relatively homogeneous distribution of the studies, with a slight predominance of the communal scale through case studies. Rather than reinforcing a particular geographic scale, it is proposed to strengthen research efforts in territories where fewer studies have been conducted. Thus, it is suggested to continue exploring the impacts and consequences of this phenomenon in other metropolitan areas such as Concepción. Likewise, there is an opportunity to analyze this phenomenon in the regions of O’Higgins, Araucanía, Los Ríos, and Aysén, where it is already occurring but fewer studies were identified. As a result, it is expected that new studies will continue to strengthen knowledge on the location, impacts, and consequences of parcelas de agrado and thereby inform public policies to regulate and control this occupation of geographic space in response to the challenges of the 21st century and in the context of climate change.