Unfreezing the City: A Systemic Approach to Arctic Urban Comfort

Abstract

The urban landscape of the Russian Arctic, shaped during the Soviet era of extensive urbanization, embeds narratives of colonial appropriation and serves as the foundation for ongoing urban development. In light of climatic, political, and social uncertainties, design disciplines must navigate the balance between environmental sustainability and the varied needs of residents, requiring a systemic approach to design. This study combines theoretical analysis with qualitative field research conducted in two Western Siberian cities (Novyy Urengoy and Tarko-Sale), including interviews, mental mapping, and systematic observation of urban life. Analysis of the collected data revealed significant challenges in current urban design practices, particularly regarding weather protection, seasonal adaptation, and social space creation. The proposed model constitutes a pioneering initiative in domestic Arctic urban research, aiming to conceptualize a context-sensitive approach to urban environmental formation, thereby challenging prevalent universal/mainstream methodologies and establishing a theoretical framework for future applications. Our theoretical model synthesizes representations, perceptions, and materiality, conceptualizing the architectural environment as a context-sensitive “life-support module”. This conceptualization emphasizes that successful Arctic urban design must emerge from specific local contexts rather than universal solutions, as demonstrated by our analysis of residents’ spatial practices and adaptations to extreme conditions. We reference media studies to analyze urban materiality as both an artificial construct that mediates perceptions of the immediate surroundings and as a generative force that actively shapes meanings, practices, and sensations. Our findings indicate that current standardized approaches to Arctic urban development often fail to address local needs and environmental conditions, suggesting the necessity for a fundamental shift in design methodology. Given that the urban realm is a fundamental component in shaping individual and collective perceptions, this conceptual shift has the potential to significantly influence prevailing societal views of the “empty” and “hostile” Arctic.

1. Introduction

In the era of global environmental changes caused by anthropogenic activities, the goals of design as “a discipline that transforms surroundings into environments for human experience” [1] (p. 99) need to shift from a limited focus on the visual aspect to a systemic shaping of the way we experience, think about, and affect space. In the Russian Arctic, which has historically been oriented towards the exploitation of natural resources, this design challenge becomes even more urgent, since both previous and current stages of exploration of the region can be characterized as colonial appropriation [2,3,4].

Russian Arctic cities (in particular, in Western Siberia) stand as a unique urban phenomenon in the polar region [5], unparalleled by settlements in other polar countries due to the combination of extreme climatic conditions and substantial population sizes. These large urban centers served as strategic anchors, embedding Soviet culture and economy within the region [6]. As is typical of the colonial transfer of common expressions of material culture to a “new” region [7], the urban environment consisted of a spatial organization typical of any Soviet city of the time [8] (see Figure 1), which was seen as the modernization and “normalization” of the High North [4,6].

This standardized approach to Arctic urban development has created several critical problems. First, the resulting “typical” environment in “atypical” conditions embodies narratives of space appropriation that continue to influence current urban development. Second, contemporary urban design practices in the Russian Arctic still largely rely on universal solutions that fail to address the region’s unique challenges. Third, there is a significant gap in theoretical frameworks that could guide context-sensitive design approaches for Arctic urban environments.

Environmental changes (which are faster in the Arctic than elsewhere) [9], together with infrastructural mega-projects and their impact on the surrounding space, challenge architects and designers to develop adaptive urban solutions in this delicate natural ecosystem. Additionally, the extreme climate poses a challenge to a newcomer to the north, whose psycho-physiological nature requires complex adaptation to the harsh conditions [10]. While research on Arctic urban development exists in Canada, Fennoscandia, and other polar regions, the Russian context lacks a comprehensive theoretical framework that could guide context-sensitive design approaches.

To this day, the global Arctic remains one of the most consistently exploited regions on Earth, often defined from an external perspective [11] (p. 5). A critical reimagining of urban reality through design is urgently needed. In our research, we approach design as a generative tool—one that not only seeks to strategically improve the current situation but also continuously learns from it [12].

This study addresses these gaps through three main objectives:

• To develop a context-sensitive theoretical framework for urban environmental formation in Russian Arctic cities.
• To conceptualize urban lived space as a design context that integrates representations, perceptions, and materiality.
• To propose and validate the concept of a life support module (LSM) as a new approach to Arctic urban design.

Our research findings demonstrate that urban space functions as a medium, shaping perceptions and experiences of the surrounding environment and creating a comprehensive conceptual and emotional image of place [13]. Through field research in Western Siberian cities, we found that current standardized approaches to urban development often fail to address local needs and environmental conditions, supporting our theoretical argument for context sensitivity.

The interconnection of the virtual/ideal (the realm of conceptual ideas, norms, and values) and material layers is conceptualized with reference to the production of space [14], from which we derive our definition of lived space. Addressing lived space as a design context enables a systemic design approach, as it encompasses the entire unit of conceptual context, human perception, and material environment, while accounting for their complex and dynamic interrelationships.

Our findings reveal that recognizing the Arctic city as a design object fundamentally distinct from mainstream urban models is crucial for developing adapted approaches, as reflected in the notion of context sensitivity. We introduce the idea of the urban environment functioning as a life support module (LSM) under the harsh conditions of the Arctic. Additionally, we engage with the concept of the space of flows [15,16], which examines the tension between place specificity and global universality by analyzing the interaction of intangible and tangible flows with urban materiality.

The sensitivity to context appears to be especially pertinent in Russian design disciplines. Thus far, projects addressing the Arctic urban environment have primarily relied on mainstream methods, often resulting in superficial aesthetic enhancements that lack a deep understanding of the unique challenges and context faced by Arctic cities. Our research addresses this limitation by providing a theoretical foundation for context-sensitive design approaches. The empirical evidence from our field studies supports the need for this shift, revealing how standardized solutions often fail to meet the specific needs of Arctic urban communities.

The proposed model presents an effort to establish a systematic approach to developing the urban environment in the Russian Arctic. By identifying distinct levels of analysis within the model, we outline pathways for further investigation—from theoretical refinement to empirical data collection and practical implementation—in order to advance context-sensitive design solutions tailored to the unique challenges of urban space in Russian Arctic cities.

2. Materials and Methods

This study employs a mixed-methods approach combining theoretical analysis with empirical research. The research design consists of two main components: (1) a comprehensive literature review and theoretical framework development, and (2) field research in selected Arctic settlements.

2.1. Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

The conceptual foundation of this research draws from multiple theoretical streams and data sources. Our analysis of secondary data began with an extensive review of historical studies on Soviet urbanization [2,3,4,5,6,8,17,18,19,20,21], complemented by contemporary urban research on shrinking and developing cities of the Russian Arctic (Far North) and Siberia [17,18,22,23,24,25,26,27,28,29,30]. This historical and contemporary context provided essential insights into the unique characteristics and challenges of Russian Arctic cities, with particular attention to the Western Siberian region.

The theoretical framework was developed through a synthesis of several interconnected fields. We drew upon critical urban theory research [14,15,16,31,32,33,34,35,36] and systemic design approaches [1,12,37,38,39,40] to establish our analytical foundation. This was enriched by postcolonial and decolonial perspectives on design and architecture [2,7,11,18,21,23,24,41,42,43,44], which provided crucial insights into the unique context of Arctic urban development. Studies of urban practices, placemaking, and phenomenology [45,46,47,48,49,50,51,52,53] informed our understanding of lived experiences in Arctic cities, while media studies and the concept of a city as a medium [13,15,16,53,54,55,56,57,58,59,60,61,62,63,64,65,66,67,68] contributed to our analytical framework. This theoretical review culminated in the conceptualization of our proposed model, where the urban environment is analyzed as a medium that influences both the perception and production of city space.

2.2. Field Research Sites and Data Collection

For the empirical component of our research, we selected two distinctly different settlements to gain a deeper understanding of the varied urban landscapes in the Russian Arctic: (1) Novyy Urengoy, a key industrial and economic hub in Yamalo-Nenetsky Autonomous Okrug (YaNAO), in northern Western Siberia (city status since 1980, population of 106,890), and (2) Tarko-Sale, located 150 km from Novyy Urengoy, a sub-peripheral settlement experiencing rapid economic development (city status since 2004, population of 19,932) [27,69]. Novyy Urengoy exemplifies an Arctic subcenter with a medium-sized area of influence, whereas Tarko-Sale, despite its growth, does not have a significant zone of influence due to its proximity to the larger city [27].

Our research comprised three field trips conducted across different years and seasons: two summer visits (July 2019 and August 2022) and one spring visit (May 2024). The initial two trips focused on examining the “human dimension” of the fly-in-fly-out method within spatial and environmental contexts, building on Heleniak’s observation [30] that industrial centers like Novyy Urengoy serve as base cities for shift workers. These trips yielded nine semi-structured interviews with shift workers and generated over 50 photographs and videos documenting the cityscape.

2.3. Research Methods

The third field trip employed multiple qualitative research methods:

• In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with local residents in both Novyy Urengoy and Tarko-Sale (The interview guide, interview transcripts, and mental maps are available in the original language (Russian) only and therefore are not included in the appendix to this article. These materials can be made available upon request from the authors) (n = 11 in total).
• Mental mapping exercises were used to understand residents’ perception of the urban environment (n = 7 in total). Participants were asked to sketch their urban experiences, marking significant locations and regular routes while providing emotional associations with different areas.
• Two biographical walks were conducted with local residents to document their daily experiences and interactions with the urban environment.
• Systematic observation of urban life was maintained throughout the field trip, documented through detailed field notes.

2.4. Data Analysis

The theoretical model provided a structured framework for field data collection, informing our interview protocol with specific thematic domains, including (1) daily urban practices, (2) local identity formation, and (3) emotional/conceptual perceptions of the built environment. However, consistent with the qualitative methodology, the semi-structured interview format allowed participants to introduce novel perspectives that both enriched our understanding and revealed important avenues for conceptual refinement. These emergent themes—for example, the strong attachment of locals to the Arctic nature and the recurring emphasis on the “warmth” and “mutual assistance” within the local community—have informed more detailed iterations of the model and identified critical directions for future research.

The collected data were analyzed using thematic content analysis, an approach particularly suited to exploring lived experiences and subjective perceptions of urban space. This method aligns with our phenomenological theoretical framework, which emphasizes the importance of individual and collective experiences in understanding urban environments. The analysis process began with thorough familiarization with data through multiple readings of interview transcripts and field notes, followed by careful identification of recurring patterns in participants’ narratives and spatial practices. These patterns were then synthesized into broader theoretical insights about Arctic urban experiences, which informed our conceptual framework of context-sensitive design.

3. Results

3.1. Conceptual Framework: Context Sensitivity

Our research aims to model a structure of the complex and dynamic system of urban space formation with a goal to “imagine that-which-does-not-yet-exist” [38] (p. 12)—an adaptive and resistant urban realm of Russian Arctic cities, considerate of both the well-being of residents and the surrounding natural environment. This goal acts as a guideline—an intuitive ideal outcome to be achieved through the design process [38] (p. 31). This pursuit of an ideal provides coherence and continuity within the unpredictable and dynamic nature of design systems [37].

As conceptualized in the systemic approach, the design process moves from universal and general concepts to the “ultimate particular”—the specific design that involves creating novel solutions while anchoring them in the specific context, with the aim of improving the situation using scientifically based tools and methods [38] (p. 31). In our study, this concreteness is reflected in the notion of context sensitivity, understood as a design approach that addresses the specific needs of extreme environments, as opposed to universal design principles [70].

When we conditionally refer to “universal design principles” and “Western” ideals, we are pointing to two main ideas. First, there is the concept of “classic rationality” in urban planning, which is grounded in a modernist view of society [71,72]. This perspective suggests that there is a single, Western way to design the built environment, often ignoring the diverse ways people live [73,74]. Second, we see the impact of neoliberal ideology and urban entrepreneurialism, which have shaped the dominant narratives in architecture and urban design—those of “livable” and “appealing” environments [23,75,76]. In the Russian Arctic, these ideologies are reflected in (1) the modernist urban settings of the “planned” Soviet cities, which exhibit a materiality aligned with the rational approaches typical of central regions [3,4,5,6], and (2) current urban renovation and master-planning projects, which operate on the belief that implementing successful practices from central areas in “peripheral” regions is vital for their growth and enhancement of comfort [23,76].

Conversely, beyond mainstream practices, various interpretations of context sensitivity have emerged in design and architecture research. This includes investigations into the relationship between regional identity and natural factors, with a common theme being the adaptive strategies developed to align with the ecological processes and cultural practices [77,78]. In turn, cultural context is also viewed as a foundation for adapting architecture and urban environments. For instance, critical regionalism stresses the importance of limiting the universalization and industrialization of design technologies, seeking to preserve a richness of cultural expression, which is also regarded as a means to create resilient architecture [79]. More broadly, all postcolonial/decolonial architectural research can be seen as a context-sensitive endeavor aimed at critically deconstructing the hegemonic knowledge and representations with the aim of manifesting autonomous thoughts of specific cultural landscapes [42,43,73]. Some interpretations of context sensitivity can also be seen in emphasizing the perceptual dimensions of architectural adaptation—specifically, the phenomenology of architecture offers valuable insights into the relationship between place, built environment, and human perception, which is why these studies have influenced our own conceptual model [48,80,81].

A fundamental concept in our understanding of context-sensitive design, developed as part of the Arctic design school framework (see [70]), is extremeness. An extreme environment can be characterized by statistical rarity or by previously unknown events, both of which introduce significant uncertainty due to limited prior knowledge [82] (p. 2). Therefore, by definition, extremeness requires a different design approach from existing mainstream patterns—those developed for average/medium conditions (in the case of architecture and urban design, Western cities) [23].

The next aspect of understanding context sensitivity involves a focused (targeted) application of design research and practice. It is acknowledged that the global Arctic region cannot be treated as a single, uniform entity [4,20,22]. Even within the boundaries of the Russian Arctic, the variations in socio-cultural, economic, and natural contexts, along with the historical background of urbanization, prevent the application of universal solutions [19,27,28]. In our case study of the Western Siberian Arctic, the extremities in socio-cultural, psychological, and natural dimensions present specific challenges for design disciplines aimed at developing built environments and technical systems for this context.

Firstly, the unprecedented scale of accelerated urban growth in the Soviet Far North has established these “planned” cities, which now operate as isolated islands within a sparsely populated area characterized by low infrastructure density [27]. Within these cities exists a distinct subculture of northern newcomers—a relatively young and mobile population drawn to the Far North to gain capital and experience [28,83]. Arctic cities in Russia are referred to as spaces of flows due to the prevalence of the fly-in-fly-out (FIFO) working method [28], which leads to a diverse mix of cultural attitudes temporarily united by the Arctic space, without the need to assimilate into the original local identity—the culture of the indigenous people. This dynamic results in significant migration patterns, contributing to a nuanced understanding of place and local identity characterized by two contrasting trends. One trend emphasizes the “rootedness” of Arctic cities, while the other highlights the increasing short-term and long-term mobility of their residents [84,85]. These opposing tendencies converge to create a complex local identity.

This tension between staying and leaving is tied to the resource market, alongside broader economic and political contexts, which introduces significant uncertainty [28,83,84,85]. On a personal level, this uncertainty manifests in the flexibility surrounding residents’ decisions to “leave or stay” as part of their life trajectories [83]. From a socio-cultural perspective, the strong ties to the resource market raise concerns about internal colonialism [11,18,86]. This reflects the contemporary view of the Arctic as both “empty” and “peripheral”, perceived as a “northern Eldorado” capable of bolstering Russia’s resource base [25].

These contrasting ideas of the Arctic as a place of belonging versus a place for opportunity make the circumpolar north a region where various dichotomies—such as imagination and reality, indigenous and Western cultures, pristine landscapes and pollution, and internal versus external perspectives—intersect and challenge one another [87]. Design disciplines, as both physical and conceptual outcomes of these narratives, inevitably participate in processes of defining and embodying these views, ultimately influencing local identities [31,33,41]. Historically, architecture and urban planning in the Far North were used as a means of colonial appropriation [6,19]. During the Soviet era, this was realized through large-scale modernist projects. Today, spatial expansionism is driven by neoliberal practices and the market economy, rather than the planned industrialization of the Soviet era. This shift is evident in centralized approaches introduced to the north under the guise of “development”, “modernization”, and “comfortization” [23].

Secondly, while the harsh conditions in cities are not as intense as those in isolated polar stations, they still involve severe weather, limited daylight, heavy snowfall, and strong winds, which can lead to psychological and physiological discomfort for citizens [88]. Western Siberia, in particular, possesses a much harsher climate compared to the European Far North, which is warmed by ocean currents [85]. Together with the current uncertainties associated with climate change, this adds a new layer of responsibility for all human-made structures in the delicate Arctic environment [89].

Therefore, the interplay of remoteness, limited infrastructure, complex local identities, and socio-economic and environmental uncertainties creates a multifaceted context for design in the Arctic. This prompts us to consider the tangible outcomes of a newly emerging “synthetic” urban culture in the High North [90,91]. The foundation of this urban culture may develop through the process of design interpretation, showcasing a harmonious integration with the local context and fostering a deeper sense of place.

3.2. Empirical Data: Local Practices, Identity, and Perceptions

Our field research in Novyy Urengoy and Tarko-Sale provides empirical evidence for these theoretical observations about context sensitivity in Arctic urban environments. The analysis of mental maps and interviews revealed several key dimensions of how residents experience and interact with their urban environment, supporting the need for context-sensitive design approaches.

Firstly, our findings confirm the complex nature of local identity formation in Arctic cities. The interviews revealed a complex interplay of attachment and mobility among northern residents. Many respondents expressed a deep-rooted connection to the region, emphasizing their sense of belonging with statements such as “⋯everybody takes roots here⋯” or “We have a really beautiful city. It’s impossible not to love it. In general, you know, not to love the North [is impossible]⋯” Others highlighted the uniqueness of their community, noting “We have a different kind of people here⋯” and “I’ve never met people like those in the North”. However, this embeddedness was frequently juxtaposed with aspirations—or resigned expectations—of eventual relocation to southern areas. One resident, for instance, remarked “My daughter also left to study in Tyumen. <⋯> That’s it now, we are also planning to leave. Well, not immediately, but after 10 years [of living here]—that’s already long enough⋯” Despite these narratives of departure, some residents observed a shifting trend towards permanence. As one interviewee noted, “There are more children staying now [in the North]. Basically, more people are staying. When I first came here [in 1995], it was empty”.

The mental mapping exercises and interviews also demonstrated that residents’ spatial practices reflect both permanent and temporary relationships with the city. While participants showed strong attachment to certain urban spaces, particularly enclosed social venues and protected recreational areas, their mental maps rarely included long-term landmark buildings or historical references, supporting the theoretical observation about the “spaces of flows” nature of Arctic cities.

Secondly, in terms of the interconnection of climate and urban practices, mental mapping has shown that residents’ daily activities predominantly occur along established routes connecting home, work, and educational institutions (schools/kindergartens). Conversely, formal public spaces like parks and boulevards are infrequently utilized outside of city festivals and favorable weather conditions. This observation can be interpreted in two ways: (1) there is a need for adaptable public spaces that attract visitors year-round, and (2) there is a necessity to design beyond recreational areas, focusing on everyday pedestrian pathways such as sidewalks and yards.

From the first perspective, interview data particularly shed light on the psychological aspects of living in Arctic urban environments, illustrating how residents navigate environmental extremes. Participants consistently expressed the need for weather-protected public spaces, with one resident stating “The city needs more places where you can socialize regardless of weather conditions”. This sentiment aligns with our theoretical framework, which addresses the unique challenges posed by extreme environments and the limitations of universal design solutions. However, we hypothesize that the expressed need specifically for enclosed venues (and highlighting shopping centers and cafes as favorite places of recreation) reflects the inadequacy of current open spaces, rather than the informed need for public spaces in an artificial microclimate, considering the locals’ attachment to the natural environment.

Regarding the second interpretation, residents have voiced their desire for comfortable mobility, emphasizing that “accessibility [of open public spaces] is first and foremost”. An interviewee highlighted the importance of “timely cleaning of sidewalks”, noting “the administration is working on it, but it’s not always feasible—sometimes there’s a snowstorm or other issues, and I understand that, but the available equipment is limited. People’s needs are not always met”. While we concur with residents about the challenges of managing snow and rain on the streets, we believe the issue is more systemic, rooted in the initial infrastructure of the city. Sidewalks function adequately only in warm and dry conditions, while their usability in other seasons demands an unreasonable level of maintenance effort.

In line with this, our observational data, collected during the spring transition period, provided concrete evidence of how environmental extremes affect urban functionality. The documented challenges with snow removal, drainage systems, and public space accessibility demonstrate the practical implications of context-insensitive design approaches. For example, observations indicate that large open public spaces (i.e., Soviet city squares) are highly exposed to winds, and at times, snow and rain. In the absence of engaging features, these areas tend to see limited use. The inability to use certain public spaces due to inappropriate surface materials or inadequate weather protection illustrates the consequences of applying standardized urban design solutions to Arctic conditions.

An excellent resource for context-sensitive design strategies can be found in the adaptation methods utilized by residents. The biographical walks highlighted how residents have created specific adaptive practices in response to their surroundings. These practices often diverge significantly from typical urban behavior patterns in temperate climates, including seasonal shifts in transportation modes, alternative routes during different weather conditions, and specific temporal patterns of public space usage. This empirical evidence supports our theoretical argument about the need for context-sensitive design that acknowledges local patterns of spatial use and environmental adaptation.

Furthermore, our findings regarding residents’ recreational practices, particularly their engagement with natural environments through activities like hunting, fishing, and foraging, demonstrate unique human–nature relationships. Notably, these activities predominantly take place outside urban areas. This supports our theoretical stance on the importance of design approaches that acknowledge and enhance these local connections, as seen in the spatial practices of “going out into nature”, which currently stand in contrast to urban life. The growing development of the private sector, as a spatial inquiry closer to nature than the city, underscores residents’ attachment to their local environment. Some residents even remark that “it is the private sector that can attract people to live in the North”.

Thirdly, as discussed in the interviews, the mental comfort of local residents in their cities revolves around safety, the “warmth” of the local community, and economic stability. Regarding the built environment, residents highlight the importance of developed infrastructure (such as stores, restaurants, and cafes), along with a demand for open public spaces. Some existing urban open areas have received negative emotional feedback due to their lack of shelter from the bad weather conditions, making them uncomfortable during rain, snow, or strong winds. At the same time, locations that offer outdoor recreational activities are viewed positively—forest parks in winter and local river beaches in summer. When residents describe their travel routes, they do not specify whether they travel by car or on foot; however, upon clarification, they indicate that they primarily use cars. Pedestrian traffic is only mentioned in relation to parks, suggesting a limited availability of daily walking routes in the city and a desire for more opportunities for an active lifestyle within the city.

These empirical findings reinforce our theoretical framework regarding context sensitivity by demonstrating how the interplay of extreme conditions, complex social dynamics, and environmental challenges manifests in everyday urban life. They highlight the necessity for design solutions that respond to both the physical demands of the Arctic environment and the specific social and cultural patterns of Arctic urban communities.

3.3. Conceptual Framework: Lived Space as a Design Context

We believe that a context-sensitive approach should evolve into a comprehensive system that recognizes the limitations of one-size-fits-all solutions in creating artificial support systems, particularly in urban settings. Given the challenging and delicate nature of the Arctic, we argue that design solutions must be highly tailored and adaptable. This ensures that the systems we develop are well suited to their specific context and remain flexible enough to accommodate future changes.

The alignment of the design object with its context is achieved by integrating the context into the design system and defining clear outcome goals for the system’s implementation. This intended outcome exists not in the form of a definite design solution, but as a goal, ensuring continuous adaptation to environmental and societal changes through adaptive monitoring, while maintaining the core goals of the whole system [40]. We thus refer to systemic design, where “systemic” represents a way of thinking that uncovers the complexity and interdependencies in the present surroundings [1,92]. Design, in turn, serves as an agency of action in this particular context—as a means of engaging with concrete human experiences in specific environments in order to achieve an intended outcome [40,92]. Human experience is framed as “human pathways”—the particular ways individuals navigate and overcome obstacles [1] (p. 100).

Thus, the proposed model aims to do the following:

• Determine the structure and interconnections of both the design object and its context, incorporating them into a design system.
• Embody the “human pathways” into the system and therefore ground the design actions into a particular lived context.
• Define the overarching design goal and specific objectives for each level of the model.

To structure the connection between the design object and its context, while emphasizing human experience, we address Lefebvre’s concept of urban space production. Uncovering the ways that city space and its inherent social contradictions are produced, the concept suggests a tripartite dialectical model with spatial inquiries of perceived, conceived, and lived spheres [14,93].

The perceived sphere represents the empirically observed material interactions and physical encounters, combined into a specific spatial order of habits and patterns of movement in and through physical places of everyday life [33,94]. As interpreted, this spatial field is about the physical perception (“seen, felt, smelled, heard, manipulated…”) of traceable patterns (“collective rhythms, individual routines, incidental deviations…”), which manifest the socio-spatial patterns of a given location [94] (p. 132).

The conceived sphere is the inquiry of knowledge and power in the form of representations of physical space, e.g., plans, models, concepts, and ideas, which are competing for physical expression—including those of planners, designers, and architects [14,33,94]. As a part of his conceptualization, Lefebvre highlights the significant gap between both the process and the outcome of the work of architects and planners—and the experiences of the individuals they aim to serve: the inhabitants—in the unfolding daily life [94]. In particular, the experts’ perspective is confined by the conceptual sphere, led by rationality and abstraction. On the other hand, residents interact with urban space through the lens of lived space, the third element of the dialectical triad. It involves their everyday experiences within the built environment—which are habitual and therefore often subconscious—influenced by immediate impressions [14,94]. Taken outside this context of inhabiting, architecture expresses its own “cultural irrelevance” characterized by “social emptiness” and a “general lack of ethical purpose beyond technocratic proficiency, economic reductionism, or novel extravagance” [95] (p. 5).

Therefore, in an attempt to bridge the conceptual–experienced gap, we propose the concept of lived space as a context for design, since it directly reflects the “pathways” (experiences) of city dwellers. Lived space goes beyond mere usage (perceived practices) and thought (conceived ideas), integrating these aspects into immediate lived experience [14,33,94]. It enables context sensitivity by revealing urban space as a “concrete, practical experience”—a place shaped by dwellers who use and appropriate it through their daily practices, giving rise to “implicit value systems” [33] (p. 52). Defined as a system of “sensation, imagination, emotion, and meaning experienced by people in their day-to-day lives” [31] (p. 297), it offers a first-hand perspective that encompasses and transcends both conceived and perceived spaces [94]. In terms of urban materiality, the lived sphere integrates routes and flows that are tangible and practiced. As for conceptual content, urban experience is also conceived, having been developed as ideas and constructed accordingly [94]. The transcending aspect emerges when this materiality evokes a profound sense of meaning, manifesting an awareness of being fully present in the moment in a particular built environment [94].

Thus, as the context for design research, we suggest lived space as a phenomenological field in which the material urban environment, encompassing practices and routines, conceptual context, and dwellers’ perspective engage in urban experience, involving practices, representations, and perceptions.

To summarize, the proposed interaction of the levels within lived space includes the following aspects:

• Materiality of the built environment, accommodating practices and routines—material perspective (urban materiality and practices), representing the perceived experience within the lived space.
• Socio-cultural context—conceptual perspective (ideas and meanings), reflecting the conceived understanding of the lived space.
• Dwelling perspective (lived experience), capturing the overall essence of the lived space as a direct experience of urban life and its various dimensions—both ideal and material.

3.4. Conceptual Framework: Life Support Module as a Design Object

As the object of design research and practice, we conceptualize the urban environment as a life support module (LSM). This notion is central to our framework of Arctic design (The life support module (LSM) is an original conceptual framework derived from previous theoretical work in our laboratory, which has primarily concentrated on industrial design (see examples and case studies [70,90,91]). This study proposes to apply this concept to the urban environment for the first time; as a result, there are no existing real-world case studies or pilot examples yet. Additionally, the LSM design framework should remain abstract because it cannot and should not have a one-size-fits-all application; there are as many possible interpretations as there are distinct architectural and design contexts in the Arctic. This stance reinforces our main argument about the necessity of context sensitivity and the limitations of universal solutions in Arctic urban design), which focuses on human-centered design of life-supporting systems for geographically isolated, sparsely populated areas of the Arctic region [90]. While artificial life-supporting systems are often associated only with exceptionally extreme environments (e.g., spacesuits, aqualungs, or polar stations), the “buffers” between humans and natural spaces exist wherever people dwell, including urban realms. However, our daily engagement with technology has become so normalized that it is often perceived as transparent [52]. Peter Sloterdijk’s phenomenology describes these artificial environments as spheres—local, fragile, and complex “atmospheric conditions” that function as a “spatial immune system” for humans [96,97]. These “protective shells” play a critical role in ensuring both comfort and safety, particularly in extreme environments.

When discussing LSM’s context sensitivity, harmony emerges as a key concept, balancing necessity and sufficiency in a given situation [44,69]. Harmony can be interpreted as a “single holistic response” [39] (p. 6) to a systemic issue. Thus, within the conceptual framework of Arctic design, a life support module comprises a set of elements designed to protect individuals (and communities) from adverse environmental impacts while maintaining sustainable comfort under specific conditions [70,90,91]. This perspective enables design disciplines—responsible for creating these artificial shells—to adopt a more integrated and holistic approach to addressing the challenges of human life. To simplify, in the design process, it is essential to identify the position of a new system within the existing life support spheres: if no clear place exists for it within this framework—or it is not adjusted well to the present connections and somehow disturbs them—we must critically reconsider the necessity of its creation [70]. In our situation, we can suggest newly designed open public spaces, or modifications to existing ones, as an applied example: if these spaces effectively interact with the surrounding street networks, suggest essential functions, and are tailored to meet the needs of the local community.

There is also a temporal dimension for creating harmonious LSMs within the complex interconnection of actors and processes. Cyclical changes are supplemented and disrupted by temporal bifurcations, where processes diverge unexpectedly [40]. The resilience of an LSM—its ability to adapt to change—relies on adjustments of its content: the technologically produced objects and environments surrounding our everyday life [91]. This ensures that the model, initially tailored to its existing environment—both materially and conceptually—continues to evolve in response to changing context (in a form of lived space and its material and conceptual spheres, as well as human needs). Consequently, the model is both adapted and adaptive to the local practices, tangible (physical) and intangible (mental) comforts, and the identity of the community.

When it comes to differentiating the module’s structural elements, we take into account the affordances presented by the material environment to a dweller. The concept of affordances in design refers to the attributes of an interaction between a design object and a user—in particular, it is about the features that the design offers to the user [98]. There are four defined types of affordances in design: cognitive (which includes perceptual information about an affordance, such as clearly perceived instructions or the physical properties that provide opportunities for action, as outlined by Gibson’s [99] ecological perception), physical (design features that enable physical actions, like the appropriate size of an object), sensory (design aspects related to visual, auditory, tactile, or other sensations), and functional (the intended purpose of the physical affordance) [100]. When these types intersect with our conceptual framework, they highlight three types of affordances that represent opportunities for individuals to interact and utilize (material/perceived sphere), sense (dwelling sphere), and acknowledge (conceptual sphere).

By integrating these types with our conceptual model, we suggest three types of affordances that represent opportunities for a dweller to interact, utilize, and acknowledge their urban surroundings:

• Material affordances (the combination of physical and functional), which create an adequate urban environment that enables the comfort of everyday practices.
• Conceptual affordances, which allow the connection of identity to the place and the formation of an attachment to it.
• Perceptual/sensual affordances, which provide opportunities to sensually perceive and form an emotional impression.

These types of affordances establish corresponding levels of LSMs. These levels do not suggest specific design solutions but identify the purpose of the module at different stages of its adaptation amidst continuous cyclical and one-directional changes: (1) basic/protective level (life and health safety), (2) performative level (functional response to human needs), (3) conceptual level (correspondence to and manifestation of local identity), and (4) sensual level (emotional/imaginative content). By going through these levels of adaptation, urban environments form context-sensitive and resistant life support systems for an Arctic dweller.

To summarize, the efficient functioning of an LSM in an extreme environment is ensured by three main interpretations of context sensitivity as a design principle, addressing the specific needs of extreme environments, as opposed to universal approaches—a context-sensitive LSM is as follows:

• Adapted (creates sustainable comfort under specific conditions by including context in the systemic design process).
• Adaptive (adjusts its content to the changing context while focusing on targeted goals, which ensures resilience).
• Harmonious (ensures the equilibrium between environmental sustainability and the diverse needs of city inhabitants by providing a single, holistic solution for a systemic issue).

The suggested points could be seen as a conceptual framework to establish minimum (basic) requirements for the artificial environment in extreme Arctic conditions.

3.5. Life Support Module as a Medium

The resulting life support module (LSM), as a collection of spatial–technological systems, is not only harmonious, adaptive, and adaptable but also possesses productive capabilities—generating meanings, practices, and sensory experiences. It serves as a mediating buffer that shapes urban experiences and influences the perception of lived space. Drawing on media studies, we explore how the urban environment mediates urban experience through representations, perceptions, and practices. This perspective positions the LSM as more than a material object; it encompasses both the messages conveyed by the environment and how inhabitants perceive and interact with it.

While media studies are criticized for technological determinism, viewing technology as “a self-acting force” that removes “human intentionality from the equation” [57] (p. 180), its relevance to our study lies in the opportunity to consider both the ideal and material layers of urban space as actors in city space formation. The field of media studies extends beyond communication technologies to include the study of everyday objects, technological systems, and spaces as media [58,65]. Cities have become the most widespread and richest media environments [13]. They transmit hypercomplex “clouds of information” made up of multiple intertwined elements of virtual and physical environments [53] (p. 468). Thus, the role of urban space as a medium in human experience can be viewed from two perspectives: as an “in-between” interlayer (instrumental and mediating) and as a generative force (actively producing meanings, practices, and sensations) [58].

Media, in one perspective, exists “in-between”, belonging to neither of the mediated sides [60]. Phenomenologists argue that various technologies have always acted as media, framing our world, revealing and concealing aspects of reality [45], and altering the intensity of human encounters with the “real” world [49]. The body–technology relationship involves a constant reshaping of perceptual regimes, which leads to profound effects on all other aspects of urban experience [52], changing our sense of embodiment in the world [59]. As a result, researchers proclaim the rise of a new poetics of space and a transformed sensorium [47,48].

Despite this intermediary nature, mediation remains grounded in materiality and performative practices [63]. For example, McQuire [66] (p. vii) negates treating media as something separate from the city, seeing it as an “increasingly mobile, instantaneous and pervasive” framework that shapes urban experience. This view suggests that media transforms our sensory perceptions of the environment, influencing our thoughts, actions, and world perception. Consequently, media can be understood as a framework that fundamentally alters the urban experience, i.e., interactions between architecture, social practices, and media, formed into “hybrid spatial ensembles” [66]. In order to comprehend how media “transmit, save, and symbolize” [60] (p. 1), it must be examined within its material and social context [63].

A flaw in the concept of the media as an “in-between” transmitter, mediating perception, is that the mediated ideas are perceived as preceding the media, while the media itself is analyzed as a “neutral” side [64]. For our study, however, this perspective allows us to examine the material urban realm as an artificial shell that mediates our attitudes towards the immediate surroundings, as well as the city and region in general. This perspective also highlights the importance of a phenomenological analysis of the relationships between the body, technological medium, and city.

In extreme environments like the Arctic, the LSM’s role as a mediating buffer is critical. It determines how individuals interact with their environment—whether they adapt, tolerate, or avoid it. LSM’s “in-between” position can reveal and conceal aspects of extreme surroundings, making them more or less comfortable. A module that fails to adapt to both the context and human needs cannot function effectively as a protective system, potentially making the surroundings feel uncomfortable or even hostile. The mediated aspects include all suggested levels of LSM, namely physical (protective), functional, conceptual, and perceptual.

Firstly, the modernist architectural environment in Russian Arctic cities exemplifies the consequences of neglecting the context-sensitive principle in terms of protective and functional content of urban realm. Detached, prefabricated buildings, adapted from their southern counterparts, provide living spaces that are, in fact, fully insulated from external conditions [8,101]. The urban layout focuses on microrayons, which are densely constructed residential areas designed with a closed-contour principle to shield residents from harsh winds and snow [101,102]. Schools, kindergartens, and other amenities are located within walking distance of these microrayons [101,102]. In this approach, the architecture is defined by the wall section design, prefabrication, and mechanical systems, rather than the layout of the physical spaces themselves [101].

The design of open public spaces and streets for pedestrian activities was not a deliberate aspect of urban planning in Arctic Soviet cities. At the same time, winter public spaces require higher climatic design standards to ensure they are effectively utilized for soft mobility. This highlights the limitations of conventional planning approaches in polar contexts [88], alongside significant critiques of modernist urban designs in the Russian Arctic [6,19,101,102]. For instance, it has been observed that wide, parallel streets can channel harsh northern winds, resulting in an urban environment that hinders meaningful interaction with open spaces, both functionally and sensorially [8,80,81,101,103] (see Figure 2, illustrating the enclosed microrayons and streets, mainly adjusted for car mobility, not for pedestrian activity).

Secondly, there is a significant link between the material aspects (both protective and functional) and the conceptual elements related to local identity, particularly in how well environmental affordances align with the needs of residents. As discussed, there is a strong connection to the Arctic natural environment within the local urban identity, along with a desire and willingness to engage with the “fresh air”, even during the cold winter months [29]. A strong appreciation for Arctic nature, demonstrated through the high prevalence among urban dwellers of activities like hunting, fishing, berry picking, and even gardening, may be central to the local urban identity [83,104]. This raises an important question: how can we create open spaces that are both adapted to and adaptive within the challenging conditions of northern cities while ensuring a harmonious balance between fresh air interaction and the physical comfort that comes with it?

Thermal comfort, influenced by factors such as temperature, humidity, wind speed, and radiation, indeed significantly impacts how individuals perceive and utilize outdoor spaces [105]. In the Arctic, however, extreme seasonal variations—characterized by the sharp contrast between brief, warm, bright summers and extended, cold, dark winters, along with dynamic inter-seasonal conditions—significantly affect the accessibility and material content of spaces (see Figure 3). Yet many studies tend to concentrate specifically on the conditions of winter [106]. The seasonal transitions may impose more complex demands on the built environment than winter alone. Research indicates that transitional seasons (April–May and October–November) play a crucial role in altering comfort levels in Arctic cities, including those in Western Siberia [107]. The main challenge to soft mobility occurs when temperatures are around zero degrees Celsius, resulting in a mix of snow, ice, slush, and water on the ground [88,106]. Furthermore, accessibility issues arise from seasonal changes, such as walkways being covered by snow or inter-seasonal rainfall creating puddles. As seen in one of our expeditions, these challenges are especially pertinent in cities like Novyy Urengoy, where the lack of storm drainage—due to difficulties and financial coasts of creating it on permafrost—intensifies the difficulties of managing water and ice during transitional periods.

Our suggested understanding of an LSM that is both contextually relevant and adaptable highlights the necessity for focused research on urban microclimate—and its cyclical dynamics—tailored to specific design contexts. Unfortunately, this type of research is limited in the domestic literature, except some studies focusing on broad assessments of individual provinces or entire regions (e.g., [108,109]). Meanwhile, to develop optimal design solutions that incorporate microclimate considerations, urban designers need predictive tools to assist them during the design process [110]. The global body of climate-sensitive urban design, which has evolved over recent decades, presents various methodologies for conducting such research, including studies related to Arctic cities [51,110]. For example, studies have supported intuitively expected patterns in how citizens appreciate public urban spaces during good weather conditions, particularly in polar regions where the long, dark winters and brief summers foster a strong connection between residents and the sun [51]. This results in a heightened desire to enjoy sunlight whenever possible [51]. Practical applications of climate knowledge in urban planning involve taking advantage of the consistently low winter temperatures to support winter cyclists and other non-motorized transportation options [87,109], together with climatically adjusted forms of entertainment—a frozen river as an accessible playground, winter sledding slopes, and snow and ice sculptures—aimed at “(un)shielding from winter” through deliberate interaction with it [111] (p. 153). This, however, places a responsibility on architecture and urban planning to conceive and implement affordances, adequate specifically to this place.

Thirdly, the life support module serves as a medium that not only offers protective and functional elements but also functions on the sensory level of urban experience. For instance, in a winter city, the varying snow coverage alters illumination and color perception [112], as well as the physical characteristics of the place, meaning that snow and slush significantly transform the urban landscape and its visual image [88,106]. Therefore, it can be said that the built environment mediates emotional/sensual/imaginative content. Factors such as natural light patterns, artificial lighting, colors and textures of building materials, as well as elements of the natural landscape (soil, vegetation, and water bodies), and the overall spatial arrangement and geometry collectively shape the emotional landscape of a city, experienced through our daily lives. The modernist “tyranny of the straight line” often disregards the inherent context, compelling individuals to conform their daily practices to the space rather than adapting the space to their needs [113] (p. 204). The prevalence of modernist cityscapes stems from abstract ideals of “universal” functionalism [96,113]. This modern architecture, particularly in high-latitude regions, leads to a “sterile” and monotonous environment [114]. A phenomenological approach to understanding material environments highlights the potential negative impacts such spaces may have on an individual’s mental state [80,81,103]. Architecture characterized by simple volumetric forms often lacks meaningful emotional stimuli, which can result in sensory deprivation (ibid). The repetitive blocks and rigid spatial organization can evoke boredom, leaving sensory systems under-stimulated [81]. The challenge of excessive scale in these environments is particularly evident in Arctic Russian cities, exemplified by expansive squares and wide streets designed primarily for vehicle traffic (see Figure 2). This leads to our hypothesis regarding the “cold” visual and sensory qualities of these spaces, suggesting that urban environments may be perceived as “detached” or “hostile”, which can adversely affect the overall image of the city. A design objective at this level could be envisioned as an urban environment where sensory and functional aspects evolve with the seasons, reflecting the dynamic nature of the surroundings.

3.6. Life Support Module as a Message

The second perspective on urban environment as a medium is to see it as a message/content itself. Rather than being a mere technical means of conveying messages, media can be examined as environments that “actively wrap around us and corporeally affect the way we experience and (re)present ourselves and (inter)act with others” [13] (p. 35). Here, the medium itself is no longer identifiable, leading to the confusion of content/message and the medium itself [64], or to a medium becoming a message on its own [115]. As both medium and content (since content cannot exist without a medium) [68], urban space, from this perspective, emerges as an independent source for representing and creating ideas about place. This perspective is especially relevant to our study at the conceptual level of the LSM, as it is revealed through everyday practices and perceptions of the environment.

Works on digital urbanism reveal cities as “common, shared and symbolically dense spaces of experience in which the sensorium is embedded” [47] (p. x). In contrast to the technologically driven version of the city as a medium (where the urban environment is connected to media technologies), this perspective highlights the meaningful nature of the city as a mediating environment itself [62]. For example, the concept of the city as an interface describes urban space as a communication system that links individual and communal identities in shared social representations [16,56]. Such a view allows us to consider urban materiality as a mediating environment that does not simply “lie between sender and receiver”, but “includes and constitutes them” [67] (p. 4).

Practices and representations are embedded in urban materiality and communicated to residents through daily interactions in the form of rhythms, traditions, and power structures [56]. In line with our conceptual framework, these foundational elements embedded in the urban setting encompass patterns of movement, local significance, and sensory triggers. Viewing the urban environment as a mediated message, reflected in its physical structures, highlights the connection between abstract concepts and concrete materiality. LSMs not only regulate and influence behavior but also impart meaning to residents, providing a lens through which to understand societal attitudes towards the space. This prompts an important question about context sensitivity: what message does the built environment send to its inhabitants?

The Arctic and the circumpolar north have long been viewed from a distance. Together with the fact that it was historically challenging for “outsiders” to access, this region served as a canvas for the projection of myths and fantasies of a place that is “uninhabited, white, empty, frigid, terrifying, and full of inexplicable wonders” [87] (p. 9). In urban studies, this perspective examines built forms as material outcomes of globally interconnected processes, embodied at specific points in space and time [42] (p. 73). In the case of Arctic urbanism, this deconstruction concerns the narratives behind attempts to transfer mainstream urbanism to high latitudes. By disrupting the hegemonic and hierarchical relationships between designers and end users, and between “modernized” and “underdeveloped” areas, postcolonialism provides a design with a framework for adaptive and decentralized methods of context analysis and organic adaptation [41].

To examine the interaction between global flows of capital, ideas, symbols, and technology with local sense of place, we refer to the concept of the space of flows [15]. While there is a critique of Castells’ concept for oversimplifying the relationship between fluidity and fixity in spatial organization [34], it suggests a perspective that challenges the traditional boundaries of physical space and examines the opposition of place and global universality. As an urban dimension, the space of flows is a part of the urban space experience, opposed to (and coexisting with) the “space of places” as a “traditional physical world of neighbors and local business nodes within metropolitan regions” [116] (p. 588). As digital networks bring distant contexts into an immediate environment [59], the opposition of global and local is seen as one of the challenges for cities today.

Decentralization is one of the main aspects of the interconnectedness of geographically located spaces and long-distance flows [67]. Cities are now constructed as dynamic flows of information and can be analyzed as “concentrations of physical and cultural power” [62] (p. 721). Differently situated agents developing their own spatial and temporal perspectives allow for situated knowledge and place-based aesthetics, which in turn can articulate alternative geographical imaginaries [31]. These spatialities are produced through “multiple processes flowing together to construct a single consistent, coherent, though multi-faceted time-space system” [31] (p. 131). Analyzing these complex spatialities and transforming them into “environments for human experience” [1] (p. 100) is a task for design disciplines.

By combining the two perspectives on urban space as an intermediate buffer and as a self-contained message, we can examine the urban realm as a medium with the following properties:

• As an intermediate mediator, LSM influences our sensory perception and behavior. The urban experience, shaped by our interaction with the module, creates a foundation for conceptual ideas that inform our understanding of the city and the surrounding region. Additionally, it fosters a comprehensive emotional image of the area, capturing the practical sensory experiences derived from an individual’s engagement with their environment, as mediated by the LSM.
• As a message, the LSM embodies narratives embedded in the urban environment through the social production of space. These narratives shape our conceptual understanding of the place, while sensory triggers—such as visual, auditory, and tactile cues—contribute to the overall impressions formed by dwellers. The LSM, therefore, serves as a medium through which urban space communicates its cultural, social, and environmental significance.

Figure 4 visually represents the interconnected flows of input (information embodied in materiality) and output (information received by the dweller), illustrating the uniform process of experiencing urban space through daily interaction. This perspective suggests that the urban module is “wrapped around” the dweller, while lived space encapsulates the dweller’s view as the focal point of urban experience. The figure also reflects the proposed idea of lived space, which bridges the conceptual and material aspects of urban space and positions them in relation to the dweller’s perspective. Consequently, the design object goes beyond the isolated material environment to encompass both the message conveyed by the environment and the way in which its inhabitants perceive and interact with that space.

Our primary goal is to counteract the top-down approaches to urban development that emerged during colonial times, which were based more on familiar spatial arrangements than on a conceptual understanding of the environment. For instance, applying this framework as a methodology for pre-design research would offer valuable insights into how residents perceive their urban surroundings, the common practices within these spaces, and the new spatial experiences that could be integrated into projects, enhancing the existing system of spatial experience.

A summary of the suggested conceptual model is presented in

Table 1. Conceptual model of the Arctic city space.

Lived Space (Design Context)
Material Perspective (Urban Materiality and Practices)	Conceptual Perspective (Ideas and Meanings)	Dwelling Perspective (Lived Experience)
(1) characteristics of urban materiality—built environment, placed in a particular geographical point, characterized by physical manifestations of natural conditions, e.g., temperature, wind, natural light patterns, precipitation—constituting an overall sense of physical comfort and opportunities for performing these daily routines (2) practices—the functions of physical affordances, the order of habits and movements occurring in urban materiality	system of signs, meanings, knowledge, and identities, including individual and social representations, encompassing local spatiality to counteract globalized flows	practical everyday experience of being engaged in a specific built environment, which has distinct material attributes—as sensually/emotionally perceived by a dweller
Arctic city context
modernist architectural environment, where the design of open public spaces and streets for pedestrian activities was not a deliberate aspect of urban planning, led to the lack of all-season scenarios of practices due to the lack of physical comfort	Arctic cities in Russia are referred to as spaces of flows with a diverse mix of cultural attitudes temporarily united by the Arctic space, without the need to assimilate into the original local identity—the culture of the indigenous peoples the dependence on spatial mobility tied to the resource market, alongside broader economic and political contexts, introduces significant uncertainty	the prevalence of modernist “sterile” cityscapes with a monotonous environment leads to the potential negative impacts such spaces may have on an individual’s mental state sensory deprivation and boredom may result from architecture characterized by simple volumetric forms, often lacking meaningful emotional stimuli the overall “cold” visual and sensory qualities of these spaces suggest that urban environments may be perceived as “detached” or “hostile”, which can adversely affect the overall image of the city
LSM (urban environment as a design object) as a medium
the material level of the urban environment both highlights and conceals elements/characteristics of extreme surroundings, influencing comfort levels and affecting the availability of practical features in that space: (1) material characteristics of the urban environment, which mediate physical sensations and enable comfort of everyday practices (mediation of physical affordances) (2) functional content embedded in spatial–technological systems (mediation of practical affordances and habitual routines and routes)	(3) the conceptual level of the urban environment mediates meaning, gathered from the flow of capital, ideas, images, symbols, and technology and embedded in urban materiality this raises the question of what message the built environment conveys to its inhabitants, since this meaning serves as a framework for understanding society’s attitude towards this place	(4) the perceptual level mediates the sense of embodiment through defining relationships between the body and urban materiality, shaping the emotional landscape of a city, experienced through our daily lives.
	level of LSM adaptation
(1) protective level (physical affordances as mediation of climatic conditions for creating physical comfort) (2) performative level (functional affordances as a response to human needs)	(3) environment as a material expression of place and local identity, as opposed to global universality	(4) sensual level as an emotional/imaginative content of the environment
	design system objective
a harmonious balance between fresh air interaction and physical comfort, achieved through the urban environment where material aspects are adapted and adaptive to all-season practices: (1) comfortable space inviting for interaction (climate comfort as a means of creating incentives to interact with the open space of the city) (2) functionally rich urban experience (seasonally adaptive urban environment, containing diverse affordances for practices)	the foundation of the diverse urban culture of Arctic newcomers developed through the process of design interpretation, showcasing a harmonious integration with the local context and fostering a deeper sense of place; the outcome is the urban environment as a meaningful place (as a tool for forming attachment to a place)	a richly engaging urban experience that adapts to seasonal changes; these elements can serve two purposes: to highlight the transformations in nature—such as enhancing the perception of a wintry landscape with a soft horizon line created by diffused lighting—or to counterbalance these changes, like incorporating the natural hues of a chilly winter dawn into an artificial setting during the polar night the tools for creating emotional imagery include natural light patterns, artificial lighting, the colors and textures of building materials, and elements of the natural landscape like soil, vegetation, and water bodies, as well as the overall spatial arrangement and geometry, etc.
context-sensitive analysis
(1) targeted analyses, using methods in urban climatology, focus on the local urban microclimate and its cyclical changes to select optimal architectural solutions for creating climatic comfort (2) analysis of space utilization to uncover its potential for providing affordances, with the help of structured/unstructured observation, in particular, observational walking and drifting, catching the urban environment as an integrated space, structured and semi structured interviews, and surveys	aligning environmental sensory qualities with conceptual place identity and material characteristics (geography, climate, and existing urban fabric); the primary objective is to examine the local identity through direct methods, such as in-depth interviews, along with systematic literature reviews and discourse analysis to analyze the local socio-cultural, historical, and economic context; also, this could include social media and big data analysis	capturing the ways dwellers sensually perceive the place, in particular, the immediate environment the dwellers’ perspective here is key; thus, in addition to traditional methods like in-depth interviews (which could include associative arrays), it can be useful to refer to mental maps, sense walking, transect walks, and emotional and behavioral mapping

. The table is organized in order from general to particular and summarizes the following:

• The overarching urban space model (“Lived space”) alongside the challenges faced in Arctic urban planning (“Arctic city context”), derived from an extensive review of the literature on the development and current state of Russian Arctic cities (e.g., [2,3,4,5,6,8,17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,25,26,27,28,29,30] and other studies). Our analysis was further informed by field data, particularly observational studies of physical spaces.
• “LSM as a medium”, which illustrates the interconnections between the model’s levels and the associated levels of LSM, framed within the theoretical context of media studies, and further detailed in “LSM levels of adaptation”.
• “Design system objectives”, which clarify the primary goals for each level, acting as focal points throughout the ongoing cycles of LSM adaptation.
• The “Context-sensitive analyses section” examines potential avenues for future context-sensitive research aligned with the defined levels, suggesting practical applications of the proposed theoretical framework as a methodology for the design process.

4. Discussion

4.1. The Life Support Module: Theoretical Principles and Their Practical Significance

Our conceptualization of the urban environment as a life support module (LSM) represents a fundamental shift in understanding Arctic urban design. Rather than functioning as a protective bubble, the urban environment serves as an “in-between” mediator, shaping our perceptions and experiences of the immediate surroundings through various physical, functional, and sensory affordances [117,118]. This understanding challenges the traditional approach of creating fully enclosed artificial spheres, exemplified by historical projects of cities “under a dome” [6,19]. While such solutions might seem logical in extreme conditions, they often perpetuate colonial ambitions of high modernism [4,11] and fail to address the complex relationship between residents and their environment.

The inadequacy of universal “southern” solutions in Arctic contexts [111] has prompted a broader discussion about the northern paradigm, which exists in constant tension with the dominant southern paradigm in artificial environments and technological systems. This tension has given rise to significant methodological developments, particularly exemplified by the Winter Cities movement within Canadian and Nordic urban planning. This movement’s fundamental principle of celebrating winter rather than merely enduring it [77,97,119,120,121,122,123,124,125] has produced climate-sensitive design approaches focused on all-season functionality of open public spaces.

Research suggests that our mindset, rather than the “true nature” of winter, influences our attitude towards Arctic conditions [120]. This mindset is intrinsically linked to how our artificial “shell” synchronizes with the natural environment; urban realms emphasizing summer use inevitably “perpetuate frustrations related to winter” [122]. The LSM concept addresses this by considering not only physical and functional affordances but also conceptual and emotional perceptions, contributing to the holistic cultural identity of a place.

4.2. Critical Challenges in Arctic Urban Design

Contemporary Arctic cities face significant challenges in reconciling global influences with local needs. Standard urban solutions, designed for temperate climates and traditional urban behaviors, often fail in Arctic conditions [111]. This failure is particularly evident in public spaces designed around the concept of the flaneur—the idealized citizen of Western modernity who engages in leisurely strolling [50]. The harsh Arctic climate fundamentally challenges these assumptions about urban behavior and space usage.

The persistent influence of colonial approaches in urban development [2,4,7,11,18,19,25] presents another significant challenge. Media studies enable us to understand urban materiality as a communicative medium, transmitting ideas to dwellers through urban experiences [79,80,103,114,126,127,128,129]. This perspective becomes particularly relevant in the Arctic context, where colonial narratives are often embedded in materiality formation. Consequently, postcolonial and decolonial frameworks have become crucial for architectural research and practice [2,7,11,18,21,23,24,41,42,43,44,130,131].

The case of Kiruna, Sweden, illustrates these challenges vividly. The city’s relocation has raised important questions about authenticity and heritage in relation to structural environmental changes [132]. Research indicates that Kiruna’s significance extends beyond its geographical location to encompass community practices and relationships embedded in its physical spaces [133]. This example underscores how place attachment and identity interact with urban materiality in complex ways that standard planning approaches often fail to address.

4.3. Towards Context-Sensitive Arctic Urbanism

Context sensitivity in Arctic urban design requires a fundamental shift from universal solutions to place-based approaches. This is particularly evident in the Nordic region, where design disciplines emphasize sustainability, cultural sensitivity, and decolonial practices [87]. Place-based design aims to foster meaning and identity markers that resonate with local self-identification and contextual specificity [129], particularly shaped by the concept of “winterness” [88,120].

The value of local knowledge becomes apparent in examples of locally assembled and adapted technologies. As documented by ethnographers, standardized design and construction methods often fail to meet local community needs [134]. The concept of local adequacy—understood as a grassroots design strategy—highlights the importance of practices that are “locally assembled, maintained, and repaired”. Montreal’s community-driven snow removal service for older residents [121] exemplifies how local initiatives can effectively address Arctic urban challenges while strengthening social bonds.

In the Russian context, the struggle between northern and southern paradigms is particularly evident in current urban development approaches. Analysis of proposed urban projects reveals a focus on enhancing attractiveness and increasing urban competitiveness [24] under the guise of creating a more comfortable environment. This manifests through master plans, design codes, and projects that adhere to mainstream urban practices, “framed by the credibility of Moscow’s ‘best practices’” [23].

The concept of lived space as a design context emphasizes adopting a first-person perspective to understand how local practices and technological solutions address challenges. The role of design and architecture here is to create connections between the global and the local, counteracting spatial segregation and promoting diversity [16]. This can be achieved by focusing on structuring the space of places as “living space”, restoring local symbolic meaning throughout the urban fabric.

Our model attempts to systematize these critical questions of Arctic urbanism—the tension between locality and mainstream practices, the role of placemaking, the formation of local identity, and the development of all-season urban practices—into a unified conceptual framework. This integration provides a comprehensive foundation for addressing the unique challenges and opportunities of Arctic urban environments, particularly crucial in resource-oriented Western Siberia, where newcomers’ material culture often relies on southern analogues imported to high latitudes [135].

4.4. Limitations and Future Research Directions

While our study presents a comprehensive theoretical framework for Arctic urban design through the life support module concept, some might view its abstract nature and lack of specific real-world applications as a limitation. However, we argue that this abstraction is actually a key strength of the LSM concept. The module must remain abstract precisely because it cannot and should not have a universal form of application—there are as many potential manifestations of the LSM as there are specific architectural and design contexts in the Arctic.

This position aligns with emerging research on design for extreme environments. For instance, Usenyuk-Kravchuk et al. [134] demonstrate how local adequacy as a design strategy manifests in multiple unique solutions for Arctic mobility. While their case studies of grassroots innovations in transportation may not be directly applicable to urban environments, they provide valuable evidence of successful material adaptation to Arctic extremes through context-sensitive approaches. This example illustrates how abstract theoretical frameworks can guide diverse practical solutions while respecting local specificity.

The practical implementation of the LSM concept emerges as a key direction for future research, not to create universal solutions but to understand how the framework can inform varied context-specific applications. This aligns with the systemic design principle of moving from universal concepts to “ultimate particulars” [38], where theoretical understanding precedes and guides, rather than prescribes, practical application. Future research should focus on identifying and analyzing examples of context-sensitive design in Arctic environments, while recognizing that each solution must emerge from its specific local context.

This research trajectory acknowledges that while theoretical frameworks are essential for understanding complex systems, their value lies not in providing ready-made solutions but in offering conceptual tools for developing locally appropriate responses. The LSM concept provides this foundation while maintaining the necessary flexibility for diverse implementations across various Arctic contexts.

While the current empirical base of this study provides sufficient foundation for exploratory qualitative research, we recognize the need for expanded data collection in future work. As an initial foray into understanding the relationship between architectural environments and individual perceptions/conceptual representations in Arctic contexts, this research has produced a preliminary model refined through exploratory field data analysis. The exploratory nature of this study specifically aimed to (1) establish foundational hypotheses about these relationships, and (2) develop an adaptable framework for subsequent investigation, outlining specific directions for both theoretical and practical/empirical research (e.g., in the form of levels of architectural adaptation). Moving forward, essential validation steps include quantitative testing with expanded samples and comparative studies across heterogeneous Arctic settlements to evaluate the model’s context-specific adaptations.

5. Conclusions

The urban realm reveals a society’s fundamental attitudes towards space. This resulting space acts as an “active constitutive element” [61] (p. 65) in mediating urban life and shaping individual and social perceptions. The unmatched characteristics of Russian Arctic cities—their spatial organization, size, population, and extreme climate—necessitate the development of targeted urban strategies. Our research hypothesis emerges from this understanding: an urban environment that is not adapted to its context can perpetuate disaffected attitudes towards the city and region in general. This suggests that urban design plays a significant role in challenging existing societal perspectives on the “empty” and “hostile” Arctic. It necessitates the search for systemic design principles for the Arctic’s harsh and ecologically vulnerable territories.

Based on the model (Figure 4, Table 1), we hypothesize that design works with both the “input” (embodied in) material urban environment and received by a dweller (“output”) program of (1) physical perception, (2) interaction, (3) sensual perception, and (4) conceptual message. In the current paper, we attempted to define the ultimate goals of designing these aspects (Table 1). The goals do not suggest specific design solutions but identify the purpose of the design system, ensuring its further resistance in continuous adaptation. This opens up directions for future research of suggested model implementation, corresponding to defined levels of LSM adaptation:

• An extreme environment reinforces the protective role of the urban shell, emphasizing the research on the ways design can create sustainable physical comfort while encouraging interaction with open urban space.
• Given the importance of soft mobility as a tool for creating close city dweller relationships [51,77] and northerners’ appreciation of natural Arctic surroundings [17], there is a pressing need for targeted field research on the way people interact with the Arctic urban environment, as well as for conceptual design tools for creating a diversity of seasonal practices.
• Highlighting perceptual space as the central element of the model emphasizes targeted field research on how dwellers emotionally/mentally perceive a city. Based on these findings, a design intervention could be implemented to transform this image. This approach implies a phenomenological analysis of the relationships between the body, technological medium, and city, as well as conceptualizing the desired image of a friendly, warm, and welcoming urban environment.
• There is a need for design interpretation of local identity, based on socio-cultural and anthropological research of Russian Arctic cities (which is a rather developed research sphere compared to Arctic architecture and design), in order to overcome the centralized design perspective on locality.

The systemic analysis reveals the weakness of addressing individual public open spaces or general “beautification” instead of viewing the city as a holistic and interconnected urban experience. Thus, the proposed concept should be seen as a basis for further theoretical and practical implications. Our main contribution aims to offset the methods of shaping the urban environment that were formed during colonial appropriation, which were based not on conceptual understanding but on the transposition of familiar ways of organizing space. The acceptance of local multi-faceted time–space systems allows for critically re-examining and, by extension, re-imagining urban reality through radical, speculative design, with “future” being one of the main categories considered by this discipline [136]. Since the urban realm acts as a constitutive element in individual and social perceptions, this shift could play a significant role in challenging existing societal perspectives on the “empty” and “hostile” Arctic.