1. Introduction
Problematic use of the internet is a broad term encompassing various online activities and behaviors that pose potential risks, particularly for children and adolescents (
Fineberg et al., 2018). A growing concern is the engagement of children in risky sexual behaviors online, which involve the exchange of sexual material or information within virtual environments without real-world interaction (
Baumgartner, 2013). These behaviors can also include more severe forms of online victimization, such as sexual abuse and exploitation, as well as “non-contact sexual abuse”, which encompasses sexual harassment, unwanted sexting, sexual extortion, coercion, revenge pornography, and the creation or distribution of self-generated explicit material (
Interagency Working Group on Sexual Exploitation of Children, 2016).
Online sexual harassment, as a form of both digital misconduct and sexual violence, occurs through various online platforms, including social media and messaging apps (
Vejmelka et al., 2023). This study focuses on four primary types of online sexual harassment: non-consensual sharing of intimate images and videos, unwanted sexualization, exploitation/coercion/threats, and sexualized bullying (
Vejmelka et al., 2023).
Children involved in online sexual harassment assume distinct roles that shape the dynamics of these interactions. Perpetrators engage in harmful behaviors, such as sharing explicit content or making sexualized comments, often exploiting the anonymity and reach of digital platforms (
Anderson et al., 2023;
Kowalski et al., 2014). Victims, particularly adolescents, frequently experience emotional distress, including anxiety, depression, and shame, which are exacerbated by the public and persistent nature of online harassment (
Patchin & Hinduja, 2020). Bystanders, though aware of the harassment, may hesitate to intervene due to fear of retaliation or uncertainty about how to respond effectively (
Macháčková et al., 2020). Additionally, reinforcers contribute to the perpetuation of harassment by engaging with harmful content, whether actively or passively.
Addressing these roles requires strategies such as digital literacy education, bystander intervention training, and fostering empathy to mitigate the impact of online sexual harassment among youth. The primary aim of this research is to examine whether differences exist among students based on their roles in committing or experiencing online sexual harassment and their potential responses to such experiences.
2. Materials and Methods
The research was conducted by the Center for Missing and Abused Children/Center for Safer Children on a national sample of high school students. Croatia is territorially divided into 20 counties and the City of Zagreb, which has the status of a county; one high school was randomly selected in each county, and three first-grade and three third-grade classes were randomly selected in each school. In the event that an invited school refused to participate, a reserve school from the same county was randomly selected. Out of a total of 21 selected schools, 3 schools refused to participate in the research due to the lack of professional staff who could take on the role of coordinating the implementation of the research and data collection. The next schools in the same counties where the schools that refused to participate were located were randomly selected. In the end, 21 schools from all over Croatia participated in the research. The total number of students in the selected classes was 2438, and 2016 students participated in the research, which would mean that the response rate was 81.1%. School coordinators were asked to keep records of the number of students who were absent due to illness on the day of filling out the questionnaire, the number of students who voluntarily refused to participate, and the number of students whose parents signed their disagreement with their child’s participation in the study. The parents’ written consent forms are part of the school documentation, and the coordinators did not systematically submit the requested information. Based on what was received, we can estimate that about 10% of students were absent/sick on the day of filling out the questionnaire, about 6% of students did not fill out the questionnaire, and about 1% of students gave up on filling out the questionnaire.
The research was conducted with the consent of the competent institutions (consent of the Ministry of Science, Education and Youth, positive opinion of the Agency for Education and Training) and the consent of the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Law of the University of Zagreb. During the research, the Code of Ethics for Research with Children was applied (
Ajduković & Keresteš, 2020), which emphasized that participation is anonymous, that it is voluntary, that they can withdraw at any time, and that only researchers will have access to the answers.
A questionnaire developed by the Childnet project team based on a review of the existing literature, policy documents, and the team’s professional experience was used to collect data. The Safer Internet Center received consent to use the questionnaire, which was then translated into Croatian through double-blind translation, adapted, and piloted (
Vejmelka et al., 2022).
For the purposes of this paper, part of the results of a broader study will be presented.
The questionnaire collected general sociodemographic data on participants such as age, gender, school performance, parental education, etc.
Experience of online sexual harassment. To determine how many students had experienced online sexual harassment, they were asked, “How often in the last year have other young people (e.g., young people in school or the local community) treated you in the following ways online (e.g., on social networks or via messages)?” and given 10 described situations of sexual harassment that were listed below. Students could respond from 1—Never to 5—Always to items such as “My naked, semi-nude or inappropriate photos were shared with other people without my permission” and “Someone constantly sent me naked, semi-nude or inappropriate photos or messages of sexual content, even though I did not want them”. An exploratory factor analysis was conducted to test the items used. The Keiser–Meyer–Olkin test (KMO = 0.925) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity (χ
2(45) = 10,449.101,
p < 0.001) showed that the data were suitable for further analysis (
Tabachnick & Fidell, 2013). All 10 items explained 49.48% of the variance in experiencing online sexual harassment, and for internal consistency, Cronbach α = 0.89.
Perpetration of online sexual harassment. Students were asked, “How often in the last year have you shared things on online with or about other young people? (e.g., on social networks or messaging apps)”, where they responded to 11 described situations on a scale from 1—Never to 5—Always. Example items are “I sent someone a naked, semi-nude or inappropriate photo to encourage them to send me a photo of themselves”, “I used sexual terms online (e.g., “slut”) to describe girls in a derogatory way”, etc. An exploratory factor analysis was conducted to test the items used. The Keiser–Meyer–Olkin test (KMO = 0.935) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity (χ
2(45) = 11,999.151,
p < 0.001) showed that the data were suitable for further analysis (
Tabachnick & Fidell, 2013). All 11 items explained 49.72% of the variance in committing online sexual harassment, with Cronbach α = 0.88 for internal consistency.
For the purposes of this study, groups of students were formed according to their answers to the questions in “Experience of online sexual harassment” and “Perpetration of online sexual harassment”. Students who answered 1—Never to all 10 items of “Experience of online sexual harassment” were marked as those who had not experienced online sexual harassment, while students who had experienced any of the above at least once were classified as victims. Also, students who answered 1—Never to all 11 items of “Perpetration of online sexual harassment” were marked as those who did not commit online sexual harassment, while students who did at least one of the listed things were classified as perpetrators. Based on the created dichotomous variables, roles in online sexual harassment were further created. Students are grouped by their victimization and perpetration: victims (students who did not commit online sexual harassment but did experience it), the perpetrator role (those who did not experience it but did commit online harassment toward others), both roles (those who both experienced it and committed it toward others), and uninvolved (those who did not commit or experience any of the situations described).
To assess future reactions to online sexual harassment, we asked students, “How likely would you be to do the following if you experienced sexual harassment online in the future?” and offered 12 possible responses, such as “I would tell my parents”, “I would ignore it”, “I would report it to the police”, etc. and students had the option to answer from 1—Not likely to 5—Very likely.
Data were collected via an online questionnaire in classrooms. A total of 2016 students participated, which is 81.06% of the planned sample. The average age of the respondents was 15.74 years (min: 14; max 19). The sample by gender consisted of 53.77% (N = 1084) male students, 43.9% (N = 885) female students, and 2.33% (N = 47) students who did not declare their gender.
3. Results
Croatian high school students are exposed to online sexual harassment, either as victims, at 41.2% (N = 830), or as perpetrators, at 48.5% (N = 978) (
Vejmelka et al., 2023). When we considered the perpetration or experience of online sexual harassment as a dichotomous variable with respect to age, it was found that there was no difference by age, either for experiencing (Mann–Whitney U = 485,899.500,
p = 0.609) or for perpetrating (Mann–Whitney U = 491,806.500,
p = 0.206) online sexual harassment. When we looked at the perpetration or experience of online sexual harassment as a dichotomous variable according to gender, statistically significant differences were found, with boys more often being perpetrators (χ
2 = 40.45, df = 1,
p < 0.001) and girls more often being victims (χ
2 = 42.85, df = 1,
p < 0.001) of online sexual harassment (
Table 1).
After defining the roles in online sexual harassment (as outlined in
Section 2: Materials and Methods), the data reveal that 37.7% (N = 760) of students are not involved in online sexual harassment in any capacity. Meanwhile, 21.1% (N = 426) are classified as perpetrators, 18.8% (N = 278) as victims, and 27.4% (N = 552) fall into the dual-role category, meaning they have both experienced and perpetrated online sexual harassment (
Figure 1).
In order to examine how students would react in the event that online sexual harassment happens to them in the future, we offered them a list of possible reactions (
Table 2). According to the arithmetic means, it is visible that most students would block a person (x = 4.12), avoid that person who commits online sexual harassment (x = 3.64), tell their friends (x = 3.56), or tell that person to stop and delete photos/comments (x = 3.40) and ignore them (x = 3.39). From this, it is evident that most students actually choose to solve problems independently.
We can group statements about future reactions by content as talking about the problem, reporting the problem, and solving problem by yourself and/or ignoring the problem, and the results will be presented based on these groups.
According to all observed possible future actions related to talking in the case of online sexual harassment, there is a statistically significant difference according to the roles that students have (
Table 3). Students who have both roles would least often talk to parents/caregivers, to teacher, or with a helpline, while perpetrators would least often talk to friends or with a sibling. Interestingly, those students who have neither committed nor experienced online sexual harassment are the ones who would most often talk to parents/caregivers, talk with teacher, talk to a sibling, and talk to a helpline. Those students who do experience harassment would most often talk to friends. Reporting to the police or reporting to the social network where online sexual harassment is occurring can be seen as an active reaction to online sexual harassment. Interestingly, there is no difference between the groups in terms of whether they would report experiencing online sexual harassment (
Table 4). As for reporting to the police, there is a statistically significant difference such that those who do not have either role would most often report to the police, while those who have both roles would report to the police the least (
Table 4).
As already indicated, students most often choose to solve problems independently. Students who have the victim role would most often block the person, tell that person to stop or delete photos and comments, and avoid talking to the person from whom they are experiencing online sexual harassment (
Table 5). It is interesting that students who have both roles would most often respond to experienced online sexual harassment in the same way, which is the answer that would partly represent this group of students, regardless of whether they first experienced online sexual harassment and retaliated against the perpetrator or whether they themselves first sexually harassed someone and then the person retaliated in the same way.
4. Discussion
The findings of this study, combined with insights from previous research
Vejmelka et al. (
2023) highlight the complex dynamics of how children and adolescents respond to online sexual harassment. The results indicate that age does not play a significant role in determining whether adolescents perpetrate or experience online sexual harassment. This suggests that online sexual harassment is not necessarily tied to developmental stages during adolescence, but rather may be influenced by other factors such as peer dynamics, digital environment exposure, personality traits, or social norms. This result contrasts with some cyberbullying research, which finds that cyberbullying increased by age (
Pichel et al., 2021). The lack of age-related differences in our study suggests that online spaces create an environment where these behaviors persist across adolescence, rather than being limited to specific age groups.
However, gender differences in online sexual harassment were significant, aligning with previous research on gendered patterns in digital aggression, as well traditional bullying, boys were more frequently identified as perpetrators, while girls were more often victims (
Shin et al., 2016;
Shackelford & Weekes-Shackelford, 2021). This finding indicating that gendered social norms and power dynamics influence online harassment behaviors. Boys may be more likely to engage in sexually aggressive behaviors due to societal expectations related to masculinity, peer reinforcement, or lack of awareness regarding boundaries in digital communication. Conversely, girls may be more vulnerable to victimization due to gendered expectations around sexuality, social vulnerability in digital spaces, and disproportionate targeting in online harassment incidents.
As noted in earlier work, the rate at which children confide in adults about their problems is generally low, often due to a lack of confidence, fear of misunderstanding, and concerns about being further traumatized by the reporting process (
Vejmelka et al., 2023). These findings align with previous researches which emphasizes that victims of online harassment often feel shame and discomfort, further discouraging them from reporting their experiences. Previous research highlights those emotions play a fundamental role in shaping behavioral responses. For example, bitterness, as conceptualized by
Poggi and D’Errico (
2010), emerges as a complex emotion blending anger and sadness, often triggered by perceived injustice and a sense of powerlessness. Adolescents experiencing online harassment may develop bitterness when they perceive an imbalance between their efforts to protect themselves and the continued exposure to harassment. This emotional response may lead to withdrawal and avoidance strategies, reinforcing a cycle of rumination and distress rather than proactive coping. Similarly, shame and anxiety may deter victims from reporting incidents, as they may fear social judgment or retaliation. In addition,
Rajter et al. (
in press) examined psychological well-being in relation to witnessing, experiencing, and committing online sexual harassment and found that higher levels of depression were associated with all three roles, while self-efficacy was lower among victims and higher among perpetrators and witnesses. Furthermore, lower perceived support was linked to experiencing online harassment. These findings underscore the need for targeted interventions that not only focus on behavioral strategies but also address the emotional distress associated with online harassment.
Students’ preferred reactions to online sexual harassment, such as blocking the perpetrator or avoiding contact, reflect a tendency toward self-reliance in addressing these issues. This aligns with research indicating that adolescents often prefer informal coping strategies over seeking adult intervention, possibly due to fear of judgment or a lack of trust in authority figures (
Van Cleemput et al., 2014). The finding that students in the combined role (both victim and perpetrator) would respond similarly to victims suggests a complex interplay of roles, where prior experiences of victimization may influence subsequent behaviors. This echoes findings by
Hutson et al. (
2018), who noted that victims of cyberbullying often adopt defensive or retaliatory strategies, perpetuating the cycle of harm. This underscores the need for adults—parents, teachers, and caregivers—to create safer, more empathetic environments where children feel understood and supported when disclosing such incidents and clear responsibility of service providers in pro-reporting models.
This study contributes to the growing body of research on online harassment and cyberbullying by offering a deeper understanding of dual-role individuals—those who both perpetrate and experience online sexual harassment. While earlier studies have often categorized them as a subset of either perpetrators or victims, later research suggests that they represent a distinct group with unique behavioral patterns and psychological profiles (for exmp.
Sekol & Farrington, 2010). Previous research has shown that dual-role individuals tend to exhibit both externalized aggression and internalized distress, often struggling with impulsivity, hyperactivity, and emotional difficulties such as anxiety and depression (
Velki & Kuterovac Jagodić, 2014;
Sekol & Farrington, 2010;
Espelage & Holt, 2001). Our findings align with this perspective but further demonstrate that in online contexts, these individuals may also engage in aggressive behaviors as a means of coping with their victimization, either to regain control or as a form of retaliation (
Vejmelka et al., 2017;
Sekol & Farrington, 2010). By identifying the cyclical nature of online harassment among dual-role individuals, this study underscores the limitations of traditional intervention approaches that primarily separate victims and perpetrators. Rather than solely offering support for victims or disciplinary measures for aggressors, effective interventions should acknowledge the emotional distress and aggressive tendencies that characterize this group. Strategies such as restorative justice programs and socio-emotional learning initiatives could help dual-role individuals develop healthier coping mechanisms and improve conflict resolution skills. Additionally, incorporating concepts from positive psychology, such as kindness-based interventions (
Malti, 2021) and promoting humility in social interactions (
D’Errico, 2019), may encourage more reflective and constructive online behaviors.
Moreover, this study reinforces the importance of early identification and tailored support for dual-role individuals, as they are often among the most socially isolated and psychologically vulnerable groups (
Santalahti et al., 2008). Given that these individuals frequently lack strong peer networks and parental support, interventions should focus on building resilience, improving emotional regulation, and fostering positive social connections. By explicitly acknowledging the complexity of dual-role behaviors, this study advances existing literature and provides a framework for more nuanced interventions. Recognizing that these individuals require distinct support strategies is essential for breaking the cycle of online harassment, mitigating harm, and fostering resilience and positive peer interactions in digital spaces.
In addition, our findings highlight the importance of gender-sensitive interventions that address both perpetration and victimization dynamics. Preventive efforts should focus on educating boys about digital consent, respect in online interactions, and the impact of sexually aggressive behaviors, while also empowering girls with strategies for self-protection, reporting mechanisms, and digital resilience. Moreover, interventions should consider peer norms and bystander intervention strategies, as social reinforcement plays a key role in the normalization of online sexual harassment.
The responsibility for mitigating online risks and ensuring digital well-being also extends to social media platforms and service providers who must adopt a zero-tolerance stance toward online sexual harassment and enforce anti-harassment policies transparently and consistently. Research by
Hinduja and Patchin (
2018) supports this, demonstrating that clear and consistent enforcement of such policies can significantly reduce the frequency of online harassment. Additionally, preventive measures, such as user education on community guidelines and the importance of reporting inappropriate content, are critical.
Wachs et al. (
2019) emphasize that educating users about the consequences of cyberbullying and sexual harassment can encourage greater engagement in reporting such incidents. Similarly,
Van Cleemput et al. (
2014) argue that education empowers young users to recognize harmful online behaviors and take appropriate action, thereby reducing the prevalence of such incidents. The absence of significant differences in reporting online sexual harassment to social networks or the police across all student groups may indicate a widespread skepticism about the effectiveness of formal reporting mechanisms. This sentiment is consistent with findings from studies on cyberbullying interventions, which suggest that young people often doubt whether reporting will lead to meaningful action or resolution (
Machackova, 2020).
From an applied perspective, our findings emphasize the necessity of role-specific interventions to support adolescents in digital spaces, making them relevant for educators, policymakers, and mental health professionals. Educators, for instance, could focus on recognizing multimodal discredit signals in online interactions—subtle cues that may escalate into more severe forms of harassment. However, the issue of trust remains central. Children and adolescents often feel that adults do not fully understand their online experiences, which hinders open communication. This finding underscores the importance of educating parents and teachers to take a more active and informed role in their children’s digital lives. Equally important is peer education, as friends are often the first point of contact for victims of online sexual harassment. Teaching peers how to support a friend experiencing such harassment can create a more supportive network and encourage victims to seek help.
5. Limitations and Directions for Future Research
While this study provides valuable insights into the dynamics of online sexual harassment among adolescents, several limitations should be acknowledged. Addressing these limitations in future research will help refine our understanding and improve intervention strategies.
Self-report data, especially on sensitive topics like online sexual harassment, may be influenced by social desirability and recall biases. Participants might underreport or modify their responses due to fear of judgment, reluctance to disclose personal experiences, or difficulties in recalling past events. Although anonymity and confidentiality were ensured to encourage honest reporting, some bias may still be present. To minimize this, research associates were thoroughly instructed on how to conduct the study to ensure a standardized approach. Additionally, participant groups were carefully created and supervised to allow for private individual answering, reducing the potential influence of peer presence. Despite these efforts, these limitations should be considered when interpreting the findings, as they may impact the accuracy of reported experiences.
One key limitation is the cross-sectional nature of the study, which prevents us from establishing causal relationships between experiences of online harassment and subsequent behaviors. Future research should employ longitudinal designs to examine the causal pathways of online harassment, particularly in understanding whether and how victimization leads to perpetration or retaliation. Additionally, qualitative studies could provide a deeper understanding of dual-role dynamics, shedding light on the motivations and psychological mechanisms behind individuals who both experience and perpetrate harassment. Furthermore, intervention studies are needed to assess the effectiveness of tailored support mechanisms designed for different roles in online harassment.
Future research should explore why age does not appear to be a significant factor in these behaviors. It would be valuable to examine whether specific digital platforms, social media usage patterns, or exposure to online risks differ across age groups, potentially influencing how harassment occurs. Understanding these nuances can further refine targeted interventions and improve digital safety strategies for adolescents. Furthermore, future research should explore how emotional states influence the effectiveness of different coping mechanisms. For instance, does ignoring or avoiding the harasser reduce further victimization in the long term, or does it contribute to ongoing psychological distress? Similarly, how do emotional reactions like fear or bitterness affect the likelihood of seeking help from peers, parents, or institutions? Examining these questions could lead to more holistic intervention strategies, incorporating emotional regulation techniques alongside behavioral responses. Additionally, preventive interventions should aim to educate adolescents on recognizing and managing emotions in digital interactions. Many young people remain unaware of what constitutes online sexual harassment, often feeling ashamed or afraid to report such experiences. Strengthening peer support networks and equipping parents and teachers with knowledge on how to provide emotional and psychological support could significantly enhance adolescents’ ability to cope with online harassment.
A particularly significant contribution of this study is the finding that dual-role students—those who both experience and perpetrate harassment—often mirror the harassment they endure, suggesting a cycle of retaliation. This underscores the importance of addressing not only victimization but also the underlying mechanisms that drive individuals to engage in harmful behaviors. Future studies should explore interventions that specifically target this cycle, helping adolescents break free from patterns of reciprocal aggression.
Another area requiring further investigation is adolescents’ skepticism toward formal reporting mechanisms. While our findings indicate a reluctance to report online harassment, the reasons behind this skepticism remain unclear. Future research should explore whether it stems from perceived inefficacy of reporting systems, fear of retaliation, or a lack of awareness about available procedures. Understanding these barriers could inform the development of more effective reporting mechanisms and support services.
The sample of our research consists of high school students from Croatia, which may limit the generalizability of the findings to other cultural or educational contexts. Social norms, digital literacy levels, and online protection policies vary across countries and could shape adolescent behaviors differently. Future research should incorporate cross-cultural comparisons to explore how diverse social and policy environments influence experiences and coping strategies related to online harassment. Expanding the sample to include adolescents from different educational backgrounds and regions could provide a more comprehensive understanding of role-specific responses to online harassment. Lastly, our study does not comprehensively examine how demographic factors such as gender, age, socioeconomic status, or family background influence adolescents’ responses to online harassment. Prior research suggests that these variables may significantly shape coping strategies and willingness to report incidents. In our future research, we plan to conduct a more detailed analysis of gender differences, as well as other demographic influences, to better understand how diverse groups navigate online harassment.
By addressing these limitations and expanding research in these directions, future studies can enhance both theoretical understanding and practical interventions, ultimately contributing to safer and more supportive digital environments for adolescents.
6. Conclusions
Overall, these findings emphasize the need for targeted interventions that address the unique challenges of online sexual harassment. Educational programs should focus on fostering digital empathy, encouraging bystander intervention, and providing accessible support systems for victims. Additionally, efforts to reduce stigma and increase trust in formal reporting mechanisms are crucial to breaking the cycle of online harassment.
In conclusion, addressing online sexual harassment requires a multi-faceted approach that combines strong institutional responses, preventive education, and efforts to build trust and empathy among children, peers, and adults. By empowering young people to recognize and report harmful behaviors, fostering open communication with trusted adults, and holding social media platforms accountable for enforcing anti-harassment policies, we can create a safer online environment for all users. This holistic strategy is essential to mitigating the emotional and psychological impact of online sexual harassment and breaking the cycle of victimization and perpetration.
Author Contributions
Conceptualization, T.R., L.V. and R.M., methodology, R.M. and L.V.; validation, R.M. and L.V. formal analysis, R.M.; investigation, T.R., L.V. and R.M. resources, T.R.; data curation, R.M.; writing—original draft preparation, T.R., L.V. and R.M., writing—review and editing T.R., L.V. and R.M., visualization, T.R., L.V. and R.M.; supervision. T.R.; project administration, T.R.; funding acquisition, T.R. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding
This research was funded by Croatian safer internet Center.
Institutional Review Board Statement
Approval from the ethics committee of the Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb and consent from the competent Croatian Ministry of Education for conducting the research (protocol code 602-01/21-01/00628; 533-05-21-0004), as well as official recorded cooperation with school principals and professional associates in schools.
Informed Consent Statement
Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. Written informed consent has been obtained from the parents and from children prior to research participation.
Data Availability Statement
Data available on request due to restrictions of ethical reasons. The research was conducted with the children (respondents) informed that only the researchers would have access to the data. Therefore, the purpose and objective of the data request should be determined.
Acknowledgments
We thank the parents for recognizing the importance of this research and allowing their children to participate in matters that concern them, as well as the children who participated and thus contributed to understanding the risks of their upbringing. We also thank the professional associates and educated researchers for their professional and dedicated conduct of the research and the implementation of additional activities aimed at ensuring a safe online community among students in their schools.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.
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