Next Article in Journal
Multi-Objective Framework for Resilient Post-Disaster Self-Built Residential Buildings
Next Article in Special Issue
Editorial for the Special Issue “The Future of Built Heritage Conservation”
Previous Article in Journal
Youth Engagement in Water Quality Monitoring: Uncovering Ecosystem Benefits and Challenges
Previous Article in Special Issue
Joint Management Plans in World Heritage serial nominations: the case of Álvaro Siza’s Modern Contextualism Legacy
 
 
Font Type:
Arial Georgia Verdana
Font Size:
Aa Aa Aa
Line Spacing:
Column Width:
Background:
Article

Building Home in Exile: The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Crafts, and Material Culture Among Resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK

School of Architecture, University of Liverpool, Liverpool L69 7ZN, UK
Architecture 2024, 4(4), 1020-1046; https://doi.org/10.3390/architecture4040054
Submission received: 8 July 2024 / Revised: 21 October 2024 / Accepted: 8 November 2024 / Published: 12 November 2024
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Future of Built Heritage Conservation)

Abstract

:
Since the onset of the Syrian conflict in 2011, millions of Syrians have sought refuge globally, with thousands resettling in the UK. Despite their displacement, Syrians have brought with them a rich array of inherited knowledge and traditions, collectively known as intangible cultural heritage (ICH). The construction of domestic spaces by these settlers and their struggle to feel at home have emerged as important topics in migration studies, particularly when housing issues are considered as a critical aspect of their transcultural social engagement and the evolving boundaries of their identity and belonging. However, the role of ICH, along with the related crafts and movable objects, in the home-making practices of forced migrants remains under-researched. This gap is especially significant given that the UK recently ratified the 2003 UNESCO Convention on the safeguarding of ICH after a decade-long delay. Through in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted in the interviewees’ native Arabic within their home environments and supported by an observational study, this research explores how resettled Syrians in Liverpool integrate traditional ICH practices into their new homes, focusing on the dynamic relationship between the intangible and built heritage. By examining how intangible knowledge and movable objects interplay in creating a ‘Syrian home’, this study contributes to discussions on community engagement and the role of memory in conservation. The findings underscore the importance of ICH in maintaining cultural continuity and identity in the diaspora, providing insights into the inclusive heritage conservation practices in migrant contexts. This research highlights two key insights: first, the essential role that ICH, along with the associated crafts and movable objects, plays in constructing new homes in the diaspora, particularly in how these items serve as the carriers of cultural identity and continuity; and second, the symbolic significance of Syrian homes, especially their interior designs and decorations, as reflections of a blend of sociocultural practices that Syrians are committed to preserving.

1. Introduction

Formal and ordered appearance, ritualized arrival and entry, gardens, spacious terraces, and the resulting unneighborly interactivity form a series of tell-tale details and illustrate how architecture gives visibility to the cultural classification of architectural history [1].
For the past decade, Syrians have been striving to find stability either within their country or abroad. By 2021, approximately 28,000 Syrians had relocated to the UK, establishing new homes [2]. The UK government introduced the Syrian Vulnerable Persons Resettlement Scheme in 2014 to offer protection to the most vulnerable Syrians. The scheme concluded in 2021, with the majority of Syrians resettled through government assistance and a smaller number through community sponsorship [3]. Those resettled under this scheme arrived with UNHCR recognition as refugees and were provided with pathways to permanent residence and citizenship. They also benefited from secure travel arrangements, initial reception and support, housing, English language classes, employment assistance, healthcare, and other essential services [4].
Despite the loss or risk of destruction to their built heritage, which holds ancestral stories and shapes their lives, Syrians have successfully preserved and carried with them their intangible cultural heritage (ICH). This encompasses their inherited knowledge and daily practices that define their identity. Although “making home is arguably one of the most universal and, at the same time, social, cultural, and place-specific processes that characterize human life” [5], the impact of ICH on displaced people and their efforts to create new homes and adapt to new settings has not been thoroughly investigated. Specifically, how ICH traditions and practices influence the tangible aspects of interior design and decoration, as well as the style, materials, and objects used within the home for both decorative purposes and daily living has not been addressed. To provide an overview of the ICH practices in Syria, the following list presents examples of ICH elements from the country. These elements are categorized according to the UNESCO-defined domains [6] and are documented by the Syria Trust for Development [7] (Figure 1).
  • Oral traditions and expressions: Examples include mūlawīyah (traditional folk-lyric poetry) and Syriac Christian music.
  • Performing arts, such as Circassian dances [8] and shadow-play theater.
  • Social practices, rituals, and festive events, including the celebration of Eid al-Fiṭr and the rituals associated with traditional coffee-making and drinking [9].
  • Knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe: An example is the role of an al-‘aṭār, a practitioner who dispenses traditional herbal remedies and is commonly found in specialized shops within historic marketplaces.
  • Traditional craftsmanship: Examples include rug-making and weaving, as well as ‘ajamī painting [10].
The notion of home is a universally relatable concept, often associated with comfort and safety. Home has been defined in various ways, such as a socio-spatial unit, a psycho-spatial condition, and a “warehouse” of emotions and sentimental attachments [11]. The concept of home differs significantly from that of a house, and similarly, the meanings of space and place vary. According to Smyth and Croft (2006), space becomes meaningful “with the life that occupies it”, changing both materially and spiritually with the presence of aggregated value in that location [12]. Perkins et al. (2002) distinguish between a house and a home by stating that while space is something we live in, a home is something that is conceived or conceptualized. The homeowner arranges their home based on needs and personal taste, and the inhabitants adapt their homes through decoration and personalization [13]. This allows residents to express their personalities, making the interior and contents of their homes a reflection of themselves [14].
There is a growing body of scholarship that systematically examines how displaced individuals create, reproduce, and re-enact home in various circumstances [15,16,17,18,19]. Scholars often highlight the dual meaning of home as both “a bounded place” and “a meaningful and emotionalized kind of relationship with place” [20]. International organizations, particularly the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), have initiated several campaigns to understand what home means to refugees and how they temporarily resettle in camps, which sometimes become long-term residences. For instance, the #WhatHomeMeans campaign captures images from refugees to explore “what does home mean when you’ve been forced to flee yours because of war and persecution; what makes somewhere new a home?” [21]. Existing research has primarily examined how displaced Syrians engage in home-making practices during their temporary stays in neighboring countries, such as Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, Iraq, and Turkey [22,23]. Additionally, the larger body of studies has explored how Syrians engage in home-making practices during their prolonged and fragmented journeys out of Syria, which involve experiences of home loss. These journeys entail creating a sense of home in challenging displacement conditions and include participating in new social, cultural, or economic activities, recalling the memories of home, and engaging in struggles over rights and belonging. These home-making practices continue even in the absence of family and community connections and the perception of Syrians as homeless [24].
Azraq and Zaatari camps have been the focus of several studies investigating aspects of home-making and place-making among Syrian refugees. One study by Albadra, Coley, and Hart (2018) assessed the indoor environmental quality of shelters and found that the unsatisfactory indoor conditions led many households to use scrap materials to expand their living spaces, creating outdoor areas like courtyards [25]. This adaptation not only improved their living conditions but also demonstrated their resilience and resourcefulness, as these expansions utilized traditional building knowledge passed down through generations. Similarly, Kirk et al. (2018) focused on life inside standardized modular shelters in the Zaatari camp, revealing that interior decorations served as more than just functional elements. They acted as psychological escapes and coping mechanisms for the residents, who often upcycled old materials to create décor that helped maintain a sense of dignity and pride amidst scarcity [26]. This practice highlighted the importance of preserving cultural identity and personal agency in displacement settings. Another study by Paszkiewicz and Fosas (2019) examined how different levels of refugee agency affected mental health and overall wellbeing in both the Zaatari and Azraq camps. Their findings underscored the importance of providing refugees with greater control over their living conditions, which humanized the refugee experience and enhanced their mental health. This study suggested that resettlement organizations should focus on improving refugee homes to meet the unique needs and experiences of the displaced, rather than merely providing basic shelter [27].
Dalal’s (2017) research on interior decorations and place-making in the Zaatari camp complemented the above findings as it highlighted the diverse decorative techniques and styles employed by Syrian refugees from different regions. Despite originating from the same country, these refugees brought unique cultural elements to their shelter decorations, reflecting a rich diversity within the camps [28]. Dalal’s study provided valuable insights but also indicated the need for more detailed comparisons and standardized categories to fully understand the impact of such practices. Zibar et al. (2022) examined the concept of home among Syrian refugees in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, revealing that home is composed of intertwined tangible and intangible bonds. The tangible aspects include the physical spaces and the people rooted in various temporal and geographical contexts. Meanwhile, the intangible bonds involve the emotional connections that link one’s former self with the positive emotional states associated with their previous home [29]. These studies collectively emphasize the critical role of environmental and personal agency factors in the well-being of displaced individuals. They highlight the creative and resilient ways refugees adapt to challenging circumstances, using inherited traditional knowledge and limited resources to recreate a sense of home and preserve their cultural identity in exile. This is particularly evident in how they transform their living environments through decoration, crafts, and small objects. Moreover, they utilize this traditional knowledge to shape and extend spaces, creating both movable and immovable elements that reflect their socio-cultural identity.
Another body of research on the notion of belonging and the creation of home was conducted in distant places such as Europe, Australia, and North America [30,31,32]. However, these studies have predominantly focused on migration rather than ICH and the associated crafts. For instance, Shamman et al. (2022) in their book “Migration, Culture, and Identity” explore the dynamic processes of making, remaking, losing, and reviving homes through migration, questioning what it means to create a home away from home. They ask how spaces of resettlement reflect both the continuation of old homes and the emergence of new experiences [33]. Although some research has touched on the cultural aspects, there remains a scant understanding of the comprehensive impact of ICH traditions. For example, the study by Hashem et al. (2022) highlights the importance of recording life stories, cultural and political memories, and archiving oral histories to document and establish a counter-narrative led by the displaced. When examining the meanings and experiences of home for displaced individuals, Hashem et al. (2022) argue that making home for irregular migrants from the Global South is often difficult and sometimes unattainable within the current climate in Britain, mainly because of the perception of the particular sociocultural groups [34]. Creative expressions, such as visual arts and music, can provide meaningful ways to experience home and home-making [35]. These practices transcend territorial boundaries, addressing and bridging emotions across cultures, languages, and generations. For instance, the OneLoveKitchen project in Athens exemplifies how migrants and refugees can enrich local culinary culture with their recipes and practices of sharing, care, and solidarity, thereby constituting a dynamic and transformative kind of ICH [36].
While literature on how refugees create homes exists, the focus on ICH has been limited. This is crucial, as ICH maintains a sense of identity and facilitates understanding and communication between different cultural groups. Furthermore, significant research on ICH related to refugees often pertains to camp settings. For example, international laws and their relationship with ICH have been reviewed to highlight the importance of safeguarding refugee heritage during the journey from persecution to resettlement [37]. Efforts by organizations like Homeland Document to archive war-related testimonies and traditional crafts contribute to reshaping individual and collective memories. Studies show that such documentation is vital for understanding and preserving the ICH of displaced communities [38]. Nibal (2024) argues that Syrian ICH embodies a unique and intrinsic link between physical and non-physical heritage in their homeland. This connection is evident in cultural spaces, like mosques, churches, bazaars, and khans (caravanserais), which not only represent official heritage through their monumental structures but also serve as public venues for traditions and crafts. Furthermore, Syrian ICH carries a significant emotional dimension, making it particularly sensitive and vulnerable to the pressures of modernity and economic growth. This emotional connection underscores the importance of preserving such heritage against the encroaching forces of development and commercialization [39]. Accordingly, the study of how migrants construct their domestic living environments and the challenges they face in creating a sense of home is increasingly gaining prominence in cross-disciplinary research. Housing issues provide valuable insights into their transnational social engagement and the evolving boundaries of identity and belonging. However, there remains a significant gap in the research on the role of ICH in the home-making practices of resettled Syrians in the UK. Specifically, there is limited understanding of how Syrians have applied their inherited knowledge and traditions to redecorate their homes and use crafts and objects in everyday life to recreate a living environment where they feel at home again. This gap is particularly important in light of the UK’s recent ratification of the 2003 UNESCO Convention on Safeguarding ICH, following a decade-long delay.
The situation of displaced Syrians in the UK offers a unique case for exploration. Liverpool, with its rich history of immigration and diverse population, has become a significant destination for resettled Syrians [40,41]. Despite Liverpool’s vibrant cultural landscape, there is limited academic focus on the interactions within these groups [42]. Existing studies on migrant ICH in the UK and the integration of Syrians specifically often overlook the everyday practices and cultural elements that shape their lives’ particular domestic spaces. My unique perspective as a cultural heritage researcher, an architect, and a British Syrian living in the UK offers a distinct vantage point to explore how Syrians use elements of their ICH to recreate homes and adapt to their new environment in Liverpool. The primary objective of this research, therefore, is to raise awareness of Syrian heritage within the diaspora by focusing on both tangible and intangible cultural heritage elements within the domestic spaces. The research is designed around the following main questions:
  • How have resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK, adapted their domestic environments to reflect their intangible cultural heritage?
  • What are the defining characteristics of a “Syrian home” in the context of displacement, and how does this home represent and support the practices of living heritage?
  • Which traditional artifacts, cultural customs, practices, and everyday objects—such as crafts and movable items—hold the most sentimental value for Syrian migrants, and how do these elements help them overcome the challenges of establishing new homes?
This paper responds to this journal’s special issue’s focus on the dynamic relationship between intangible cultural heritage (ICH) and built heritage conservation by examining how resettled Syrian communities in Liverpool integrate traditional crafts and cultural practices into their new domestic environments. By exploring how these practices contribute to both the safeguarding of cultural identity and the adaptation of built spaces, this study offers insights into inclusive conservation and the transmission of intangible heritage within the process of creating new homes in exile. Thus, this research contributes to the broader interdisciplinary discourse on migration, intangible cultural heritage (ICH), home, place-making, and integration. It seeks to challenge the prevailing narratives and promote a deeper understanding of the complex experiences of domestic spaces within migrant communities in the UK, specifically Syrians. This is accomplished through a hands-on exploration of the homes of Syrians settled in Liverpool, UK. Conducted in their native Arabic, the interviews took place in their authentic home environments, supported by a thorough literature review and grounded in an original, significant topic. This research makes a valuable contribution to the ethnographic studies of home-making practices in the UK, with a methodical approach that is clearly detailed and presented in an accessible manner. High-quality images further illuminate key aspects of the study. Overall, this study addresses an underexplored area of ethnography and place-making and enriches the existing body of knowledge. The article focuses on ICH by examining how traditional objects are used to facilitate key cultural practices, such as religious rituals, celebrations, and hospitality customs. While references to tangible items—such as traditional objects displayed in cabinets, Arabic calligraphy in living rooms, and tables adorned with traditional sweets—are insightful, the primary aim is to show how these objects support and sustain ICH practices. These items serve as carriers of intangible traditions, embodying deeper cultural meanings and reinforcing the rituals, customs, and social interactions that define the ICH of Syrians in exile.

2. Materials and Methods

As a female British Syrian researcher and architect based in Liverpool, I had the unique opportunity to visit the homes of nine families and conduct interviews with 22 individuals. These interviews were conducted in the participants’ native Arabic language, allowing for a deeper connection and more authentic responses. With their consent and alongside an experienced filmmaker, we documented six of these homes—four houses and two flats—through photographs. This study employs a methodology combining semi-structured in-person interviews, observations, and photographs to collect data directly from the interviewees’ homes. Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Liverpool’s Research Ethics Committee (reference: 11100). Interviewees were mainly recruited through the Syrian British Cultural Centre (SBCC) in Liverpool. Eligible interviewees were those aged 18 or older, who had resided in the UK for at least four years as of 2022, along with their families. The geographical focus was Liverpool due to its significant Syrian community and the accessibility for the researcher and filmmaker. The University of Liverpool Higher Education Innovation Fund (HEIF) funded the research, with a limited timeframe for completion.

2.1. Interviews

The semi-structured interviews were divided into three sections:
  • General participant information: Collecting demographic details such as age, gender, educational level, and the duration of UK residency.
  • Awareness and adaptation of Syrian heritage: Exploring interviewees’ awareness of the Syrian heritage, sentimental items they brought with them, and how they adapted their UK homes to create a sense of belonging.
  • Traditional practices: Focusing on the traditions that interviewees maintain within their homes and the adaptations they have made to continue these traditions in the UK, whether through practicing their customs or utilizing specific crafts and movable items similar to those they used in Syria.
Interviewees provided written consent, with nine agreeing to be identified by their first names, while others chose anonymity. To respect the privacy of all interviewees, the names used in this paper are pseudonyms, as preferred by the majority of the interviewees. Information sheets detailing the project, anonymity assurances, and data usage protocols were given to all interviewees. Debriefing letters, including useful contacts for assistance, were also provided after each interview. The interviews were audio and video recorded, with durations ranging from 30 to 40 min. Emotional responses during the interviews were noted, especially when the interviewees recalled loved ones lost or family members still in Syria. Conducting the interviews in Arabic and being Syrian myself facilitated a deeper connection and understanding. Follow-up contacts were made to check on the interviewees’ well-being post-interview. Considering the open-ended nature of the questions and the diverse issues raised by interviewees, an analogical research approach was employed. This approach uses analogies to gain insights into one field by drawing parallels from another, a method well-regarded in various disciplines, including cognitive science and architectural design [43]. The analogical process was guided by three primary coerces: similarity, purpose, and structure [44]. When interviewees were asked about traditional practices, the term “Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH)” was explained with examples, as it was unfamiliar to some. Building on this framework and following methodologies outlined by Kvale [45] and Brinkmann and Kvale [46], the interview data analysis proceeded systematically as follows:
  • Recording and transcription: Interviews were conducted in Arabic, recorded, and thoroughly transcribed. The transcriptions were then translated into English.
  • Themes identification: Key points were annotated during transcription to identify themes. The data were subsequently organized in alignment with the study’s main research questions and the interview structure.
  • Thematic analysis: Utilizing methodologies outlined by White et al. [47], recurring themes were identified, focusing particularly on the interviewees’ perceptions of Syria’s heritage and the practice of ICH in their houses.
  • Coding: An in-depth line-by-line coding method was applied [48], shaped by the core research questions and themes previously identified.
  • Narrative analysis: Central narrative components were highlighted and aligned with the principal findings of this study. This approach provided a comprehensive understanding of ICH and its associated themes [49].
The integration of the analogical research strategy with narrative analysis enhanced the reliability, validity, and applicability of the study. This comprehensive approach ensured the authenticity of the interview insights while addressing the inevitable limitations related to the time and availability of interviewees. Consequently, this method facilitated a deep understanding of the interviewees’ experiences and perspectives, highlighting the strength and intricacy of the research. This qualitative study involved in-depth interviews, photographs, and recordings of social and cultural events, all conducted in the respondents’ authentic settings. By focusing on their homes and regular social gathering spots, the study aims to gain deeper and more genuine insights into the cross-disciplinary research on ICH, ethnography, and home-making in exile.

2.2. Observational Study

Observational methods in qualitative research are pivotal for gaining deep insights into the lived experiences of individuals within their normal settings. These methods allow researchers to capture the nuances of everyday life and the subtle ways in which cultural practices are embedded in daily routines [50,51]. According to Spradley (1980), participant observation is essential for understanding the social and cultural contexts of the studied group, offering a comprehensive view of their interactions with their environment [52]. In the context of migration studies, observational methods are particularly valuable for exploring how migrants adapt their new living spaces to reflect their cultural heritage. This approach has been effectively employed in various studies to understand the home-making practices of displaced populations [53,54]. For example, Boccagni (2017) used observational techniques to explore how migrants personalize their living spaces [55], revealing the importance of material culture in the process of home-making and identity construction. This study focused on living rooms, reception rooms, dining rooms, and kitchens. The observations included interior order, household furniture, decorations, and displays. The aim was to understand how these spaces were adapted using craft objects and household items that are related to ICH practices to create a sense of home. The study highlighted the influence of ICH traditions on home physical settings and the interplay between personal actions, sociocultural traditions, and home-making in the diaspora.
Interior order and household furniture: Observations included noting the arrangement and types of furniture present in these key areas. This helped in understanding the functional adaptations and aesthetic choices influenced by ICH traditions. For instance, traditional seating arrangements, such as floor cushions in living rooms, were observed as a nod to Syrian customs in some regions.
Decorations and displays: This study also focused on various decorative elements, such as wall hangings, artifacts, and other displays. These items included traditional crafts, family photographs, and religious symbols. The presence and placement of these items provided insights into how cultural identity is maintained and expressed within domestic spaces utilizing tangible items.
Sociocultural traditions and home-making: A key aspect of the observation was to understand the interplay between personal actions, sociocultural traditions, and the physical environment of the home. This included observing how spaces were used during social gatherings, family rituals, and daily routines, thereby highlighting the role of ICH traditions in home-making and the maintenance of cultural practices in the diaspora.

2.3. Limitations of the Methodologies

The study’s geographical focus on Liverpool and the limited number of interviewees (n = 22) may not represent the broader UK Syrian community. Additionally, the research primarily focused on craft objects and household items directly associated with ICH practices rather than conducting a detailed investigation of private and public spaces within the house. Observational studies were limited to common areas such as living rooms, reception rooms, dining rooms, and kitchens, which may not fully capture the extent to which ICH traditions have influenced the integration of craft and household objects throughout the entire home. Moreover, while observations provided valuable insights, they were constrained by the subjective interpretation of the researcher, and the presence of the researcher might have influenced the behavior and environment being studied.

3. Results

This study’s findings reveal that after resettling in the UK, Syrians have actively maintained and practiced their ICH, particularly traditions tied to daily life and family practices from their homeland. The continuation of these traditions has been deeply connected to the preservation of both tangible heritage—in the form of household items and crafted objects—and cultural memory, as these objects evoke and sustain connections to their Syrian identity. By purchasing and incorporating traditional items, such as those used for preparing food or decorating their homes, Syrians in the UK recreate a sense of belonging that ties them back to their motherland. These items, often handmade and passed down through generations, serve not only as physical objects but also as vessels of memory, reflecting the living heritage of a community navigating displacement.
The integration of these traditions into new living spaces has required adaptations, reflecting a negotiation between cultural preservation and the practicalities of life in the UK. Interviewees highlighted positive aspects of UK society that helped them adjust while also addressing the challenges they faced in safeguarding their heritage. Practices centered on home decoration and family rituals were seen as crucial for maintaining cultural resilience and identity, helping individuals adapt to life in the diaspora by transforming their new homes into familiar, meaningful spaces. Interviewees emphasized the importance of safeguarding these practices, both for themselves and future generations. The continuation of traditional activities within the home—whether through cooking, hosting social gatherings, or practicing religious rituals—emerged as essential to their emotional well-being and sense of belonging. By doing so, they not only sustain their identity but also contribute to a broader dialogue on the role of heritage in fostering resilience and adaptability. The adaptation of domestic spaces demonstrates how cultural identity is expressed through the built environment, as rooms and decorations are modified to preserve and represent cultural traditions. These adaptations are a form of architectural continuity, illustrating how migrant communities negotiate new environments while maintaining strong links to their heritage.
The results of this study are organized into five sections: First, an outline of the interviewees’ demographic profiles. Next, the study examines the items they brought with them, if any, when they first arrived in the UK. This is followed by three thematic sections: traditional practices, challenges, and adaptations; representing home and preserving cultural continuity; and the importance of safeguarding Syrian heritage.

3.1. Demographic Outlines

As previously stated, this study involved interviews with twenty-two individuals conducted between March and May 2022. All interviews were conducted face-to-face. Among the interviewees, sixteen were women and six were men (Figure 2). The interviewees were aged between twenty-seven and seventy years old. Each participant had finished at least secondary education, with seventeen having completed higher education. Their current professions in the UK include housewife, specialist doctor, school teacher, restaurateur, businessperson, and student. All interviewees had lived in Syria during and prior to the war and relocated to nearby host countries, including Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey, between 2012 and 2017. Most of the interviewees had been residing in the UK for a period ranging from four to ten years. They primarily came from three main regions in Syria: Damascus, Horan, and Aleppo. This diversity of backgrounds allowed for a nuanced exploration of how Syrian ICH manifests in their new homes.

3.2. Cherished Possessions Brought from Syria

This study found that the majority of Syrian males initially migrated alone, and after they settled, they arranged for their families to join them. Some men traveled by sea, while others trekked overland through Europe. Despite the arduous journey, some managed to bring small items that reminded them of home. Most of these items were small and not necessarily valuable in economic terms, but they held immense sentimental value. They reminded the individuals of dear family members, close friends, or significant events and special occasions in their lives. However, some were unable to bring even small items, as they had to travel through several countries before resettling in the UK, leading to the loss of these cherished possessions. For these individuals, only memories remain. The following are some examples of the items they brought.
For instance, Momen could not bring anything with him as he lost most of his belongings during the trip to the UK. When his family joined him after four years, he requested an old Quran, a gift from a dear friend, which is now his only keepsake from Syria. Gazi brought a traditional Islamic prayer bead string, culturally and socially significant, often held by men during social gatherings. These beads, handcrafted locally in various regions of Syria, vary in shape and size. They are used during social gatherings, traditional dances like Debkeh, and prayers. He also brought a special ring worn by his father and grandfather, signifying marriage. Similarly, Sara brought two traditional wedding gifts from her parents: a small bottle of perfume and a special candle. The perfume, a gift from her late father on her wedding day 18 years ago, evokes memories of him every time she sprays it. She said, “Whenever I spray a very little bit from this perfume, I remember my dad. RIP”. The candle, a gift from her mother, remains unused as a cherished memento of her family still in Syria. Fatema brought traditional clothes, including an Abaya, which is part of her cultural attire. She mentioned that her husband, who arrived before them, advised them to bring traditional coffee and tea pots, items that were not available in the UK market at the time. Kholod brought photo albums, selecting a few photos from each stage of her life, as well as her husband’s and children’s lives. She said, “When I came, I was scared and only had my handbag, but I brought a photo from each stage of our life. This is our life in one album”, reflecting on the significance of these memories (Figure 3).
It is clear that the items brought by the interviewed Syrians are deeply connected to their ICH traditions. These items, whether religious (Quran), artisanal (traditional bead strings), or socio-cultural (traditional coffee and tea pots, clothes), represent and facilitate the continuity of their cultural practices in their new environment. Table 1 illustrates the variety of items carried by the Syrian migrants to the UK and their emotional or cultural importance.

3.3. Traditional Practices, Challenges and Adaptations

One of the main challenges for many interviewees was the difficulty of acquiring household items similar to those in Syria upon their initial arrival, particularly about nine years ago. One participant said, “We did not have anything to remind us of home”. Some interviewees highlighted the challenges and the subsequent improvements in availability, noting that initially they had very little. However, as the Syrian population in the UK grew, so did the availability of traditional items. Samer said, “Special items for traditional celebrations, such as the Erk Souse drink, which we consume during Ramadan, were not available before, but now we have almost everything as the market offers it all. In 2016, I had to go to London to buy an Arabic calligraphy tapestry. But now, in Liverpool, there are traders who sell these items and household goods”.
Mariam also reflected on the initial challenges and subsequent improvements in availability: “Initially, it was hard to find household items. Now, there are many positives, as food items and traditional household goods are available. For example, we can now find Makdous, pepper paste, and special Syrian pickles, which are different from those available in the UK market. Specialty shops now offer these items, and we have the raw materials to make them at home, which we previously lacked”. Over time, the demand for these items increased, prompting some Syrians to start businesses importing Syrian or similar products (food and household items) from Lebanon, Turkey, or Jordan to sell in specialty shops. These items have also become popular among other nationalities.
Some participants noted that celebrating Eid al-Fitr and Ramadan was initially difficult because non-Syrians were not aware of these traditions, and the interviewees had to explain why they were fasting. However, there has been much greater awareness now, and people have accepted living in a multicultural environment. One of the key challenges interviewees noted was their initial lack of knowledge about the norms and culture in the UK. Zein stated, “We are still learning and integrating. Now we have established a good community and a band to sing traditional songs on special occasions. Some UK communities now attend and learn about our traditions”. Another participant said, “We have made some changes to our traditions. In Syria, we stay up late during Eid and other special occasions, but here in the UK, we respect that by 11:00 p.m., we need to be quiet for the neighbours”.
Another challenge highlighted by several interviewees was the size of living spaces in the UK, which was notably different from their previous living environments. As a result, many Syrians have become creative in decorating their new homes. Fatema said, “We are unable to change the house and its size, which is why we change its decoration and interior”. In Syria, it is common to have balconies where people sit and enjoy their coffee with some plants around. While houses with balconies are not common in the UK, Syrians have adapted by focusing on interior decoration to create a familiar environment. Living in a house similar to their homes in Syria was extremely important for interviewees, with space being a primary concern. One participant said, “We like to pray with our children and the whole family together, but sometimes we have to move furniture to fit everyone in one room (five children and two parents)”. Another male interviewee shared, “In Syria, we used to have larger homes and typically received male and female guests separately. We preferred for males to sit together to discuss social and business matters, while females would gather separately. In the UK, this was challenging due to the smaller house sizes, but we got approval to build a conservatory, which helped solve this issue”.
Another common house type in Syria is the courtyard house, typically found in older cities. Residents would sit in the courtyard, which often featured a small garden and a water fountain. Additionally, there were separate rooms designated for receiving male and female guests. Khoulod shared, “I discovered a house model resembling the traditional courtyard houses, with a courtyard featuring a fountain and greenery, which served as both a sentimental and climate equalizer. Unfortunately, most of these houses have been destroyed during the war, particularly in Old Aleppo. I was delighted to find this model because it mirrors the old courtyard houses in Old Damascus” (Figure 4).
In some parts of Syria, particularly the southwest region of Horan, people sit on the ground and use special furniture for their living rooms. After migrating to the UK, they maintained this tradition by creating rooms styled with floor seating, continuing their custom of sitting on the ground for meals and social gatherings. Omar said, “In Horan, we sit on the ground on special furniture and eat while sitting on the ground”. Moamen, also from Horan, added, “Sitting on the ground is part of our customs and reminds us of happy days in Syria. When we first lived here, we bought sofas, but the room felt smaller. After we switched to floor seating, we could invite more friends for dinner, sometimes hosting around 30 men” (Figure 5).
One female participant from the same region said, “We still eat while sitting on the ground. This is a tradition we’ve maintained in the UK so our children can pick it up and continue practicing it. Once, we bought a dining table, but it didn’t feel right, so we replaced it with our traditional floor seating” (Figure 6).
Despite the challenges posed by smaller homes or flats, interviewees mentioned that houses in the UK are warmer in winter due to their structure and size. Additionally, they felt welcomed by the UK community. One participant noted, “The community here is very welcoming, and they are keen to learn about our culture. They participate in our food, order catering, and even join in dancing”. Another participant added, “We appreciate that in the UK, we are free to practice our traditions in a multicultural society, and the UK community even participates with us, trying our food and joining in our dances”. Table 2 below outlines the practical challenges of recreating Syrian home environments and the solutions adopted by the interviewees.

3.4. Representing Home and Preserving Cultural Continuity

The findings of this study indicate that Syrians are keen on representing their homes in ways that reflect their identity while balancing both aesthetics and functionality. This is crucial for maintaining cultural continuity on both individual and family levels, as it reminds them of their homeland. Additionally, it plays a significant role at the community and social group levels, acting as an expression of identity. For example, Fatima expressed her desire to maintain cultural traditions in her home decor, stating, “I like to decorate my house with Ramadan-inspired decorations and Arabic calligraphy, which remind me of my parents’ home where I was raised. This is also important for hospitality and inviting friends”. She also brought a small mosaic tray and laurel soap, traditional crafts from Aleppo (Figure 7).
This study also found that Syrians are keen on preserving their social life in the UK, which provides them with a sense of home. They have been diligent in acquiring specific items to prepare and serve their traditional food and drink. Khoulod said, “We are trying to live a social life similar to what we had in Syria. For example, we practice subhiyah, when a group of ladies gather to have Syrian coffee together in the morning or sometimes extend it to a joint breakfast. I’m particular about using traditional coffee cups and trays when serving my guests. We strive to continue our social traditions as we did in Syria”.
Hospitality remains a key tradition for Syrians, and it continues to be an important part of their lives in the UK. Moamen shared, “I remember my late father inviting family and friends for dinner in Syria, especially for dishes like Mlehy. I want to continue this tradition and hope my children do too. We want our homes in the UK to bring us back to those happy memories” (Figure 8).
Including non-Syrian friends in these hospitality traditions is also significant. Zein said, “My non-Syrian friends enjoy Syrian coffee in traditional cups when they visit. They are curious about the items my mother displays in a cabinet, such as mosaics and Arabic calligraphy, similar to those we had in our house in Syria”. Majed’s mother added, “Having a special cabinet to display traditional items like mosaic, silverware, and other crafts is a key decoration in Syrian homes. While some display these items without a cabinet, we have maintained this tradition here in the UK” (Figure 9). This study also observed the display of traditional tapestries and intricately engraved Arabic calligraphy as a distinctive aspect of Syrian homes, creating a unique and culturally rich environment (Figure 10). Another notable tradition is the use of custom-made curtains, often ordered from special tailors, which feature three or four layers. These types of curtains were common in Syrian homes and flats, valued for their aesthetic character and privacy (Figure 11).
Another aspect Syrians continue to cherish is the use of frankincense and scents to create a special atmosphere in their homes. Luna, who started a small business crafting items from raw materials sourced from Syria, shared her story: “My late grandmother used to make similar items for us. I started this as a hobby, gifting my friends on special occasions, and they encouraged me to expand. Now, I make candles, soaps, and bath bombs using Damascus jasmine and oud, as well as jewelry with traditional Syrian embroidery” (Figure 12). Nada also started a business importing items from Syria and other countries like Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan. Her business, which has been growing for two years, meets a demand for traditional Syrian items, such as tapestries, laurel soap, and oud. She stated, “I noticed demand not only from Syrians but also from other nationalities. I even import Muna items, traditional preserved food from Syria, which people ask for frequently” (Figure 13).
The Syrian community interviewed in this study has embraced various forms of cultural expression to navigate new situations and discomforts. This includes joint rituals of grieving and mourning, as well as collective practices of bonding and remembrance. Celebrations such as births, marriages, and other festive events are also significant. One participant shared, “We have practiced these traditions since we were children. Standing by each other in times of joy and grief is deeply rooted in Syrian culture, and we are keen on maintaining this in the UK. For example, when someone loses a close family member, we observe three days of mourning, called Ajer, where people offer help and support, ensuring the bereaved person does not feel alone. We also prepare traditional coffee for the mourning period”. Omar added, “On Eid, we wake up early, prepare traditional coffee, and make sweets like mamool. Initially, it was hard to find the ingredients, but now they are more accessible. Our community has grown, and we have good friends who join us in wearing traditional clothes, which makes us feel at home” (Figure 14). In another instance, a female participant shared, “When I gave birth to my daughter, one of my friends would come daily to cook and clean for me. This made me feel at home”. These small adjustments to their homes and social lives are crucial for maintaining their deeply rooted traditions in exile. Syrians have been keen on acquiring items that connect to their intangible cultural heritage (ICH), such as those used in food preparation, hospitality, and interior design, including curtains, mosaic pieces, and Arabic calligraphy. These items help fill cultural gaps and represent their identity while adapting to a new environment.

3.5. The Importance of Safeguarding Syrian Heritage

Maintaining and passing down these traditions is vital for safeguarding Syrian heritage and ensuring that future generations remain connected to their roots. All interviewees stressed the importance of continuing specific traditions, particularly those related to home decor, hospitality, and cultural practices. To ensure their children stay connected to their heritage and learn Arabic, the community has established two Arabic weekend schools, which have also attracted students from other Arabic-speaking nationalities. One participant explained, “One of our traditions is for children to speak with their grandparents, aunts, and uncles, especially during Eid and other special occasions. Thus, it’s important that they learn Arabic, which is why we send them to weekend Arabic schools”. Another participant shared her efforts to create a family environment by watching Arabic documentaries with her children. Additionally, another participant stated that he sings traditional songs with his three children using a simple instrument called a daf, wanting his children to remember these songs and be reminded of home (Figure 15).
Fatima described how her family preserves cultural traditions: “Every Friday, we play Quranic recitations, which create a special environment. My children enjoy it because it reminds them of home. My youngest, who is seven, helps me decorate the house and make traditional Syrian cookies”. Majed, a young man from Damascus, shared his experience of losing all his belongings during his journey to the UK: “I used to play the oud, and I felt a gap in my life without it. I bought a new oud, but it was uncommon here in the UK, and I couldn’t find a teacher. I eventually learned the guitar. Music helped me fill the cultural gap I felt and motivated me to adapt to a new culture while holding onto parts of my own”. Table 3 below outlines tangible and intangible cultural heritage items and practices preserved by Syrians in Liverpool, according to this study.

3.6. Traditions and Associated Items Captured

The results of this study identified various traditional items, movable objects, and crafts used inside Syrian homes in Liverpool to support their family, social, and religious practices. These items reflect several ICH traditions that the Syrian community has maintained during their resettlement in Liverpool, UK. They serve as expressions of identity and help transform their houses into true homes. Based on the interviews conducted, the following ICH elements were observed:
  • Oral traditions and expressions
    • Storytelling and oral history: Shared during family gatherings and community events. This includes transmitting family histories, cultural stories, and personal narratives.
    • Communication of traditions: Explaining the meaning behind cultural items and practices to non-Syrian friends and guests.
  • Performing arts
    • Playing traditional musical instruments, such as the oud and the daf. Some participants highlighted playing music for family and gatherings, maintaining these traditions in the UK.
    • Singing traditional songs: Interviewees reported singing Syrian songs during family gatherings, celebrations, and with their children to pass on their cultural heritage.
  • Social practices, rituals, and festive events
    • Celebrating Eid al-Fitr and Ramadan: These celebrations include fasting, special prayers, and breaking fast with traditional food, all practiced with family and friends.
    • Hosting subhiyah: Morning gatherings where women serve traditional Syrian coffee, creating a social bond within the community.
    • Friday Quranic recitations: Played in many homes to maintain religious practices and traditions, helping create a spiritual atmosphere.
    • Grief rituals (Ajer): The observation of three days of grief where the community offers support, with traditional Syrian coffee served as part of the ritual.
    • Support provided after childbirth, including communal caregiving and baby showers.
    • Maintaining hospitality traditions: Hospitality is an essential part of Syrian social practice, with participants inviting friends and family, including non-Syrians, to their homes, offering traditional food and drink.
  • Knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe
    • Using frankincense: Syrian homes in Liverpool use frankincense and other scents like oud to create a familiar and comforting environment. This practice is related to their understanding of nature, spirituality, and atmosphere.
    • Incorporating natural materials: The use of materials like Damascus jasmine and oud in crafts and home products (e.g., candles, bath bombs) signifies a connection to natural resources traditionally available in Syria.
  • Traditional craftsmanship
    • Making traditional crafts: Participants reported making crafts such as candles, soaps, and bath bombs using raw materials from Syria, continuing the tradition of handmade products.
    • Displaying crafted items: Many homes featured cabinets displaying traditional mosaics, silverware, Arabic calligraphy, and other handcrafted items, maintaining a strong link to Syrian cultural aesthetics.
    • Decorating with traditional tapestries and curtains: Homes are adorned with traditional Syrian tapestries, layered curtains, and other crafts, contributing to the recreation of Syrian living spaces in the UK.
    • Making Muna, which involves various techniques for preserving food, such as preparing pickles, jams, and other similar items.
    • Use of traditional serving items: Special Syrian coffee makers, cups, and trays are used to serve guests, highlighting craftsmanship linked to both joy and grief rituals.

4. Discussion

4.1. Summary and Interpretation of the Findings

This study has demonstrated the vital role that intangible cultural heritage (ICH) plays in the adaptation of Syrian refugees to life in Liverpool, UK, by examining their home-making practices and the associated use of tangible items and cultural traditions. The findings reveal that Syrians have actively engaged in recreating familiar domestic environments, transforming their new homes into spaces that reflect their cultural identity and allow for the continuation of important social, religious, and familial traditions. The maintenance of these traditions is not only a matter of preserving ICH but also serves as a means of emotional and psychological well-being. Participants emphasized that incorporating traditional objects and practices into their homes helps sustain a sense of belonging and continuity. Items such as Arabic calligraphy, traditional coffee pots, tapestries, and handmade crafts act as vessels of cultural memory and pride, connecting them to their homeland.
This study responds to the key themes in this journal’s special issue by highlighting the interaction between intangible heritage and built spaces. Through traditional crafts, interior decoration, and the adaptation of domestic spaces, Syrian refugees in Liverpool continue to express their cultural heritage in a new environment. This contributes to broader discussions on how cultural heritage influences the shaping of sustainable and resilient design practices in the context of migration and displacement.

4.2. Adapting to New Living Conditions

One of the primary challenges highlighted by the interviewees was the smaller living spaces in the UK compared to Syria. As a result, they had to creatively adapt their homes to continue their cultural traditions. These adaptations included rearranging furniture, using traditional floor seating (majlis), and, in some cases, extending their homes with conservatories to accommodate guests and religious gatherings.
Decorative elements such as Arabic calligraphy, laurel soap, Damascus jasmine, and handmade mosaics were integral to creating a familiar environment reminiscent of Syria. These tangible items not only served aesthetic purposes but also carried deep cultural significance, symbolizing hospitality, religious devotion, and family unity. Through these tangible markers of identity, the participants created spaces that were functional while retaining the essence of their cultural heritage.

4.3. Social Practices, Rituals, and Continuity

These findings show that social practices and rituals are essential components of the home-making process for Syrians in Liverpool. Key traditions such as hospitality, religious rituals, and community gatherings were maintained through the use of traditional crafts and objects. For instance, the preparation of traditional Syrian coffee using handmade cups and serving trays was identified as a central ritual during both joyous and sorrowful occasions.
Participants also spoke of the significance of religious practices, such as Quranic recitations and fasting during Ramadan, in maintaining cultural continuity. These practices not only reinforce their connection to their Syrian heritage but also help build community bonds in the UK by including non-Syrians in their celebrations and hospitality practices. The continued use of traditional objects such as prayer beads, incense burners, and ceremonial garments serves as both a physical and symbolic connection to their cultural roots.

4.4. Comparative Analysis and Reflecting on Literature

The outcomes from this study contribute to the broader literature on intangible cultural heritage (ICH) practices, migration, home-making, and the use of objects and crafts in heritage preservation within the UK. While some findings align with Ilcan and Squire’s (2022) study [56], which focused on displaced Syrians resettled in the West Midlands, UK, and London, Canada, the interviewees in this research faced fewer challenges. Although both groups described their initial arrival in the UK as extremely difficult, which hindered the creation of a new sense of home, participants in this study emphasized the role of ICH practices and household objects in facilitating their adaptation and integration into UK society.
Previous studies have emphasized the crucial role of cultural practices in maintaining migrants’ cultural identities and providing emotional support during resettlement. Baser (2011) [57] and White (2015) [58] discuss how migrants use these practices to create a sense of belonging in new environments. Similarly, Aragonés et al. (2010), Hapsariniaty et al. (2019), and Momade (2022) [59,60] explored how culture influences domestic spaces, showing that dwellings become homes through an active modification of the surroundings. However, discussions on the specific ICH elements of migrant groups, especially in the UK context, have been limited. This study contributes to that gap by demonstrating how Syrians in Liverpool actively engage in traditional practices, such as home decoration, household items, and social rituals, to maintain their cultural identity.
Ahmed (1999) viewed home-making as a dynamic negotiation of cultural practices within new contexts [61]. Hadjiyanni’s (2007) research on Somalian refugees in the USA found that migrants creatively adapted their living environments to replicate familiar cultural elements within standardized housing units. Techniques included using bold patterns, traditional incense, and multiple layers of drapery to recreate native landscapes [62]. Fifić (2023) similarly found that Afghan refugees in the USA incorporated traditional furniture and textiles to mirror their homes in Afghanistan, using elaborately embroidered cushions and richly colored carpets to ensure comfort and familiarity [63]. This aligns with Li’s (2016) study of Chinese migrants, who argued that interior design is closely linked to cultural history, with design forms shaped by tradition [64]. Wang (2021) similarly found that elderly immigrants conceptualize home as a journey of maintaining family [65]. This study contributes to these emerging discussions by detailing how Syrian families in the UK use traditional crafts, decorations, and scents to recreate their homeland in smaller spaces. Solutions such as building conservatories and reconfiguring rooms highlight the adaptive nature of their home-making practices. Incorporating culturally meaningful items into home decor serves as a tangible connection to their heritage, providing psychological comfort. The maintenance of special cabinets for traditionally crafted items is particularly symbolic, acting as focal points for family gatherings and preserving cultural traditions.
Researchers like Ager and Strang (2008) and Spencer (2011) have explored the role of social practices in fostering community and integration [66,67]. This study builds on this work by emphasizing the importance of hospitality and communal support among Syrians in the UK. The continuation of social rituals, such as Ajer (grieving practices) and the celebration of Eid al-Fitr and Ramadan, strengthens intra-community bonds while also promoting intercultural exchange with broader UK society. These findings align with the idea that social practices are central to the integration process, fostering mutual respect and understanding between different cultural groups.
The transmission of cultural heritage to younger generations has been another key theme in the literature, with Levitt (2009) [68] and Portes and Rumbaut (2001) [69] emphasizing the role of community-based education in preserving cultural practices. This study highlights the establishment of Arabic weekend schools by Syrians in the UK as a crucial method of cultural transmission, helping children stay connected to their heritage while also attracting interest from other Arabic-speaking nationalities.
Finally, when asked about the items they brought with them upon arriving in the UK, Syrians emphasized the immense sentimental value of these objects, which serve as reminders of home and identity. This echoes Howard’s (2003) observation that the emotional significance of objects is often not realized until they are lost [70]. Items like photograph albums or family heirlooms, while not necessarily valuable in monetary terms, are cherished for their sentimental value. These findings suggest that the connection between home, ICH, and identity requires further exploration, presenting a promising direction for future studies.

4.5. Strengths and Limitations

The existing literature on the ICH of migrants primarily focuses on Europe and other parts of the world, with limited attention given to the UK context [71,72]. Although a few studies address the UK, they tend to concentrate on broader aspects of culture and place-making rather than specific elements of ICH, such as traditional crafts, objects, and decorations [73,74]. This study fills this gap by examining how Syrian families in the UK use ICH elements, including household items and scents, to recreate a sense of their homeland. These tangible connections to heritage provide psychological comfort and reinforce community bonds. This research contributes to the broader discourse on ICH and migration, highlighting the unique bottom-up approach, with interviews conducted entirely in Arabic, capturing the nuances of Syrian home-making practices in the UK. By exploring the motivations for representing their homes in ways that resemble traditional Syrian dwellings, this study showcases the resilience of the community. The ability to maintain Syrian traditions within physical surroundings not only aids in preserving cultural identity but also supports the community’s recovery from war and displacement. One key strength of this study is the rich qualitative data obtained through direct access to the participants’ homes, offering deep insights into their adaptive strategies. However, there are several limitations.
The relatively small sample size of 22 interviewees, while offering a foundational understanding of the ICH practices, may not fully represent the wider Syrian community in the UK. Furthermore, all interviewees were Muslims, which limits the generalizability to other religious Syrian groups. Compared to similar studies, the sample size is moderate. For example, Robertson-Rose (2022) focused on 25 Afghan refugees in the UK [75], and Baillie and Chippindale (2006) interviewed 35 participants across migrant communities [76]. Qualitative research does not aim for generalization but rather seeks to provide detailed, context-specific data to inform future research [77,78]. Another limitation is the geographical focus on Liverpool, which has a unique history as a multicultural port city. Existing support networks and local policies in Liverpool may differ from other UK cities, influencing Syrians’ experiences with integration and home-making. Thus, while many of the identified themes—such as the role of ICH in home-making and the emotional importance of preserving traditions—are consistent with studies on other refugee groups, they may vary depending on the local context.
Lastly, this study highlights the need for further exploration of the relationship between ICH, cultural heritage policies, refugee policies, and home-making. A more extensive sample and additional research are necessary to explore how international and national policies could better align with refugee protection and cultural preservation, as discussed by Al Shallah (2024) [79].

4.6. Policy Implications and Future Research

This study highlights the importance of supporting refugees in their efforts to preserve and transmit cultural heritage, particularly through home-making practices. Policymakers and refugee support organizations should consider the cultural and emotional needs of refugee communities in addition to their physical needs. Providing resources that enable refugees to acquire culturally meaningful household items and create spaces for communal gatherings could significantly enhance their sense of belonging and integration. There is also a potential for an updated international cultural heritage law to safeguard the refugees’ intangible cultural heritage (ICH), not only in terms of home practices and associations but also in relation to the knowledge and representations of the refugee experience within each community. A similar approach could be applied to protect the refugees’ tangible cultural heritage. Such discussions are especially relevant now that the UK has recently ratified the 2003 UNESCO Convention on Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage. This raises important questions about the inclusion of the resettled communities’ ICH elements within national heritage inventories.
Future research should explore how subsequent generations of Syrians maintain and adapt ICH practices and whether these traditional practices evolve in response to new surroundings. Additionally, studies on the role of digital platforms in preserving ICH among displaced populations could offer insights into how cultural memory is sustained in the absence of physical objects.

5. Conclusions

This study underscores the resilience of the Syrian community in Liverpool by illustrating how their traditional cultural practices and household arrangements play a pivotal role in fostering a sense of home and belonging in displacement. The integration of tangible heritage, such as crafted objects and household items, alongside intangible cultural practices, like storytelling, religious rituals, and hospitality customs, highlights the interplay between material culture and ICH. These elements, when combined, serve as carriers of memory and identity, ensuring cultural continuity amidst new environments. By actively engaging in traditional crafts and maintaining cultural rituals, Syrians in Liverpool have not only recreated a sense of home but also demonstrated how ICH can guide adaptive and sustainable design practices in diaspora communities. This research responds to the key themes in the journal’s special issue by showing how cultural heritage can influence the built environment, particularly within the context of migration and displacement.
This study makes an original contribution to the growing interdisciplinary discourse on ethnography, migration, home, place-making, and ICH by providing insight into the specific home-making practices of Syrians in Liverpool. It addresses a gap in the literature concerning the intersection of ICH and home-making among forced migrants. By grounding the research in tangible objects and intangible traditions, the study enhances our understanding of how displaced communities use cultural heritage as a coping mechanism and a means of sustaining their identity in the face of forced migration. Furthermore, it sheds light on the emotional and cultural significance of domestic spaces, which serve as vital loci of memory, continuity, and belonging for refugee communities.
While this study focuses on Syrians in Liverpool, further research could expand to compare the home-making practices of Syrians or other migrant communities in different regions of the UK and globally. Comparative studies across cities with varying levels of support systems, housing policies, and cultural diversity could provide deeper insights into how context influences the preservation of ICH and the home-making process. Moreover, future research could explore how subsequent generations of Syrians in the UK navigate the transmission of ICH in domestic spaces and whether traditional practices evolve or diminish over time in response to their new surroundings. Additionally, further studies could explore the gender dynamics of home-making among forced migrants, examining how men and women may engage differently with ICH in their homes. Another avenue for future research is the role of digital platforms and online communities in preserving ICH among displaced populations, particularly in cases where tangible objects may be lost or unavailable.
Overall, this research emphasizes the need for a deeper understanding of how cultural heritage can aid in the adaptation and integration of migrant communities, ultimately enhancing their sense of identity and belonging in new environments. By offering a nuanced look at the relationship between ICH and home-making, this study contributes valuable insights to both the academic discourse and policy discussions surrounding refugee integration and cultural preservation.

Funding

This research was funded by the University of Liverpool Higher Education Innovation Fund (HEIF), funding reference number: 174398, with additional support from the University of Liverpool’s Research Development Initiative Fund (RDIF).

Institutional Review Board Statement

This research was funded by the University of Liverpool, and ethical approval was obtained from the University of Liverpool’s Research Ethics Committee (reference: 11100).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this article are not readily available due to interviewees privacy and adherence to ethical restrictions.

Acknowledgments

Photographs of the activities were skillfully captured by Monika Koeck, to whom I express my deepest gratitude. I also extend my heartfelt thanks to the Syrian British Cultural Centre in Liverpool for their unwavering support and to all the Syrians who generously participated in this project. A special acknowledgement goes to the Syria Trust for Development for providing invaluable materials that significantly enriched the project’s outcomes. Lastly, I am profoundly grateful to the University of Liverpool for their generous funding and unwavering support, which made this project possible.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflicts of interest.

References

  1. Lozanovska, M. Migrant Housing: Architecture, Dwelling, Migration, 1st ed.; Routledge: London, UK, 2019. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  2. Statista. Number of Syrian Nationals Residing in the United Kingdom from 2008 to 2021. Available online: https://www.statista.com/statistics/1253266/syrian-population-in-united-kingdom/#:~=There%20were%20approximately%2028%20thousand,2019%20with%2047%20thousand%20nationals (accessed on 5 July 2024).
  3. Home Office. Syrian Vulnerable Persons Resettlement Scheme (VPRS) Guidance for Local Authorities and Partners; Crown Copyright: London, UK, 2017. [Google Scholar]
  4. UNHCR. Resettlement in the United Kingdom. Available online: https://help.unhcr.org/uk/resettlement/ (accessed on 1 June 2024).
  5. Beeckmans, L.; Gola, A.; Singh, A.; Heynen, H. (Eds.) Making Homes in Displacement: Critical Reflections on a Spatial Practice; Springer: Berlin, Germany, 2022. [Google Scholar]
  6. UNESCO. What is Intangible Cultural Heritage? Available online: https://ich.unesco.org/en/what-is-intangible-heritage-00003 (accessed on 5 July 2024).
  7. Syria Trust for Development. Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements. Available online: https://www.syriatrust.sy/en/affiliate/14 (accessed on 5 July 2024).
  8. Sokolova, A.N. The Caucasian-Scottish Relations Through the Prism of the Fiddle and Dance Music. In Proceedings of the North Atlantic Fiddle Convention, Aberdeen, Scotland, 26–30 July 2006; The Elphinstone Institute, University of Aberdeen: Aberdeen, Scotland, 2006. [Google Scholar]
  9. ICH of Syria. Available online: https://ich.sy/ar/side/menu/content/3 (accessed on 25 June 2024).
  10. Syrian Heritage Archive Project. Available online: https://syrian-heritage.org/ajami-or-damascene-painting-traces-of-a-traditional-handcraft/ (accessed on 5 September 2024).
  11. Easthope, H. A Place Called Home. House Theory Soc. 2004, 21, 128–138. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  12. Smyth, M.; Croft, S. Culture and Sustainability: Spaces, Materials and Aesthetic Considerations; Springer: Berlin, Germany, 2006. [Google Scholar]
  13. Perkins, H.C.; Thorns, D.C.; Newton, B.M. The study of home from a social scientific perspective. Hous. Stud. 2002, 17, 805–823. [Google Scholar]
  14. Aragonés, J.I.; Amérigo, M.; Pérez-López, R. Perception of personal identity at home. Psicothema 2010, 22, 872–879. [Google Scholar] [PubMed]
  15. Dossa, P.; Golubovic, J. Re-Imagining Home: An Ethnographic Perspective; Routledge: London, UK, 2019. [Google Scholar]
  16. Brun, C.; Fabos, A. Making Homes in Limbo? A Conceptual Framework. Refuge 2015, 31, 5–17. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  17. Kreuzer, M.; Mühlbacher, H.; von Wallpach, S. Home in the re-making: Immigrants’ transcultural experiencing of home. J. Bus. Res. 2018, 91, 334–341. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  18. Levin, I. Migration, Settlement, and the Concepts of House and Home; Routledge: London, UK, 2015. [Google Scholar]
  19. Motasim, H.; Heynen, H. At home with displacement? Material culture as a site of resistance in Sudan. Home Cult. 2011, 8, 43–69. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  20. Boccagni, P.; Brighenti, A. Immigrants and home in the making: Thresholds of domesticity, commonality and publicness. J. Hous. Built Environ. 2015, 30, 561–579. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  21. UNHCR. #WhatHomeMeans Campaign. Available online: https://www.unrefugees.org.uk/whathomemeans/ (accessed on 1 April 2024).
  22. Şenoğuz, P.; Carpi, E. Refugee Hospitality in Lebanon and Turkey. On Making ‘The Other’. Int. Migr. 2018, 57, 92. [Google Scholar]
  23. Ilcan, S.; Rygiel, K.; Baban, F. The Ambiguous Architecture of Precarity: Temporary Protection, Everyday Living, and Migrant Journeys of Syrian Refugees. Int. J. Migr. Bord. Stud. 2018, 4, 10012236. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  24. Yalçın, M.G.; Düzen, N.E. A Paradox of Inclusion in Cities: Homemaking of Refugees and Natives in Urban Space. Int. Migr. Integr. 2024, 1–24. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  25. Albadra, D.; Coley, D.; Hart, J. Toward healthy housing for the displaced. J. Archit. 2018, 23, 115–136. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  26. Kirk, D.S.; Nabil, S.; Talhouk, R.; Trueman, J.; Bowen, S.; Wright, P. Decorating public and private spaces: Identity and pride in a refugee camp. In Proceedings of the Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, Montreal, QC, Canada, 21–26 April 2018. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  27. Paszkiewicz, N.; Fosas, D. Reclaiming refugee agency and its implications for shelter design in refugee camps. In Proceedings of the International Conference on Comfort at the Extremes: Energy, Economy and Climate, Dubai, United Arab Emirates, 10–11 April 2019; pp. 584–594. [Google Scholar]
  28. Dalal, A. Uncovering Culture and Identity in Refugee Camps. Humanities 2017, 6, 61. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  29. Zibar, L.; Abujidi, N.; de Meulder, B. Who/What Is Doing What? Dwelling and Homing Practices in Syrian Refugee Camps—The Kurdistan Region of Iraq. In Making Homes in Displacement: Critical Reflections on a Spatial Practice; Beeckmans, L., Gola, A., Singh, A., Heynen, H., Eds.; Springer: Berlin, Germany, 2022. [Google Scholar]
  30. Doná, G. Making homes in limbo: Embodied virtual “homes” in prolonged conditions of displacement. Refuge 2015, 31, 67. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  31. Korac, M. Remaking Home: Reconstructing Life, Place and Identity in Rome and Amsterdam; Berghahn Books: New York, NY, USA; Oxford, UK, 2009. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  32. Arvanitis, E.; Yelland, N. ‘Home means everything to me…’: A study of young Syrian refugees’ narratives constructing home in Greece. J. Refug. Stud. 2021, 34, 535–554. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  33. Shamma, Y.; Ilcan, S.; Squire, V.; Underhill, H. (Eds.) Migration, Culture and Identity: Making Home Away; Springer: Berlin, Germany, 2022. [Google Scholar]
  34. Hashem, R.; Dudman, P.V.; Shaw, T. Archiving Displacement and Identities: Recording Struggles of the Displaced, Remaking Home in Britain. In Migration, Culture and Identity, Politics of Citizenship and Migration; Shamma, Y., Ilcan, S., Squire, V., Underhill, H., Eds.; Springer: Berlin, Germany, 2022. [Google Scholar]
  35. Rifeser, J.; Puntil, D.; Borelli, E. (Un)doing home: Exploring home-making and identity—An example project in a London higher education classroom. Lond. Rev. Educ. 2023, 21, 33. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  36. Travlou, P. From Cooking to Commoning: The Making of Intangible Cultural Heritage in OneLoveKitchen, Athens. In Cultural Heritage in the Realm of the Commons: Conversations on the Case of Greece; Lekakis, S., Ed.; Ubiquity Press: London, UK, 2020; pp. 159–182. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  37. New Lines Institute. Rohingya Cultural Preservation: An Internationally Coordinated Response Is Urgent. Available online: https://newlinesinstitute.org/state-resilience-fragility/complex-emergencies-and-humanitarian-crises/rohingya-cultural-preservation-an-internationally-coordinated-response-is-urgent/ (accessed on 11 November 2024).
  38. Homeland Document. Oral History Recordings Projects in Syria. Available online: https://wathiqat-wattan.org/category/oral-history (accessed on 1 June 2024).
  39. Muhesen, N. Syrian Intangible Cultural Heritage: Characteristics and Challenges of Preservation. In Tangible and Intangible Heritage in the Age of Globalisation; Makhlouf, L., Ed.; Open Book Publishers: Cambridge, UK, 2024; pp. 89–100. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  40. Burrell, K.; Lawrence, M.; Wilkins, A. At Home in Liverpool During COVID-19; Queen Mary University of London: London, UK; University of Liverpool: Liverpool, UK, 2021. [Google Scholar]
  41. Belchem, J. Liverpool 800: Culture, Character and History; Liverpool University Press: Liverpool, UK, 2006; pp. 9–58. [Google Scholar]
  42. Rishbeth, C.; Ganji, F.; Vodicka, G. Ethnographic understandings of ethnically diverse neighbourhoods to inform urban design practice. Local Environ. 2017, 23, 36–53. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  43. Gentner, D.; Holyoak, K.J.; Kokinov, B.N. (Eds.) The Analogical Mind: Perspectives from Cognitive Science; MIT Press: Cambridge, MA, USA, 2001. [Google Scholar]
  44. Holyoak, K.J.; Thagard, P. Mental Leaps: Analogy in Creative Thought; MIT Press: Cambridge, MA, USA, 1995. [Google Scholar]
  45. Kvale, S. Interviews: An Introduction to Qualitative Research Interviewing; Sage: London, UK, 1996. [Google Scholar]
  46. Brinkmann, S.; Kvale, S. Doing Interviews, 2nd ed.; SAGE Publications Ltd.: London, UK, 2018. [Google Scholar]
  47. White, M.D.; Marsh, E.E. Content analysis: A flexible methodology. Libr. Trends 2006, 55, 22–45. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  48. Saldaña, J. The Coding Manual for Qualitative Researchers, 3rd ed.; SAGE: Los Angeles, CA, USA, 2016. [Google Scholar]
  49. Sparkes, A.C.; Smith, B. Narrative Analysis as an Embodied Engagement with the Lives of Others; Sage Publications: Newbury Park, CA, USA, 2012. [Google Scholar]
  50. Angrosino, M. Doing Ethnographic and Observational Research; Sage Publications: London, UK, 2007. [Google Scholar]
  51. Creswell, J.W. Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches; Sage Publications: Los Angeles, CA, USA, 2013. [Google Scholar]
  52. Spradley, J.P. Participant Observation; Holt, Rinehart, and Winston: New York, NY, USA, 1980. [Google Scholar]
  53. Lofland, J.; Lofland, L.H. Analyzing Social Settings: A Guide to Qualitative Observation and Analysis; Wadsworth Publishing: Belmont, CA, USA, 1995. [Google Scholar]
  54. Emerson, R.M.; Fretz, R.I.; Shaw, L.L. Writing Ethnographic Fieldnotes; University of Chicago Press: Chicago, IL, USA, 2011. [Google Scholar]
  55. Boccagni, P. Migration and the Search for Home: Mapping Domestic Space in Migrants’ Everyday Lives; Palgrave Macmillan: London, UK, 2017. [Google Scholar]
  56. Ilcan, S.; Squire, V. Migratory Journeys, State Refugee Policies, and Negotiated Belonging. In Migration, Culture and Identity, Politics of Citizenship and Migration; Shamma, Y., Ilcan, S., Squire, V., Underhill, H., Eds.; Springer: Berlin, Germany, 2022; pp. 123–146. [Google Scholar]
  57. Baser, B. Kurdish Diaspora Political Activism in Europe with a Particular Focus on Great Britain. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Exeter, Exeter, UK, 2011. [Google Scholar]
  58. White, A. Polish Families and Migration Since EU Accession; Policy Press: Bristol, UK, 2015; pp. 1–224. [Google Scholar]
  59. Hapsariniaty, A.W.; Darmaningtyas, P.; Subagio, I.; Pratiwi, W.D.; Rahadi, R.A. Culture and Domestic Spaces: The Influence of Culture on the Interior Residential Setting. J. Soc. Sci. Res. 2019, 5, 1816–1827. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  60. Momade, Y. The Influence of Culture on Interior Design—Morocco: From Case Studies and Expert Interviews. Master’s Thesis, IADE—Faculdade de Design, Tecnologia e Comunicação da Universidade Europeia, Lisbon, Portugal, 2022. [Google Scholar]
  61. Ahmed, S. Home and Away: Narratives of Migration and Estrangement. Int. J. Cult. Stud. 1999, 2, 329–347. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  62. Hadjiyanni, T. Bounded Choices: Somali Women Constructing Difference in Minnesota Housing. J. Inter. Des. 2007, 32, 13–27. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  63. Fifić, A. Forced Immigrants and Placemaking: How the Interior Design of Refugee Homes Impacts Their Smooth Integration in Host Community. Master’s Thesis, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma, 2023. [Google Scholar]
  64. Li, W. The Inheritance and Development of Traditional Culture in Interior Design and Three Dimensional Structure. In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Economics, Social Science, Arts, Education and Management Engineering (ESSAEME 2016), Huhhot, China, 30–31 July 2016. [Google Scholar]
  65. Wang, Q.; Zhan, H.J. The Making of a Home in a Foreign Land: Understanding the Process of Home-Making Among Immigrant Chinese Elders in the U.S. J. Ethn. Migr. Stud. 2021, 47, 1539–1557. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  66. Ager, A.; Strang, A. Understanding Integration: A Conceptual Framework. J. Refug. Stud. 2008, 21, 166–191. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  67. Spencer, S. The Migration Debate; Policy Press: Bristol, UK, 2011; pp. 1–272. [Google Scholar]
  68. Levitt, P. Roots and Routes: Understanding the Lives of the Second Generation Transnationally. J. Ethn. Migr. Stud. 2009, 35, 1225–1242. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  69. Portes, A.; Rumbaut, R.G. Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation; University of California Press: Berkeley, CA, USA, 2001; pp. 1–396. [Google Scholar]
  70. Howard, P. Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity; Bloomsbury Publishing Plc: London, UK, 2003. [Google Scholar]
  71. Giglitto, D.; Ciolfi, L.; Bosswick, W. Building a bridge: Opportunities and challenges for intangible cultural heritage at the intersection of institutions, civic society, and migrant communities. Int. J. Herit. Stud. 2022, 28, 74–91. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  72. Naguib, S. Museums, Diasporas, and the Sustainability of Intangible Cultural Heritage. Sustainability 2013, 5, 2178–2190. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  73. Gedalof, I. Unhomely Homes: Women, Family and Belonging in UK Discourses of Migration and Asylum. J. Ethn. Migr. Stud. 2007, 33, 77–94. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  74. Helen, T. Refugees, the State and the Concept of Home. Refug. Surv. Q. 2013, 32, 130–152. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  75. Robertson-Rose, E. What is Home? Experiences of Home After Forced Migration from Afghanistan to the UK as a Refugee. Master’s Thesis, Aalborg University, Aalborg, Denmark, 2022. [Google Scholar]
  76. Baillie, B.; Chippindale, C. Tangible–Intangible Cultural Heritage: A Sustainable Dichotomy? Conserv. Manag. Archaeol. Sites 2006, 8, 174–176. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
  77. Smith, J.A. Qualitative Psychology: A Practical Guide to Research Methods; SAGE Publications: Thousand Oaks, CA, USA, 2018. [Google Scholar]
  78. Denzin, N.K.; Lincoln, Y.S. The SAGE Handbook of Qualitative Research; SAGE Publications: Thousand Oaks, CA, USA, 2011. [Google Scholar]
  79. Al Shallah, S. Refugee Protection through Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage of the Home Country and Refugee Journey. Int. J. Cult. Prop. 2024, 30, 280–297. [Google Scholar] [CrossRef]
Figure 1. Intangible cultural heritage traditions practiced in Syria. Top left: traditional Laurel soap; top right: traditional copper carving. Bottom left: traditional lithography; bottom right: Arabic coffee making. All these traditions are practiced in Syria. Courtesy of the Syria Trust for Development 2021.
Figure 1. Intangible cultural heritage traditions practiced in Syria. Top left: traditional Laurel soap; top right: traditional copper carving. Bottom left: traditional lithography; bottom right: Arabic coffee making. All these traditions are practiced in Syria. Courtesy of the Syria Trust for Development 2021.
Architecture 04 00054 g001
Figure 2. Interviewees’ gender and age group.
Figure 2. Interviewees’ gender and age group.
Architecture 04 00054 g002
Figure 3. Cherished possessions brought from Syria.
Figure 3. Cherished possessions brought from Syria.
Architecture 04 00054 g003
Figure 4. A model incorporating elements of a traditional Syrian courtyard house, displayed in a Syrian family home in Liverpool, UK.
Figure 4. A model incorporating elements of a traditional Syrian courtyard house, displayed in a Syrian family home in Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g004
Figure 5. Traditional furniture in a sitting room for floor seating in one of the Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Figure 5. Traditional furniture in a sitting room for floor seating in one of the Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g005
Figure 6. A style of traditional home seating and traditional coffee setup in one of the Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Figure 6. A style of traditional home seating and traditional coffee setup in one of the Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g006
Figure 7. Table with traditional items and sweets during Eid, Liverpool, UK.
Figure 7. Table with traditional items and sweets during Eid, Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g007
Figure 8. Mlehy food served on the ground in a traditional setting in one of the Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Figure 8. Mlehy food served on the ground in a traditional setting in one of the Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g008
Figure 9. Traditional items displayed both inside and outside a cabinet in two different Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK, along with a close-up view of some of the items.
Figure 9. Traditional items displayed both inside and outside a cabinet in two different Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK, along with a close-up view of some of the items.
Architecture 04 00054 g009
Figure 10. Arabic calligraphy items in the living rooms of three different Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Figure 10. Arabic calligraphy items in the living rooms of three different Syrian homes in Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g010
Figure 11. Curtains in two different Syrian houses in Liverpool, UK.
Figure 11. Curtains in two different Syrian houses in Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g011
Figure 12. Handmade products from raw material from Syria by one of the interviewees, Liverpool, UK.
Figure 12. Handmade products from raw material from Syria by one of the interviewees, Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g012
Figure 13. Items exhibited in a traditional Syrian shop, Liverpool, UK.
Figure 13. Items exhibited in a traditional Syrian shop, Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g013
Figure 14. Traditional Syrian sweets in one of the interviewees’ houses during Eid, Liverpool, UK.
Figure 14. Traditional Syrian sweets in one of the interviewees’ houses during Eid, Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g014
Figure 15. One of the interviewees playing the daf and singing with his children, Liverpool, UK.
Figure 15. One of the interviewees playing the daf and singing with his children, Liverpool, UK.
Architecture 04 00054 g015
Table 1. Cherished personal items brought by interviewees from Syria and their symbolic significance.
Table 1. Cherished personal items brought by interviewees from Syria and their symbolic significance.
Item TypeSymbolic Value
Religious (Quran)A reminder of dear friends in Syria.
Cultural (prayer beads, ring, special coffee and teapots)Connections to communal traditions and hospitality.
Family heirlooms (perfume and candle)Evoking memories of family back in Syria and/or lost family members.
Family photographs Photos representing different life stages, “our life in one album”, as the interviewee said.
Traditional clothing Represent Syrian identity.
Table 2. Challenges in recreating Syrian homes and adopted solutions.
Table 2. Challenges in recreating Syrian homes and adopted solutions.
Challenge Adaptation Traditions to Be Continued/Reason for Change
Difficulty acquiring household items similar to those in Syria upon initial arrivalEstablish businesses to import items Everyday life practices, decorations, hospitality
Initial lack of awareness among the UK community of Syrian traditionsContinue traditions; explain to colleaguesSocial and festival traditions such as Eid
Initial lack of awareness among Syrians about UK traditions and cultural environmentsLearn and integrate with non-Syrian communities.Practicing traditions like fasting during Ramadan and celebrating Eid
Small living spaces compared to homes in SyriaCreative traditional decoration, building conservatories, Majlis (floor seating)Hospitality, more space for family prayer at home, gender-specific spaces, privacy, sitting on the ground to maintain social and cultural traditions with large gatherings, eating by sitting on the ground as a custom
Table 3. Tangible and intangible cultural heritage items and practices among Syrians in Liverpool.
Table 3. Tangible and intangible cultural heritage items and practices among Syrians in Liverpool.
Theme Tangible Heritage (Physical Objects)Intangible Heritage (Practices/Meanings)Cultural Significance/Practices
Religious and Family HeritageQuran, prayer beads (misbaha), ceremonial rings, heirlooms (perfumes, candles)Quranic recitations, Ajer (grieving practices), prayers, storytellingPreserving religious identity, honoring family, and emotional ties to faith and heritage
Traditional CraftsmanshipCoffee pots, tea pots, Abaya (traditional clothing), laurel soap, mosaic traysCraft-making, use of Syrian soap, handmade decorationsContinuity of craftsmanship, cultural pride, identity expression
Social Practices and HospitalityCoffee cups, serving trays, floor seating (Majlis), dining setsHosting guests, subhiyah (morning coffee gatherings), communal diningStrengthening community bonds, social life, and hospitality traditions
Festive and Religious CelebrationsTraditional sweets (mamool), Arabic calligraphy tapestriesCelebrating Eid al-Fitr, Ramadan fasting, religious and communal gatheringsIntercultural exchange, maintaining traditions, bonding through food
Home Decoration and IdentityTapestries, Arabic calligraphy, layered curtains, decorative cabinets for heirloomsDisplaying heritage items and decorating homes with cultural symbolsExpressing cultural identity, connecting to home, aesthetic and functional design
Culinary TraditionsMakdous, pepper paste, Syrian pickles, special cooking toolsPreparing traditional Syrian meals, family cooking ritualsCulinary heritage as a cultural link, food as memory and tradition
Music and Performing ArtsOud, daf (musical instrument)Singing traditional songs, playing music with familyEmotional resilience, continuity of performing arts, bonding
Adaptation to the UK EnvironmentConservatories, floor seating, home extensionsAdjusting homes while preserving cultural practicesBalancing UK living conditions with Syrian traditions, resilience in home-making
Transmission of Cultural HeritageArabic school materials, traditional children’s toysArabic language education, teaching religious and cultural traditionsSafeguarding cultural heritage and passing on traditions to younger generations
Disclaimer/Publisher’s Note: The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.

Share and Cite

MDPI and ACS Style

Alsalloum, A. Building Home in Exile: The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Crafts, and Material Culture Among Resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK. Architecture 2024, 4, 1020-1046. https://doi.org/10.3390/architecture4040054

AMA Style

Alsalloum A. Building Home in Exile: The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Crafts, and Material Culture Among Resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK. Architecture. 2024; 4(4):1020-1046. https://doi.org/10.3390/architecture4040054

Chicago/Turabian Style

Alsalloum, Ataa. 2024. "Building Home in Exile: The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Crafts, and Material Culture Among Resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK" Architecture 4, no. 4: 1020-1046. https://doi.org/10.3390/architecture4040054

APA Style

Alsalloum, A. (2024). Building Home in Exile: The Role of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Crafts, and Material Culture Among Resettled Syrians in Liverpool, UK. Architecture, 4(4), 1020-1046. https://doi.org/10.3390/architecture4040054

Article Metrics

Back to TopTop