Care-Leavers’ Views on Their Preparation for Leaving Residential Care in South Africa

Abstract

The process of youth leaving residential care, for those who grew up in care, remains a global challenge. In South Africa, leaving care is complicated by the almost complete absence of aftercare support services, and a general lack of preparation for leaving care. This study aims to describe South African care-leavers’ views on how well they think they were prepared for care-leaving and what they believe could improve preparation for leaving care. This study is framed in resilience theory, to identify the interactional processes that facilitate better-than-expected outcomes. One-on-one qualitative interviews were conducted with 17 care-leavers, from both state-run and non-governmental residential care facilities. Grounded theory methods of data analysis were used. Participants identified both enablers of care-leaving (e.g., supportive relationships and early workplace exposure) and hinderances to their leaving care (e.g., overprotection and lack of family reunification services). This study concludes that more purposeful preparation for leaving care is required, with an emphasis on building youths’ capacity for interdependence, completion of education before leaving care, and ensuring family reunification work is done.

1. Introduction

The biological family environment is regarded as the ideal place for children to be nurtured and protected (United Nations, 1989). However, many societal factors impact adversely on families and compel the removal of children from parental care (Soyez et al., 2024). These children are placed into alternative care, which includes any out-of-home care, such as residential care, which is the focus of this study. Sooner or later, however, young people must exit alternative care, which is termed ‘care-leaving’ and those leaving care, ‘care-leavers’.

Care-leavers are generally regarded as among the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups in society (Pepe et al., 2024; Prendergast et al., 2024; Soyez et al., 2024; Starr et al., 2024). They are regarded as adults and can, therefore, no longer count on the resources and services they relied on while in care (Arnau-Sabatés et al., 2021; Hlungwani & Van Breda, 2020; Mendes et al., 2023; Mupaku et al., 2021). Unemployment, homelessness, and lower educational attainment are some of the most common challenges associated with care-leaving, which renders care-leavers vulnerable to poor outcomes (García-Alba et al., 2023; Soyez et al., 2024; Starr et al., 2024).

Interventions like extended care and aftercare support are used and advocated in other countries to circumvent poor outcomes. Strahl et al. (2021) highlight the absence of aftercare legislation in most countries and the underutilisation thereof in countries where the services are available.

In South Africa, children must leave alternative care at the end of their eighteenth year, and care could be extended but limited to young people in education until the age of 21 (RSA, 2005). Aftercare support services are completely unavailable in South Africa. This leaves South African care-leavers to survive on their own once they leave residential care.

In the absence of well-developed extended care and aftercare provisions in South Africa, the primary intervention by social workers and child and youth care workers is to adequately prepare young people for care-leaving while they are still within the child protection system. However, South African research consistently shows that many care-leavers are inadequately prepared for care-leaving (Goemans et al., 2021; Mupaku, 2024; Shaw et al., 2020), while in some cases care-leavers perceive preparation to be adequate (Bond, 2020). In the international literature, Pepe et al. (2024) found that care-leavers are not provided the opportunity to develop decision-making skills, as most of the decisions are made by professionals in care. As a result, care-leavers often lack discernment about decisions related to education, employment, and relationships. Soyez et al. (2024) advocated for early exposure to the workplace (before 18 years) and greater community involvement for care-leavers as part of care-leaving preparation. According to Appleton (2020), preparation for care-leaving should be goal-oriented and include health, education, accommodation, financial support, employment, family, social relationships, and identity.

Therefore, given the view that preparation for care-leaving is inadequate, this study aims to describe South African care-leavers’ views on how well they think they were prepared for care-leaving and what they believe could improve preparation for care-leaving. A review of literature about preparation for care-leaving will be presented next, followed by an explanation of resilience as the theoretical framework for this study. After accounting for the methods used, we will present the findings of this study. The findings will be presented with direct quotations from participants. A discussion of the findings will follow. Limitations and practice implications will conclude this study.

2. Literature Review

The International Research Network on Transitions to Adulthood from Care (INTRAC, www.globalintrac.com, 7 March 2025) has made concerted efforts to promote national and international research on care-leaving, which has resulted in many publications. However, studies from Global South countries are few compared with the Global North (Strahl et al., 2021; Van Breda & Pinkerton, 2020). In addition, some publications are generic and theoretically orientated and do not address country-specific care-leaving issues (Strahl et al., 2021). Despite deliberate efforts, INTRAC has not managed to develop clear and consistent evidence-based international practice guidelines for care-leaving, due to the complexities, contradictions, and contextual differences associated with care-leaving (Harder et al., 2020; Van Breda et al., 2020).

Globally, much is published about care-leaving and the challenges faced by care-leavers, rendering them vulnerable to poor outcomes (Pepe et al., 2024; Prendergast et al., 2024; Soyez et al., 2024; Starr et al., 2024). However, despite consistency in research about the vulnerability of care-leavers, there seems to be no agreement among researchers about the decisive influences that facilitate smooth transitions for care-leavers (Van Breda et al., 2020).

The global recognition of the vulnerability of care-leavers prompted some countries to implement interventions like extended care services to ensure better-than-expected outcomes (Arnau-Sabatés et al., 2021). One of the major intended benefits of extended care is for care-leavers to achieve educational success beyond compulsory education (Courtney & Hook, 2020). However, research is consistent in questioning the effectiveness of extended care based on the lack of empirical evidence in this regard (Courtney & Hook, 2020; Van Breda et al., 2020).

In South Africa, care-leaving research has received noticeable attention from researchers in recent years. The earliest publication on care-leaving in South Africa appeared in 2003, and care-leaving research in South Africa gained momentum from 2012 (Van Breda, 2018b). A systematic review of care-leaving in South Africa from 2003 to 2016 revealed research topics to include theory of care-leaving, care-leavers’ experiences of leaving care, transitional care-leaving outcomes, processes of care-leaving, facilitators of better-than-expected outcomes, care-leaving services, and care-leaving policies (Van Breda, 2018b). The mentioned review further highlights the need for South African research findings on care-leaving, which were mainly explorative and descriptive, to be translated into interventions (Van Breda, 2018b).

Recent South African care-leaving publications address the transition out of care of young people with intellectual disabilities during COVID-19 (Mupaku et al., 2021); care-leavers’ views on how opportunities for them to exercise independence facilitated their resilience (Hlungwani & Van Breda, 2024); the use of the Possible Me Tree model to build resilience-enabling relationships for care-leavers (Bond, 2023); the ways care-leavers navigate the complex work outside of care (Reuben, 2025); the journey of care-leavers into employment (Van Breda, 2025); and the contribution of supportive relationships to care-leaving outcomes (Van Breda, 2024). While care-leaving research is surging in South Africa, these studies demonstrate the inadequacy of South African research on the preparation for care-leaving.

The vision of the South African government, as articulated in the National Child Care and Protection Policy (RSA, 2019), is to ensure safe and nurturing families, communities, and societies for all the children of South Africa. Safe and nurturing environments will ensure support and the survival of children; that children develop to their full potential; that they are protected from violence, abuse, neglect, and exploitation; and that they participate in decisions that affect them (RSA, 2019). To ensure that this vision materialises, the South African government ratified international treaties such as the UN Convention of the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC). The Children’s Act no 38 of 2005 (RSA, 2005) gives effect to the rights of the child as enshrined in the UNCRC, ACRWC, and section 28 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (RSA, 1996). The Children’s Act (RSA, 2005) set out, among others, principles related to the care and protection of South African children; it defines parental rights and responsibilities, and makes provision for children in alternative care, children in foster care, children in Child and Youth Care Centres (CYCCs), the adoption of children, etc.

In other countries, García-Alba et al. (2023) noted that young people who aged out of care are less likely to pursue educational attainment beyond the level of obligatory education. Artamonova et al. (2020) argue that the educational opportunities provided in care are often fundamental and do not give care-leavers a competitive advantage. Therefore, care-leavers either complete secondary school or attend vocational skills training. Due to the lack of career guidance in care, care-leavers are often unaware of the possibilities of securing better employment opportunities and earning benefits associated with higher levels of educational attainment (Courtney & Hook, 2020). International research consistently shows that unemployment is one of the many challenges associated with care-leaving, resulting in poor outcomes for care-leavers (Pepe et al., 2024; Prendergast et al., 2024). According to Achdut et al. (2023), care-leavers have a gap in readiness for employment compared to their peers in the general population. Soyez et al. (2024) suggest early workplace exposure, before 18 years, as such exposure could promote social inclusion and contribute meaningfully to smooth transitions out of care.

According to García-Alba et al. (2023), age becomes the primary focus of care-leaving while the essence of adequately preparing young people to leave care is neglected. Starr et al. (2024) indicate that adequate preparation for care-leaving is vital to counteract poor outcomes. We believe that preparation for care-leaving presents pertinent platforms to transfer essential skills required for life after care. Starr et al. (2024) identified job hunting skills, money management, health management, domestic and self-help skills, relationship management, etc., as important for care-leavers. Harder et al. (2020) regard quality training and supervision for professionals and parenting skills for parents as critical in care-leaving preparation. In addition, preparation to leave care should be sensitive toward cultural identity and diversity (Harder et al., 2020). Appleton (2020) accentuated early-stage planning and preparation for care-leaving.

Article 12 of the UN Conventions on the Rights of the Child (United Nations, 1989), advocates that care-leavers should be empowered to participate in decisions concerning life after care. However, Pepe et al. (2024) indicate that care-leavers are often at a disadvantage when professionals make critical decisions on their behalf. Thus, depriving them of the opportunity to develop responsible decision-making skills. According to Arnau-Sabatés et al. (2021), care-leavers should be acknowledged as equal partners in the development of transition plans as their inclusion would give insight into matters that they regard as important.

Supportive relationships are vital for care-leavers who must leave care without any aftercare support (Bond, 2023). She indicates that social workers often fail to identify relationships that care-leavers regard as important in preparation for care-leaving. According to Van Breda (2024), supportive relationships and the capacity of the care-leaver to engage and respond meaningfully to such relationships may counteract poor outcomes. Prendergast et al. (2024) stipulate that the extent to which care-leavers engage and respond meaningfully to relationships is built on trust. Atwool (2020) argues that the establishment of relationships with supportive communities may lead to a positive and healthy sense of self. We believe that healthy supportive relationships in communities could strengthen the care-leavers’ sense of belonging. In addition, community involvement and participation in programmes offered in the community might secure the much-needed support and networking opportunities for care-leavers outside of care (Arnau-Sabatés et al., 2021).

Bond (2023) mentions that through the identification of supportive relationships, social workers might find people other than family, who might be willing to support care leavers as they transition out of care. Supportive relationships should therefore be preserved and maintained to facilitate smoother transitions out of care (Atwool, 2020).

The literature review highlights the inadequacy of research on preparation for leaving care, even when there is considerable research on young people’s transition from care and the provision of aftercare services. This is particularly prominent in South Africa, where there is almost a complete absence of aftercare services, despite a blossoming body of research on life after leaving care. In resource-constrained countries, such as South Africa, the preparation of looked-after young people for leaving care becomes imperative to increase their chances of a successful transition from care into young adulthood. This study aims to contribute to filling this knowledge gap by describing care-leavers’ views on the preparation for care-leaving they needed.

3. Theoretical Framework

Despite vulnerabilities associated with care-leaving, rendering care-leavers susceptible to poor outcomes, not all care-leavers succumb to the vulnerabilities of care-leaving. Van Breda (2023) stipulates that protective processes like supportive relationships, interpersonal skills, social services, and mobilising others towards helpfulness, are resilience enablers and contribute to better-than-expected outcomes for care-leavers. Resilience can be defined as an outcome and as a process. Resilience as an outcome can be defined as adjusting well and achieving positive outcomes during or after a difficult time (Van Breda, 2018a). Resilience as a process can be defined as the interaction between individuals and the multiple systems in their environment influencing behaviour (Ungar & Hadfield, 2019), leading to better-than-expected outcomes. This places the focus on the interactions between the person and the multiple systems in their environment. Theron and Van Breda (2021) recognise the complexity of interactions within and across systems that promote contextually significant protective factors and processes for care-leavers to become resilient. For this study, resilience will be defined as a process rather than an outcome.

In line with Ungar (2019), we consider three components of resilience: (a) risk exposure or vulnerability, resulting from adverse or suboptimal childhood experiences, the difficulties of living in care, the potential trauma of the transition out of care, and the challenges of life after care; (b) resilience processes that facilitate a smoother transition out of care into young adult life outside the care setting; and (c) better-than-expected outcomes, which, in this context, refer to a more successful transition into young adulthood in terms of living arrangements, relationships, prosocial behaviour, and wellbeing. Preparation for care-leaving is a resilience-building intervention, designed to strengthen resilience processes to facilitate better care-leaving outcomes.

According to Starr et al. (2024), care-leavers ought to develop a strong sense of self-determination to acquire the necessary independent living skills to counter the vulnerabilities associated with poor outcomes. In addition, the authors identified financial management, knowing how to access support, managing housing, educational planning, job hunting, health risk management, domestic and self-help skills, and managing relationships as key elements in preparing care-leavers for care-leaving.

Moodley et al. (2020) advocates for the language of interdependent living rather than independent living. They argue that independent living contradicts the values of interdependence and Ubuntu, and stipulate that most well-adjusted care-leavers are interdependent. The underlying philosophy of the Zulu proverb Ubuntu is: “I am a person through other people”, thus expressing the human need for existence through interdependency. The interconnectedness of most elements that are identified as key in care-leaving preparation to facilitate positive outcomes for care-leavers, strongly suggests that we make a paradigm shift to interdependent living rather than independent living. This aligns well with the earlier points about current resilience theory and research emphasising interactions and multiple interacting systems. For that reason, this study supports the notion of interdependent living.

4. Methodology

We were interested in the subjective views of care-leavers about how well they think they are prepared for care-leaving. A qualitative approach was, therefore, the most suitable approach to gain access to the subjective views of participants.

This study is part of a larger Design and Development (D&D) research strategy because, ultimately, we want to design a programme, not only to generate knowledge (Rothman & Thomas, 1994). D&D research comprises six phases: problem analysis, information gathering, design, early development and pilot testing, evaluation and advanced development, and dissemination (Rothman & Thomas, 1994). This article focuses only on the first two phases, namely problem or situation analysis and information gathering.

This study was conducted with care-leavers from residential care facilities, referred to in South Africa as Child and Youth Care Centres (CYCCs). Participants were sampled from one state-run CYCC and three non-governmental organisation (NGO) CYCCs in the Gauteng province of South Africa. The state-run CYCC is in a township community around Pretoria and accommodated about 185 children. Two of the NGO CYCCs are in suburban communities around Pretoria and accommodate about 350 children. The third NGO CYCC operates nationally and accommodates about 450 children in 35 CYCCs across eight provinces in South Africa. Together, the CYCCs disengage about 50 care-leavers per year. These CYCCs were selected because they were interested in care-leavers’ views about their preparation for care-leaving.

For this study, we defined the population as all the care-leavers who exited care from these four CYCCs. We followed a two-staged sampling approach: purposive and then snowball sampling (Rubin & Babbie, 2016). During the purposive sampling stage, we contacted managers of the three NGO CYCCs and requested that they put us in contact with care-leavers who met the selection criteria. The criteria for sampling were that care-leavers should have been in care for at least 12 months and should have left care between one and 10 years before data collection.

We provided evidence of ethics approval. Managers used their care-leaver databases as a sampling frame to purposively select and contact eligible participants and obtained permission to share their contact numbers with us, following the Protection of Personal Information Act no 4 of 2013 (RSA, 2013). We contacted those care-leavers who agreed to be contacted. In addition, as then Head of the state-run CYCC, the first author contacted some of the care-leavers she had contact with, explained the purpose of the study, and provided written information about the study. Nine participants were recruited during the purposive sampling stage.

Participants recruited during the purposive sampling stage recruited additional care-leavers through snowball sampling by using the same eligibility criteria (Rubin & Babbie, 2016). During snowball sampling, permission was obtained from potential participants to share their contact numbers with the authors, who contacted only those participants who agreed to be contacted. Eight participants were recruited during the snowball sampling stage. In total, 17 care-leavers participated in this study. They were between the ages of 19 and 28 years. Eight participants (5 male and 3 female) came from the state-run CYCC and nine (4 male and 5 female) from three NGO CYCCs.

We intended to collect data through semi-structured face-to-face interviews. However, due to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and accompanying restrictions, we resorted to telephonic interviews. The first author, with support from the second author, drew up an interview schedule with specific questions to guide the interviews (Rubin & Babbie, 2016) such as “What hindered preparation for leaving care?” and “What advanced your transition out of care?” Interview duration ranged from 40 to 100 min.

Data were analysed using grounded theory methods (Rubin & Babbie, 2016). During open coding, we read through the transcripts to explore and familiarise ourselves with the data. Relevant text, themes, and concepts were identified. As concepts arose in one script, we compared it with similar concepts that arose in other transcripts. This was performed throughout to confirm and refine emerging concepts. During axial coding, we identified concepts that participants expressed with strong emotions, that appeared most frequently, and that would help us reach the aim of this study. We clustered similar concepts. While all participant responses were significant, we reported on responses most germane to the purpose of this study, and studied others in more detail (Rubin & Babbie, 2016).

The main threat to the rigour and trustworthiness of this study is the fact that the first author provides preparation-for-leaving-care services, opening the study for potential researcher bias. The first author thus kept a reflective journal and discussed her reflections with the second author to minimise bias. Audio recordings of the interviews further enhanced the trustworthiness of this study. Member checking was conducted to enhance trustworthiness. According to Lincoln and Guba (1985), member checking is critical in establishing the credibility of qualitative research. The authors accentuate the importance of member checking in validating the researchers’ interpretation of data. Transcripts were forwarded via email to those participants who had access to emails to confirm accuracy. Some of the member checking was performed telephonically and others through face-to-face interviews.

The researchers as practitioners and academics upheld the ethical protection of participants. The ethical protection of participants involved using pseudonyms and anonymising the CYCCs from which data were collected. An informed consent form that clarified issues like confidentiality and voluntary participation was given to all participants who gave written consent. Participants consented to interviews being audio-recorded and transcribed. Transcripts were kept on a password-protected computer. Counselling services were made available to participants. The first author arranged with a psychologist to provide counselling services to participants who expressed a need for such. Ethical approval was granted on 9 December 2020 by the Faculty of Humanities Research Ethics Committee of the University of Johannesburg (REC-01-260-2020).

5. Findings

Two major themes emerged from the data: what advanced preparation for care-leaving (with two subthemes) and what hindered preparation for care-leaving (with five subthemes). Participant responses suggested they had thoughtful, rigorous, and diverse views about their preparation and how such preparation could be improved.

Participants from the state-run facility were accommodated in dormitories on state-owned property in a township and cared for by Child and Youth Care Workers. Participants from NGOs lived in suburban houses owned by NGOs and cared for by house mothers and/or house fathers. Participants from the state-run facility are indicated as “State” and those from NGOs as “NGO”. Participant demographics are shown as: gender (M = Male, F = Female), and age (in years).

5.1. What Advanced Preparation for Care-Leaving

Through participant responses, it became evident that supportive relationships, agency support and early workplace exposure advanced care-leaving preparation.

5.1.1. Supportive Relationships

This study revealed that supportive relationships facilitated smooth care-leaving transitions. For example, when Tshepiso (M-26-NGO) turned 16, the reality of care-leaving became inevitable. Not having parents and knowing he would soon be released into “the big city”, he deliberately failed grades 11 and 12 to stay longer in care. The management of the CYCC contracted with a scuba dive instructor to provide diving lessons to care-leavers who were interested in scuba diving. Tshepiso’s social worker encouraged him to participate in scuba diving. When Tshepiso turned 17, he started participating in scuba diving, which positively changed his life. He developed a good relationship with his scuba dive instructor, who was very supportive towards care-leavers. The instructor had good contacts with business associates. He negotiated with some of his business associates to expose care-leavers to scuba diving at a resort in Mozambique during school holidays. During school holidays, his instructor would make reservations for care-leavers at the resort to perfect their diving skills. Tshepiso excelled and eventually became a scuba dive instructor. At the time of this study, he was happily self-employed.

Nkosinathi was grateful for being removed from “a completely terrible situation” thanks to the support of a man at his church. Moreover, this man facilitated peer-to-peer support, by offering accommodation both to Nkosinathi and to another care-leaver. This offer was not for a brief period, but for three long years. Through supportive relationships, Nkosinathi rewrote the narrative of his life:

Directly after care, a man in the church we attended while in the children’s home had a flat. He wanted to rent it out to two children from the children’s home who completed grade 12 and needed a place to stay. A friend from the children’s home and I went. We lived in this flat for three years while studying. We each only paid R10 a month.

(Nkosinathi, M-28-NGO)

5.1.2. Agency Support and Early Workplace Exposure

This study revealed that mobilising networks, agency support, and early workplace exposure positively influenced care-leavers’ readiness for employment. For example, extended family members arranged with a local supermarket to employ Lorinda when she left care. However, the care facility allowed her to work over weekends at the same supermarket while in care. This enabled her to establish and mobilise networks across the care-leaving transition, with support from the childcare agency, to gain work experience:

My sister’s parents-in-law organised a job for me at a local supermarket for when I left care. The fact that the children’s home allowed me to go and work there over weekends while I was still in the children’s home definitely helped me.

(Lorinda, F-26-NGO)

Lorinda became disciplined and established a workplace routine while still in care. She learned to report when absent from duty, to respect authority, and to communicate respectfully:

I learned how to properly manage my finances in a way that would benefit me on a bigger scale than just to get by. Like having a backup plan for when I become unemployed, and to make sure that I have an extra savings account for my old age.

These findings suggest that protective processes like agency support, early workplace exposure, and care-leavers’ capacity to meaningfully engage resources, are resilience enablers that influence smooth transitions. Unfortunately, these kinds of initiatives were reported by only a handful of participants, suggesting that while they may be beneficial, they are not proceduralised into preparation for leaving care programmes.

5.2. What Hindered Preparation for Care-Leaving

While participants had relatively little to say about what facilitated care-leaving, they had much more to say about the lack or failures of preparation for leaving care. Five main hindrances in care-leaving preparation emerged from the data analysis: limitations of programmes offered in care, overprotection, lack of support with schoolwork, inadequate care-leaving preparation, and lack of family reunification services.

5.2.1. Limitations of Programmes Offered in Care

Participant responses highlighted the inherent limitations of programmes offered in care. Care-leavers expressed a need for specific programmes to prepare them for care-leaving:

The school leavers camp was very short. They try to squeeze all those real-life situations within a space of two days. After that, nothing happens. There wasn’t that one-on-one where they let you say, “Okay, this is what I want”. They don’t prepare you to say you guys are going out. You will be looking for a job and there will be an interview.

(Thabiso, M-27-NGO)

Some participants’ expectations about care-leaving preparation programmes were unfulfilled. Even though the young people in care had a sense of what kind of preparation they needed, this was not provided:

Before leaving care, I was supposed to be involved in programmes to start a new life knowing there would not be care workers to help with decision-making. Those programmes were not there.

(Sipho, M-22-State)

Participants expected preparation in the form of ensuring they had secure accommodation after leaving care—this seemed to them to be an obvious preparatory requirement. However, they reported homelessness and the lack of aftercare support programmes:

The programmes must be able to assist the child until the child finds his feet outside. Most of the children I know from care are on the street.

(Rendani, M-21-State)

This study revealed a lack of essential life skills. For example, Jason (M-21-State) reported that he could not cook or clean. This caused conflict at home because his parents thought he was lazy. Similarly, Lexie (F-19-NGO) reported not knowing how to use an automated teller machine (ATM).

Thabiso voiced his frustrations and being ill-prepared for self-care, particularly food preparation:

In care, you only eat, sleep, and go to school. When you come from school, your food is prepared, your school uniform is washed and ironed, and the house is cleaned. When you are outside, you don’t know how to cook, so you get takeaways, wasting money. I had to learn by myself all those life skills that you use every single day.

(Thabiso, M-27-NGO)

Participants reported shortcomings in job-hunting preparation. Jason (M-21-State) had learning barriers and was computer illiterate. After care, he could not compile his CV, complete job application forms, and/or apply online for jobs. He could also not use public transport because, in care, care-leavers were transported to and from school. He resorted to planting vegetables and selling them for a living. He later got a job as a gardener.

Similarly, Jessica shared her difficulty in finding a job:

It is difficult to get a job when you come out of school. I had four distinctions in matric [Grade 12], I am hard working, but I struggle to get a job. To write your CV, you learn that right through school, until matric. I typed my CV, but I did not know where to start looking for a job, what to do, and how to go forward. Perhaps if we can be taught in care to cope with things like this.

(Jessica, F-20-NGO)

Despite the limitations of programmes offered in care and emphasis on the need for stronger preparation-for-care-leaving programmes, this study revealed that programmes currently offered in care were beneficial for care-leavers. Basic health care, counselling, and experiential life skills programmes were provided. Oratile, for example, highlighted the benefits of programmes such as the Presidential Awards Programme:

I experienced so much bullying. I wasn’t confident. I couldn’t even perform at school. The programmes I attended helped me a lot, especially in gaining my confidence back.

(Oratile, F-23-State)

5.2.2. Constrained Movement in Care

This study revealed that care-leavers felt constrained and overprotected while in care, and not able to do the things that other children their age could do. Nomasonto voiced her frustrations about overprotection, particularly given that she wanted to visit friends in another child protection setting (not friends living at their parents’ home). She could not understand why she was blocked from networking with friends:

I was in the children’s home, but I had friends in the place of safety. When I want to see my friends in the place of safety, I must ask my care worker to give me a pass out. Sometimes they would still not give me permission to go to the place of safety.

(Nomasonto, F-22-State)

It became evident from the interviews that this overprotection—in the eyes of teenagers in care—elicited rebellion among care-leavers, even after leaving care. Lexie was frustrated by the lack of opportunity to socialise like other teenagers and did not understand or appreciate the required child protection mechanisms. This frustration led to her acting out after leaving care:

I felt like I was always put in a box. … You can’t visit friends, because they don’t have police clearance. You can’t go to birthday parties, because no one is cleared. That’s why a lot of us leave care and we go crazy. You do the dumbest things because you had no freedom.

(Lexie, F-19-NGO)

Some participants, who were teenagers, experienced child protection restrictions as overprotective, and attributed some acting out behaviour to these limitations.

5.2.3. Lack of Support with Schoolwork

Participants reported a lack of support with schoolwork. The state-run facility had a primary school, teaching from grade R until grade 9. Care-leavers attended secondary schools in the community from grades 10 to 12. The transitional journey from primary to secondary school was described as largely unsupported. Some transitional challenges were the inability to handle peer pressure, disappearing after school to visit new friends due to overprotection, and a lack of guidance in choosing subjects. Jessica described assistance with homework:

I cannot say that there was help with homework. Everybody had to cope on their own. They just asked whether your homework was done and that was it.

(Jessica, F-20-NGO)

Jason, who had learning barriers, shared his views about inadequate assistance with homework:

Not all of us are meant for those school things. They must call people to come and assist the kids because some care workers don’t care about helping kids with their books. They did not have time for us, especially when it comes to studying. Our books were not monitored.

(Jason, M-21-State)

This study further revealed that age appeared to be the primary consideration for disengagement, rather than readiness factors like educational attainment. Lorenzo’s disengagement also demonstrates that extended care was not considered, even though he was a candidate for extended care. Lorenzo, who was in grade 11 at the time of disengagement, had learning barriers. In care, he was largely supported by his peers to do his schoolwork. His one-day notice of discharge at the end of the school year in which he turned 18, put him in a difficult position, especially since he relied on peers to assist him with his homework:

On 11 December, my social worker called me. I thought she was going to talk about school, so I went to her office. She just told me that I am going home tomorrow. I am discharged. I was shocked, because I didn’t expect it. I had challenges with doing homework, so I wanted to finish school in care. In care, my peers used to help me. We had people in different grades, so it was easy for them to help us. When I left care, it was a bit harsh because I did not have people that could help me, and I did not understand most of the things.

(Lorenzo, M-20-NGO)

Participants appeared to better appreciate the importance of education to the transition into adulthood than their care workers in the CYCCs. This finding is curious, in that it is widely recognised in South Africa that better educational achievement is associated with better employment and income prospects. This may be a pre-1994 legacy of the apartheid government not requiring any formal qualifications to secure employment as a CYCW.

5.2.4. Lack of Community Integration

This study revealed that CYCCs operate in isolation from communities outside care. The expression from Oratile points to a lack of integration between the CYCC and tertiary institutions:

In most of these places, they sugarcoat reality. They tell you: “When you get out here, you will go to university”. You think that you will go to university just like that. We did not know we had to compete for space and that we had to qualify for a certain course. We were not prepared for such things.

(Oratile, F-23-State)

The sharp drop in the standard of living in care compared to outside care, especially for youth who are unemployed after leaving care, bring to the fore the lack of collaboration between CYCCs and non-governmental organisations, especially those working with unemployed youth in communities. Nomasonto, an unemployed care-leaver explained:

In care, we used to eat four times a day. When you are outside, things change. You only eat once a day. Some days, you don’t even have food.

(Nomasonto, F-22-State)

The following participant quotation further amplifies the contrast between the CYCC and the community outside care and the need to integrate services between the CYCC and the local communities:

The community outside is very different from care. They should go and check the environment, whether skills that were taught in care are around the area where the child will stay; are there any social workers’ offices around where the child will be placed so that they get assistance nearby. Most of the things we did in care are not available out here.

(Sipho, M-22-State)

Through the above participant responses, it became apparent that if care-leavers were gradually exposed to activities outside care through partnerships with community organisations, their experiences as they transition out of care might have been less jarring.

5.2.5. Lack of Family Reunification Services

Participants agreed that there was a lack of family reunification services. Participants reported that, while in care, they did not have contact with family or did not visit home. Some resorted to social media platforms to find out how their parents were doing. They reported alienation from their family, culture, and religion and could not speak their home language. Thando resented her social worker for these lacks:

My social worker did not play her role. She did not do home visits. She did not allow us to go home during school holidays. She returned us to the same situation that caused us to be removed. She knew my father and stepmother abused alcohol and when my father was drunk, he would beat my stepmother. They could have taken my father and stepmother for counselling, but they did not. She could have handed our file to the social worker in the area after our discharge, but she did not. She could also have made follow-ups on how we are surviving after our discharge, especially since my younger brother was not yet 18, but she did not. Since our discharge, nobody visited home.

(Thando, F-20-State)

Participants reported that their parents were also not prepared for their homecoming, leaving the families in a predicament:

Parents were never prepared that the child will come home. They were also surprised, saying: “Ah, you are home?” They [social workers] would just come and dump you here [home] and make them [parents] sign those papers [notice of discharge] only they know. Things like that are really unhealthy, because they end up leaving children in a very awkward position where you have to explain for yourself why are you [home].

(Sipho, M-22-State)

6. Discussion

This study was framed in resilience theory, which focuses on the multisystemic processes that facilitate better-than-expected outcomes as care-leavers transition into young adulthood (Van Breda, 2018a). Sadly, what emerged from this study was a relative absence of resilience-building processes for young people who recently transitioned out of care. This is clearly evidenced by the small number of quotations and themes regarding ‘what advanced preparation for leaving care’, compared with ‘what hindered’ it. Moreover, through participant responses, it became evident that resilience was more relational than structural. For example, by connecting participants with external stakeholders like the man in church who provided accommodation at R10 per month for 3 years, allowing care-leavers to work at local supermarkets over weekends while in care, affording care-leavers the opportunity to establish relationships with the scuba dive instructor. Although the multisystemic processes were meagre, relationships facilitated smoother transitions out of care for some (Van Breda, 2024). This suggests a general need for those working in residential care to strengthen their focus on building systemic and structural resilience through intentional community integration and collaboration in programming interventions.

The varied and complex facets of the care-leaving journey may compromise efforts to develop reliable practice guidelines for care-leaving (Harder et al., 2020; Van Breda et al., 2020). This study contributes meaningfully to developing practice guidelines, even though few positive findings were elicited from the interviews. Nevertheless, the findings suggest that supportive, secure, and stable relationships for care-leavers, agency support, and early workplace exposure could be resilience-building interventions that strengthen care-leavers’ resilience and facilitate better outcomes. This is certainly supported by other research (Achdut et al., 2023; Pepe et al., 2024; Prendergast et al., 2024; Van Breda, 2024).

The ability of care staff to identify supportive relationships (Bond, 2023) and the interaction between care-leavers and the multiple systems in their environment influencing their behaviour (Ungar & Hadfield, 2019), could enable favourable outcomes. Care-leavers and care staff should, therefore, work intentionally to build sustainable relationships. This study revealed some serious deficiencies in care-leaving preparation, leaving care-leavers ill-equipped to handle the realities outside care. Some care-leavers resent care staff for such deficiencies, implying a lack of trust in the relationship between care-leavers and care staff. Fostering trust in these relationships could be a crucial starting point for building sustainable relationships elsewhere (Prendergast et al., 2024). In addition, establishing and maintaining relationships within communities, supporting community-based networks and initiatives (RSA, 2019), recognising care-leavers as co-partners in care-leaving preparation (Arnau-Sabatés et al., 2021), and allowing them to identify relationships they deem important (Bond, 2023) are examples of building sustainable relationships.

The possible selves theory (Markus & Nurius, 1986) has become a focal point in recent care-leaving research in South Africa (Bond, 2023). Bond stipulates that the self-concept has a future aspect, that is, how care-leavers see themselves in future. Models, such as the Possible Me Tree, could, therefore, be useful tools to help care-leavers identify and build supportive relationships that could help them to become the possible selves they hope to be (Bond, 2023).

Unemployment is one of the many challenges care-leavers experience (Pepe et al., 2024; Prendergast et al., 2024). While Achdut et al. (2023) highlight a gap in the readiness of care-leavers to enter the workplace and while Soyez et al. (2024) suggest early workplace exposure to close the gap, Van Breda (2025) indicates that mobilising networks and agency support could assist care-leavers in finding employment. Our study provides tentative evidence that care-leavers who were exposed to the workplace while in care were more able to continue work after leaving care. Greater investment in employment pathways while preparing to leave care could be invaluable (Jayman, 2025).

While most researchers embrace the term ‘independent living’ in care-leaving, Moodley et al. (2020) argue that independent living contradicts the values of interdependence and Ubuntu, and mention that most well-adjusted care-leavers are interdependent, rather than independent. This study revealed that resilience enablers (supportive relationships and early workplace exposure) strengthening resilience processes were interconnected. The philosophy of the Zulu proverb Ubuntu meaning: “I am a person through other people” echoes the person-in-environment (PIE) view in social work (Van Breda, 2019). However, while PIE focuses on the person-in-context, Ubuntu greatly emphasises the importance of the relationships between people (Van Breda, 2019). According to Van Breda (2024), there is an age-old understanding that supportive relationships are crucial in care-leavers’ resilience. Relationship-centred resilience, therefore, better supports the values of interdependence and Ubuntu (Van Breda, 2018a).

The Children’s Act (RSA, 2005) makes provision for the implementation of programmes to prepare care-leavers for care-leaving. Research supports the role of resilience-informed programmes in facilitating better transitioning from care (Starr et al., 2024). In this study, although care-leavers reported that programmes offered in care were beneficial, they also indicated that these programmes were not tailored to prepare them for interdependent living. Care-leavers reported that many initiatives were ineffective. They suggested their involvement in such initiatives to ensure effectiveness. Not involving care-leavers in preparation for interdependent living is a violation of their rights in terms of Article 12 of the UN Conventions on the Rights of the Child (United Nations, 1989). This implies that care professionals made life-changing decisions on behalf of care-leavers, thus depriving them of the opportunity to develop responsible decision-making skills (Pepe et al., 2024). While Appleton (2020) advocates for early-stage planning to address interdependent living preparation deficits, Grage-Moore et al. (2025) accentuate the importance of meaningful engagement of care-leavers in planning for interdependent living and suggest regular planning reviews to enhance the effectiveness of programmes.

Children are removed from parental to alternative care to protect them from harm (RSA, 2005). It is acknowledged that, even in care, children could be exposed to risks that could impair development (RSA, 2019). Where there are risks, care professionals are responsible to minimise risks and maximise opportunities to advance preparation for interdependent living (RSA, 2019). Hlungwani and Van Breda (2022) define this process as “managed opportunities for independence” (MOI). Some participants were happy about their disengagement, embracing the freedom they did not have in care. However, the harsh realities outside care did not match their expectations of freedom (Harder et al., 2020). Freedom outside care came with responsibilities they were not prepared for. For example, participants reported their inability to handle freedom out of care and did the “dumbest things” because they were overprotected in care and not allowed some freedom. Managed opportunities for independence could have enhanced preparation for interdependent living if care-leavers were allowed some freedom under managed conditions.

Research shows that while higher educational levels are associated with improved earnings and economic status (Harder et al., 2020), care-leavers are less likely to pursue further studies following the completion of basic education (García-Alba et al., 2023). According to Harder et al. (2020), the difficulties in pursuing further studies could be a compendium of challenges left unattended in care, resulting in care-leavers transitioning to interdependent living with significant educational gaps. This study revealed that some care-leavers left care with substantial educational shortcomings. For example, some care-leavers with learning barriers did not receive the necessary support while in care, and others could not work on a computer to compile their CV and do online job applications. This left care-leavers frustrated, as they had to settle for low-income jobs.

In South Africa, alternative care can be extended up to 21 years, if care-leavers are still in education or training (RSA, 2005). While educational attainment is highlighted as one of the major benefits of extended care (Van Breda et al., 2020), this study showed that age was the primary consideration for disengagement (García-Alba et al., 2023), even when care-leavers were eligible for extended care. Some care-leavers reported that those eligible for extended care were given one-day notices of discharge at the end of the school year when they turned 18 and were disengaged without any form of aftercare support to complete basic education. This suggests the absence of monitoring systems ensuring compliance with legislation. It also points to a lack of social work supervision.

Legislation requires family reunification services to be provided when care-leavers are removed to alternative care (RSA, 2019). The aim is to ensure successful and sustainable reintegration into the community and family environment. Participant responses revealed the absence of family reunification and aftercare support services.

Care-leavers reported that they were returned to the same circumstances that compelled their removal from home. Participants were estranged from their family culture and religion, while others reported that they could not communicate with their family members in their home language. Family reunification must be strengthened with aftercare support services (United Nations, 2010). In addition, care-leavers should be allowed to preserve their cultural heritage and practice their religion while in care, to ensure smooth interdependent living transitions (Harder et al., 2020).

7. Limitations

This study was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Participant responses might, therefore, have been clouded by the social distancing restrictions that were imposed at the time. The findings may not be generalised due to the small, non-representative sample, and due to the different legislations and system-related factors across countries. However, the sample included four alternative care facilities—the only state-run facility in the province and three NGO facilities, which provides some degree of transferability. This study relied solely on the views and perceptions of care-leavers, which could be biased. However, we are busy interviewing children in care, care professionals, managers, and policy developers, which should give a balanced view of preparation for interdependent living. Finally, interviews were conducted in English, which is not the first language of most participants.

8. Implications and Conclusions

Research consistently reports care-leavers’ vulnerabilities and in most instances unfavourable outcomes for care-leavers as they transition to interdependent living (Pepe et al., 2024; Prendergast et al., 2024; Soyez et al., 2024). While research suggests adequate preparation to smooth the transitional journey from care to interdependent living (Starr et al., 2024), there remains a void on exactly how this preparation should be conducted (Hlungwani & Van Breda, 2022). The multi-faceted nature of care-leaving and responses of countries to aspects of care-leaving, further complicate this matter.

The deficiencies in care-leaving preparation as highlighted in this study, strongly suggest that despite the numerous South African legal and policy frameworks in place, they are poorly implemented and lack accountability. From participant responses, it became evident that there is a need to support care-leavers to acquire and master interdependent living skills.

Given these deficiencies, we recommend that preparation for leaving care programmes be aligned with inputs from care-leavers on how to prepare them for care-leaving; that care-leavers be allowed a bit of freedom in their communities under managed conditions through managed opportunities for independence; that care staff be more involved in supporting looked-after children in doing homework; that opportunities be created for job shadowing and work or career planning; that care staff make concerted efforts to reunite care-leavers with their families while in care; that care-leavers and parents be properly prepared for the disengagement and homecoming of care-leavers; and that aftercare support be legally mandated and funded.

To ensure that the above recommendations find expression in practice, it is further recommended that existing policies and procedures be reviewed and standardised to accommodate concepts such as managed opportunities for independence and models like the Possible Me Tree; that the training of care staff be upscaled to meet the demands of adequately preparing care-leavers for care-leaving; and that monitoring tools be implemented to ensure effective supervision of care staff. In the current absence of aftercare services, robust preparation for leaving care programmes is an essential requirement for ethical and socially just services to looked-after children and care-leavers.