Fixing the Foundation: A Scoping Review of Housing Instability Among Former Foster Youth

Abstract

Background: Former foster youth frequently experience housing instability, which hinders their transition to adulthood and affects key life outcomes including education, employment, mental health, and social connections. Objective: This scoping review explores housing stability and identifies barriers to stable housing. Method: Following the Arksey and O’Malley framework and PRISMA guidelines, a comprehensive search of peer-reviewed literature was conducted using PubMed, PsycINFO, and Academic Search Complete. Studies published in English within the last ten years were screened and selected based on relevance to housing stability and former foster youth outcomes. Nine studies met the inclusion criteria and were thematically analyzed. Results: Findings reveal that a significant proportion of youth aging out of foster care lack adequate preparation, face systemic barriers such as unaffordable housing and limited services, and often experience repeated episodes of instability. Promising strategies include transitional planning, extended housing support, trauma-informed services, and youth engagement in program design. Flexible funding and targeted support for high-risk subgroups are also crucial. Conclusion: Housing stability is foundational to the well-being of former foster youth. Addressing systemic gaps through youth-centered, supportive housing interventions is essential for promoting resilience and successful transitions to independence.

1. Introduction

In Fiscal Year 2022, approximately 201,000 children and youth exited in foster care [1]. Around 18,000 youth (9%) left foster care through emancipation without achieving permanency [2].

Former foster youth face significant challenges when transitioning to adulthood, with housing instability being one of the most pressing issues [3]. Compared to their non-foster peers, former foster youth experience disproportionately high rates of homelessness and housing insecurity [4]. Between 20% and 33% of young individuals transitioning out of foster care experience homelessness within the first 18 months [2]. The lack of family support and financial resources frequently worsens these difficulties, resulting in 11% to 33% of young individuals facing unstable living situations as they transition into adulthood, and 25% to 50% experiencing housing instability [5].

Different interventions have been developed to address housing instability among former foster youth, including transitional housing programs, independent living programs, and housing vouchers [6]. While these initiatives aim to provide temporary relief and skill-building opportunities, challenges remain in ensuring sustainable and long-term housing stability for former foster youth [6]. The effectiveness of these interventions varies depending on accessibility, program design, and individual needs, underscoring the necessity for a comprehensive understanding of housing instability among former foster youth [6].

In discussions surrounding housing and homelessness, it is essential to clarify the terminology, as key concepts are often used interchangeably across literature [7]. Drawing on the terminology used in the Homeless Emergency Assistance and Rapid Transition to Housing Act of 2009 [1], we aim to distinguish between two closely related but distinct terms, housing instability and homelessness. For the purposes of this review, we treat these as separate constructs to enhance conceptual clarity and to enhance the analysis of this review, an approach consistent with prior reviews in the housing literature [8,9]. We define housing instability as a condition in which individuals reside in housing but face a significant risk of losing it, due to factors such as financial insecurity, frequent relocations, or precarious living arrangements [1]. In contrast, homelessness refers to the state of living in environments not intended for human habitation, including emergency shelters, transitional housing, or other temporary accommodations without a stable and permanent housing arrangement.

This scoping review examines the problem of housing instability that former foster youth experience and the challenges in promoting stable housing. By mapping the existing literature, this review seeks to identify gaps in research and offer insights for policy and practice. The findings will contribute to a broader understanding of how housing instability affects former foster youth and inform future strategies for fostering stability and support in their transition to independent living.

2. Literature Review

This section reviews key housing support programs and why they were selected. These programs were selected because they represent commonly implemented interventions evaluated in the literature. This section reviews key housing support programs, such as transitional housing and independent living programs. These programs were selected for their relevance to housing stability outcomes among former foster youth and their well-being, as identified in the included studies.

John H. Chafee Foster Care Program for Successful Transition to Adulthood (the Chafee Program) is a longstanding federal initiative that provides a broad array of services to help youth with foster care experience transition into adulthood. The key services under the Chafee Program include education support, employment preparation, housing assistance, health and mental health, life skills development, etc. Under the Family Furst Prevention Services Act (FFPSA) of 2018, states that offer extended foster care to age 21 are allowed to extend Chafee Program services to age 23. Funded by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), family unification program (FUP) is created to assist adolescents aged 18 to 24 years old who = exist foster care through offering housing choice vouchers (HCVs).

Despite significant efforts from both federal and state levels, the transition to adulthood remains difficult for youth aging out of the foster care system. Youth aging out of foster care do not have adequate support compared to their peers and face higher risks of negative outcomes, including poor mental and physical health, education, employment, and criminal involvement [5]. A multi-state study showed that 47% of former foster youth are unemployed [10,11]. Additionally, compared to their peers, young people with foster care experience are more likely to earn an annual income below the federal poverty level [12].

2.1. Transitional Housing Programs

Transitional housing programs serve as a crucial intervention strategy aimed at providing temporary housing and comprehensive support services for young adults who have aged out of the foster care system. These programs typically span a duration of 18 to 24 months, with the primary goal of bridging the gap between foster care and independent living [13]. In addition to safe and stable housing, these programs offer a wide array of vital services, including personalized case management, life skills training encompassing financial literacy and job readiness, as well as access to mental health care and counseling [13].

Youth who actively engage in transitional housing programs are significantly more likely to achieve and maintain stable housing and employment compared to their counterparts who lack access to such targeted support [14]. Notably, a study conducted by [11] revealed that participation in transitional housing markedly reduces the risk of homelessness within two years of leaving the foster care system.

The effectiveness of transitional housing programs for former foster youth can be influenced by various factors. One of the significant challenges is the limited duration of support available to these individuals [15]. While some youth may benefit from 18 to 24 months of assistance, others may require a longer-term support system due to their history of trauma, mental health challenges, or lack of employment opportunities [15]. Some programs may provide comprehensive mental health services, while others may have limited access to such crucial care [13].

Another limitation of transitional housing programs is their reliance on funding, which has become even more insufficient due to the rising demands of these types of programs. Many programs struggle to secure sustainable financial support, resulting in waitlists and limited capacity [16]. This issue is particularly pronounced in urban areas, where housing costs are higher, and resources are more strained. As a result, some youth are forced to navigate the transition to adulthood without the safety net that transitional housing can provide [11].

2.2. Independent Living Programs

Independent Living Programs (ILPs) play a crucial role in supporting former foster youth facing housing instability. These programs are designed to empower youth with the necessary skills to thrive independently, encompassing areas such as financial literacy, job preparedness, and tenancy education [17]. Furthermore, ILPs often offer financial support in the form of stipends or housing vouchers to assist youth in managing living expenses as they make the transition into adulthood. [10] indicated that adolescents who participate in Independent Living Programs (ILPs) tend to achieve significantly better housing outcomes, including greater housing stability and improved employment prospects, compared to those who do not engage in these programs.

Despite the many positive aspects of these types of programs, ILPs face a variety of challenges that can limit their overall effectiveness. One of the most significant barriers is the inconsistency in how the programs are implemented [18]. Not all ILPs offer the same level of support or services, and youth with more complex needs, such as those with histories of trauma or mental health issues, may not receive the adequate care they require [18]. Additionally, some ILPs struggle to customize their services to meet individual needs, opting for a one-size-fits-all approach that may not be effective for all participants [19].

Navigating the complex landscape of the housing market and attaining stable, affordable housing can present significant challenges, especially in areas with high housing costs or limited availability of low-cost housing options [17]. This issue is particularly pronounced among young individuals who have aged out of the foster care system. Without consistent support, many youths face the threat of housing instability upon leaving foster care. The journey from foster care to adulthood is multifaceted and non-linear, often necessitating ongoing assistance to ensure a smooth transition.

The issue of housing instability among former foster youth is a multifaceted and complex problem that requires thoughtful and holistic solutions. Transitional housing programs, while providing temporary stability, often fall short in addressing the needs of youth with complex challenges due to their limited duration. On the other hand, independent living services, aimed at equipping youth with essential life skills, struggle with consistent implementation and fail to provide long-term support. In order to effectively address the housing instability faced by former foster youth, it is imperative to adopt a multi-faceted approach because the former foster youth population is so diverse. This necessity arises from the diverse backgrounds and unique challenges that characterize the former foster youth population. This approach should encompass long-term support mechanisms, tailored interventions that consider the unique needs of each individual, and the provision of accessible and sustainable housing options. Only through such a well-rounded strategy can we hope to comprehensively mitigate the housing instability encountered by former foster youth.

3. Methods

The objective of this scoping review is to explore the relationship of housing stability among former foster youth and identify barriers to stable housing. This review specifically sought to identify housing-related challenges faced by this population, explore the influence of housing stability on their quality of life, and provide recommendations for future research and policy interventions.

3.1. Design and Framework

The study employed the methodological framework developed by Arksey and O’Malley [20] and later refined by Levac [21]. This framework includes five stages: identifying the research question, searching for relevant studies, selecting studies, charting the data, and collating, summarizing, and reporting the results.

3.2. Data Sources and Search Strategy

Relevant literature was identified through a comprehensive search of online databases, including PubMed, PsycINFO, and Academic Search Complete. The search strategy incorporated keywords and Boolean operators, such as (“housing stability” OR “housing insecurity” OR homelessness OR “houselessness” OR “transitional housing”) AND (“former foster youth” OR “aged out” OR “youth aging out of foster care” OR “youth in transition” OR “child welfare services”.

OR “supportive housing” OR “life skills training”). The filters applied restricted the search to peer-reviewed articles and dissertations published in English and within the United States. Although the inclusion criteria limited studies to those conducted in the United States, one study from Ireland was included because it provided particularly relevant insights into housing instability among youth leaving care. The Irish foster care system shares structural similarities with the U.S. system, and the study’s focus on the housing challenges faced during the transition to adulthood was directly aligned with the objectives of this review. Including this study, therefore, strengthened the thematic synthesis by offering a comparative perspective that enriched the understanding of housing stability, while still maintaining relevance to the U.S. context. Gray literature was incorporated into the research due to the limited scholarly exploration of the topic. Given the current gap in the academic literature, the inclusion of gray literature allows for a more comprehensive understanding and a richer contextual framework for the subject matter being investigated. The publication date restrictions were within the last ten years before the date of 5 December 2024. In total, we retrieved 5940 articles (see Figure 1 PRISMA flow diagram below).

3.3. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria

The inclusion criteria for this review were peer-reviewed articles focusing on housing stability or instability among former foster youth. Studies focusing on populations other than former foster youth, articles unrelated to housing stability, and non-peer-reviewed sources, were excluded.

3.4. Study Selection Process

The study selection process adhered to PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews) guidelines [22]. Two independent reviewers screened titles and abstracts for relevance, with discrepancies resolved through discussion. The nine selected studies went through full-text review to ensure they met the inclusion and exclusion criteria.

3.5. Selection of Sources of Evidence

In this paper, two authors conducted a thorough review and screening of three hundred twenty-nine articles for inclusion, with a third author on standby to address any potential conflicts, although none arose. The two authors evaluated the titles and abstracts to determine whether each article fulfilled the specified inclusion and exclusion criteria. A response of “yes” indicated that an article met the criteria, while a “no” indicated otherwise.

The authors convened virtually to discuss the results of the initial screening, which ultimately resulted in 5940 articles being identified. Search results from all databases were exported and combined into a single library in Covidence. Duplicate records were identified and removed using Covidence’s automated duplicate detection (matching on title, author, and year), followed by a manual check to ensure accuracy. A total of 1508 duplicates were removed, leaving 4432 unique records for title and abstract screening. 4111 articles were excluded using Covidence’s automation tool during the title and abstract screening. Of the total 321 full-text articles reviewed for eligibility, 308 were excluded for not meeting the eligibility criteria. Specifically, 95 were excluded because the study population did not meet the eligibility criteria, 72 were excluded due to ineligible study design, 58 were excluded for reporting outcomes that were not relevant to the research question, 47 were excluded because of insufficient data, 25 were overlapping publications, and 15 were excluded because the full text could not be retrieved despite repeated attempts. During the data extraction process, 4 more articles were removed, making the final article count 9 studies for this review (See Figure 1).

3.6. Data Extraction and Charting

Data extraction was conducted within Covidence using a standardized data extraction form. Each article included in the final review was independently reviewed to ensure reliability. As shown in

Table 1. Summary of Included Articles.

Authors & Year	Research Questions and Research Design	Characteristics of Participants	Outcome Measures	Key Findings
Fowler et al. (2017) [23]	To test whether aging out of foster care contributes to homelessness risk in emerging adulthood.	n = 350 adolescents who were at least 18 years old at the 18- or 36-month follow-up Black/non-Hispanic = 33 Hispanic = 36 Other = 10 White/non-Hispanic = 29	Aged Out Reunified Never placed in Out of Care	Youth who age out of foster care exhibit similar probability of literal homelessness as adolescents never placed out-of-home after initial investigation. However, child welfare-involved youth exhibit risk for unstable housing in emerging adulthood regardless of aging out status given high rates of mobility and inadequate housing. Child welfare interventions to promote independent living skills and extend foster care are not associated with reduced risk for housing problems.
Glynn & Mayock (2021) [24]	To examine care leavers’ experience of securing housing during the transition out of care	n = 16 Five of the young people had a migrant or minority ethnic background (e.g., Eastern European, African or Irish Traveler)	Housing instability	Housing significantly contributes to the precarity faced by care leavers, with participants linking housing instability to the threat or reality of homelessness.
Greeno et al. (2019) [25]	To assess the prevalence of substance use, and the impact of housing instability and independence preparation on substance use	n = 291 African American = 118 Caucasian = 127 Hispanic/more than one race = 4	Housing instability	Every former foster youth reported housing instability after leaving care, with 100% having stayed with friends or relatives due to lack of options, and 99% (n = 252) having stayed in shelters.
Lee et al. (2022) [26]	To address the gap by paying attention to youth with a disability in its identification of risk factors for homelessness and incarceration among youth aging out of the foster care system using a social exclusion framework	n = 15,111 White = 6486 Black = 4419 Hispanic = 2906 Other = 1155	Homelessness Incarceration	Youth in foster care with emotional disabilities are at a higher risk of homelessness and incarceration, although this link is weaker in multivariate analyses. In contrast, those with physical or intellectual/developmental disabilities have decreased odds of homelessness. Employment and school enrollment consistently lower the risk of homelessness and incarceration across all disability types.
Lindquist-Grantz et al. (2022) [27]	To provide an initial examination of individual changes over time for youth who enrolled in WMR during the formative evaluation period (1 October 2017–31 December 2019).	n = 87 Black = 57 White = 23 Multi racial = 5	Supportive Connections Social-emotional functioning Transition to adulthood Education or employment Housing stability	The initial study of WMR suggests it could be an effective intervention for homeless youth with a child welfare history, but further research is needed. Notably, housing stability improved within the first six months of program enrollment, even though WMR is not solely focused on housing.
Munson et al. (2017) [28]	To provide marginalized young adults an opportunity to voice their perspectives on the supportive housing model	n = 26 Black = 14 Multi racial = 8 Native American = 2 Asian = 2	Living arrangements over the transition to adulthood	The residents articulated that during their time in care they did not learn what they needed for young adulthood, and, perhaps even more importantly, they didn’t take steps to learn how to do for themselves
Schelbe (2018) [29]	(1) To examine a program providing subsidized apartments to youth aging out; (2) To understand youths’ and service providers’ perceptions and experiences about the program.	n = 19 Black = 17 White = 2	Transitioning to adulthood	Youth in ASOMO facing poverty were expected to succeed but struggled despite receiving services like subsidized housing. The ASOMO program didn’t fully support them. Key observations include: (1) youth were resourceful but unprepared for independent living; (2) they encountered successes and setbacks in employment, education, and personal lives; and (3) structural barriers impacted their experiences. I will illustrate these themes with examples from observations and interview quotes.
Skobba et al. (2023) [30]	To better understand the life circumstances and housing pathways before and during college for students with foster care or homelessness experience.	n = 34	Housing Instability	Fraught family relationships and parental rejection were common precursors to housing instability within the unaccompanied youth pathway type, which often included the use of couch surfing, living in cars and other temporary accommodations
Whitcare, 2020 [31]	What are the experiences of structured social support among a small cohort of previous foster youth who are now stably housed in an urban area of the U.S. Midwest?	n = 9	Housing Instability	Having social support and relationships with adults after gaining independence helps lower the chances of experiencing housing instability.

below, extracted data fields included: authors and publication year, study location, study objective, research design, main findings, limitations, decision on inclusion in final synthesis, and population of interest. The author was defined as the individual or group who published the article, while the year referred to the publication date. The study location indicated the geographic area where the research was conducted, and the population of interest described the specific group studied. The main findings encompassed key results and conclusions, and limitations highlighted factors restricting the study’s scope, validity, or generalizability. Extracted data was then synthesized thematically and summarized.

As shown in

Table 2. Synthesized themes related to homelessness among TAY.

Author(s) & Year	The Impact of Foster Care and Homelessness on Housing Stability	The Role of Social Support in Housing Stability	The Precarious Nature of Housing in Emerging Adulthood	The Connection Between High School and College Housing Pathways
Fowler et al. (2017) [23]	x	x
Glynn & Mayock (2021) [24]			x	x
Greeno et al. (2019) [25]		x
Lee et al. (2022) [26]			x
Lindquist-Grantz et al. (2022) [27]	x
Munson et al. (2017) [28]				x
Schelbe (2018) [29]				x
Skobba et al. (2023) [30]	x		x
Whitcare, 2020 [31]		x

x denotes that the article included this theme.

below, several key themes emerged from the studies that examine the housing stability and experiences of youth with a foster care background, particularly as they transition into adulthood. These themes highlight the complex, multifaceted nature of housing instability among vulnerable youth and the need for tailored interventions to address these issues.

3.7. The Impact of Foster Care and Homelessness on Housing Stability

A prominent theme identified in the articles by Fowler et al. [23], Skobba [30], and Lindquist-Grantz [27] is the profound influence of early housing experiences on long-term stability. This theme is especially significant for youth transitioning out of foster care or those facing homelessness, highlighting the critical role that stable housing plays in their overall well-being and future outcomes. Youth in these circumstances face a high risk of housing instability. For example, those who age out of foster care are at risk of experiencing similar housing outcomes as those who were never placed in care, underscoring the vulnerability of these youth regardless of their foster care status [23,30]. Likewise, housing pathways for students with foster care or homelessness experiences are often marked by precarity, including frequent moves, lack of stable family relationships, and high rates of displacement [27].

Despite some efforts to support these youth through independent living programs or extended foster care, these interventions show mixed results in their association with housing instability risks [23].

3.8. The Role of Social Support in Housing Stability

Social support is a critical protective factor in promoting housing stability, especially after youth emancipate from the foster care system or experience homelessness [32]. Having reliable adult connections and social support networks can significantly reduce the likelihood of housing instability post-emancipation [25]. Social support not only helps youth secure housing but also fosters a sense of accomplishment and stability, particularly when transitioning to independent living [31]. This theme is echoed by studies that stress the importance of family reunification as a stabilizing factor, noting that youth who reunite with their families are less likely to experience homelessness compared to their counterparts in foster care [9].

3.9. The Precarious Nature of Housing in Emerging Adulthood

The transition to adulthood is characterized by heightened housing instability among youth in foster care. A prominent theme that emerges from the research conducted by Skobba [30], Glynn [24], and Lee [26] is the tumultuous nature of housing trajectories, especially during the period of emerging adulthood. This instability reflects broader systemic challenges faced by this population as they navigate their housing options. Many youth face frequent moves and unstable living conditions, often due to a combination of financial hardship, family conflict, and lack of planning [24]. As these youth transition to college, the challenges of maintaining stable housing continue, with some students struggling to balance work, academic responsibilities, and housing costs [30]. The chaotic nature of their housing pathways often leads to health challenges and academic struggles, further complicating their transition to independent adulthood [26].

3.10. The Connection Between High School and College Housing Pathways

Housing instability often begins long before students arrive on campus coming from high school. Many students with foster care experiences describe precarious living arrangements that begin in high school. These housing pathways are often rooted in unaccompanied youth status, or foster care placements, each marked by instability and frequent moves [28]. As students enter college, some experience an improvement in housing stability, but others continue to face significant challenges. Interestingly, students with foster care backgrounds often report more stable housing experiences during college than expected, possibly due to access to financial resources and campus support programs [29]. However, for those without such resources, the pressure of managing both academic and housing costs can lead to ongoing instability [24].

4. Discussion

4.1. Strengths and Limitations of the Scoping Review

This scoping review offers several notable strengths. First, it addresses a significant gap in the literature by synthesizing empirical evidence on the relationship between housing stability and outcomes for youth transitioning from foster care. By including a diverse range of studies that are qualitative, quantitative, and mixed method designs, this review provides a comprehensive overview of how housing stability influences educational attainment, employment, social connectedness, and mental health among former foster youth. The inclusion of peer-reviewed articles across multiple disciplines further enhances the interdisciplinary relevance of the findings and underscores the multifaceted nature of the challenges experienced by this population. A key strength lies in the focus on contextual and systemic factors, as well as youth perspectives. Many of the included studies draw on lived experiences, highlighting youth voices and revealing nuanced insights into their coping strategies, resilience, and barriers to housing stability. By identifying common methodological patterns and limitations across the existing literature, this scoping review lays the groundwork for future empirical studies and policy interventions aimed at improving housing outcomes and overall well-being for transition-age youth.

Despite these strengths, several limitations should be acknowledged. First, the review may be limited by the search strategy, while systematic, and may have missed studies that did not use specific terminology related to foster care and housing stability. The results may also have been limited with the generalizability of findings due to different child welfare policies and housing systems. The heterogeneity of the studies also presented challenges for synthesis. Variations in sample characteristics, research designs, outcome measures, and definitions of housing stability made it difficult to draw definitive conclusions regarding causality or the effectiveness of specific interventions. While this scoping review is well suited to mapping existing evidence, it does not involve formal quality appraisal of studies, and therefore it did not assess the strength of evidence or risk of bias in included sources.

In totality, this scoping review contributes insights into the relationship between housing stability and life outcomes for former foster youth while also identifying key areas for future research and methodological improvement.

4.2. Limitations of Included Studies

Several methodological and contextual limitations were evident across the reviewed studies, which collectively impact the strength, generalizability, and transferability of their findings. A prominent limitation among many studies was the use of small and often homogenous samples, which is a common characteristic of qualitative and exploratory research designs [27,31]. Small sample sizes limit the ability to generalize findings to the broader population of youth aging out of foster care or experiencing homelessness.

Sampling and recruitment biases also appeared consistently. Many studies recruited participants through support programs or service providers, often excluding youth who were not engaged in formal services [24,28,30]. As such, the perspectives captured may reflect the experiences of more resource-connected youth, potentially underrepresenting the voices of those facing more severe barriers or disconnected from services.

Although several researchers took steps to promote trustworthiness, such as thick description, member checking, and reflexivity [31], the reliance on self-reported data and the presence of the researcher during interviews may have shaped participant responses. Moreover, transferability is inherently limited when studies are conducted in specific geographic regions or institutional contexts, restricting the applicability of findings to broader settings [28].

Several studies using survey or administrative data encountered challenges related to data quality and measurement precision. For example, correlational designs limited causal inference, and national datasets often lacked granularity regarding key variables such as the type, duration, or severity of homelessness, incarceration, or foster care placement [26]. Additionally, some data were only collected at fixed timepoints, which obscured the dynamics of employment or housing instability between interviews [26]. Few studies included the perspectives of multiple stakeholders, which may have enriched the contextual understanding of youth outcomes and service implementation [28]. Similarly, the lack of longitudinal approaches in several studies limits the understanding of sustained program effects over time [25,29].

4.3. Implications

The following practical and policy implications emerge from the findings of this scoping review. Findings across the nine reviewed studies point to housing instability as both a symptom and a driver of broader structural vulnerability among youth transitioning out of foster care. Youth frequently experience inadequate preparation, lack of supportive networks, and limited access to essential services, all of which compound the risk of unstable or unsafe housing. The following implications emerge for policy, practice and research.

Many young people transitioning out of the foster care system express feelings of unpreparedness as they step into independent living, reflecting a strong desire for more practical skills and supportive resources before their exit, as highlighted in the ASOMO study [29]. This lack of preparation often leads to housing instability, presenting a significant barrier to a successful transition [25]. Armstrong-Heimsoth and colleagues [13] found that programs emphasizing financial literacy, tenancy skills, and system navigation were associated with improved housing outcomes. To combat this issue, transitional planning should begin early, ideally during adolescence, focusing on equipping youth with essential life skills tailored to their individual needs. By cultivating these competencies from an early age, programs may reduce the likelihood of housing crises when youth exit foster care.

The journey to stability for youth exiting care is frequently non-linear and filled with both successes and periods of instability. Even those who manage to secure housing can face unforeseen challenges that hinder their ability to maintain it without continued support [29]. Lee [26] highlights the developmental mismatch between foster care exit timelines and normative transitions among non-foster peers. Extending housing-related services to at least age 25 would better align with these developmental norms and acknowledge the extended needs many of these young adults face. Lee [26] also emphasizes the importance of integrated supportive housing programs for youth with trauma histories or disabilities, suggesting that long-term stability depends on access to wraparound services. As they age out of care, these youth often confront systemic barriers when seeking housing, such as affordability, safety concerns, and discriminatory rental practices [30]. Munson [28] found that limited availability of affordable and secure housing options, especially those conveniently near job opportunities, educational institutions, and reliable transportation, contributes to cycles of instability and homelessness. Therefore, it is crucial for policymakers to prioritize investments in youth-centered housing solutions that are safe, accessible, and integrated within supportive community environments.

To enhance the effectiveness of housing policies and services, it is vital that programs actively engage youth in the design process. Greeno [25] and Whitcare [31] emphasize that establishing advisory boards and participatory planning initiatives creates avenues for youth input, allowing their insights and experiences to inform and shape program development. This engagement helps to identify existing gaps in support and ensures that housing programs are developmentally appropriate, trauma-informed, and culturally responsive, reflecting the diverse needs of the population. Additionally, research indicates that flexible funding is instrumental in securing and maintaining stable living arrangements. Greeno [25] notes that individualized spending, such as emergency assistance or relation support, can improve housing outcomes. Both public and private funding mechanisms must allow for this flexibility to address the diverse and evolving housing needs of youth, enabling them to navigate transitions more effectively.

Certain subgroups, including youth with emotional disabilities, those aging out of congregate care, or those with histories of multiple placements, face heightened risks of housing instability [27]. These vulnerable individuals require tailored supports and specialized housing strategies designed to meet their unique challenges. Approaches such as supported transitional housing and scattered site housing with comprehensive wraparound support, along with family reunification models where safe and appropriate, can provide meaningful pathways to stability [27]. Despite the existence of promising models in housing support, the availability of empirically supported programs targeted at this population remains limited. Lindquist-Grantz [27] calls for more rigorous evaluations of program effectiveness across diverse subgroups. Future research must explore the long-term impacts of housing interventions on stability, education, employment, and mental health outcomes for youth transitioning out of foster care. However, few studies assess outcomes beyond the initial transition period. Evaluations conducted 24 to 36 months post-exit are especially needed to understand the sustained effects of housing support. Additionally, conducting cost-effectiveness analyses will yield valuable data to justify ongoing investments in housing programs tailored to the unique needs of these young adults, ultimately fostering smoother transitions to independent living for those who have experienced foster care.