Gender and Community-Based Tourism: Theoretical Debates from a Decolonial Perspective

Abstract

This paper critiques the Western-centric lens in gender studies, emphasising the need for decolonial, intersectional, and inclusive methodologies in community-based tourism (CBT) research. It argues that universalist narratives often overlook local power structures, gendered labour divisions, and socio-economic inequalities, disregarding localised knowledge and the structural barriers that shape women’s realities in tourism. In the case of rural women, these dominant perspectives fail to address key issues such as the unequal distribution of benefits, the complexities of tourism participation, and the tensions between market demands, social change, and cultural preservation. This paper calls for context-sensitive approaches that amplify women’s voices and lived experiences in CBT. It highlights the urgency of decolonising knowledge, challenging hegemonic epistemologies that homogenise women’s experiences and reinforce Eurocentric gender norms. The study also underscores intersectionality as a crucial tool to expose the overlapping systems of oppression—including ethnicity, class, race, and access to global tourism markets—that deepen gender inequalities in CBT. Without a decolonial and intersectional lens, tourism studies risk reproducing extractivist logics that marginalise local voices and perpetuate inequitable structures. Future research must move beyond Western frameworks, fostering more ethical, sustainable, and socially just approaches to gender studies in tourism.

1. Introduction

As tourism activity extends to diverse and remote regions, the need to critically examine the gendered dynamics present in tourism experiences, is becoming increasingly important. Some researchers argue that postcolonial feminist research has been biased towards specific situations and perspectives and has relied heavily on Western modes of thought and approaches to knowledge (Duffy et al., 2015; Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020). For instance, the conceptualisation of empowerment, critical to the studies of tourism and gender, originates from a Western perspective (Foley et al., 2018). In many cases, Western approaches may introduce cultural biases and universally assumed concepts that do not adequately fit local realities. Differences in gender norms, family roles, community structures, and conceptions of autonomy may be misunderstood or underestimated if cultural specificity is not considered. In this sense, the critical evaluation of theoretical debates concerning gender in tourism emerges as a fertile ground for reflection (Díaz-Carrión, 2021), especially from a decolonial perspective.

Interest in the situation of women in relation to tourism appeared in the 1970s with the first studies in the emerging subfield of tourism anthropology. Margaret B. Swain (1977) analysed the changes and continuities in the lives of Cuna women, while Valene Smith (1979) reflected of the power of women as travel decision-makers. However, it was not until the 1990s that gender studies began to become widespread, driven by feminist perspectives (Kinnaird & Hall, 1994; Sincalir, 1997; Swain, 1995). This focus expanded significantly in the 21st century, marking a period of notable growth and development (Chambers & Rakić, 2018; Díaz-Carrión, 2021; Figueroa-Domecq & Segovia-Perez, 2020; Hall et al., 2003; Pritchard, 2018). Still, Figueroa-Domecq et al. (2015, p. 89), in their extensive literature review, criticise the fact that “the tourism academy has been exceptionally reluctant to engage in introspective gender-aware critique” unlike fields in the humanities, management, and natural sciences.

Today, the academic discourse on this topic is undergoing a crucial process of re-evaluation and transformation, seeking to transcend traditional perspectives that have tended to reproduce structures of power and inequality. Numerous studies point to the persistent gender inequality that characterises women’s participation in tourism, with an emphasis on its structural nature (Pritchard, 2018) and its socio-economic dimensions (Díaz-Carrión, 2021). However, “the field is still marginalized and there is much work to do in fully engaging with gender-aware, feminist ontologies, epistemologies and methodologies” (Wilson & Chambers, 2023, p. 3). Figueroa-Domecq et al. (2015) identified four key themes in gender-aware tourism research: women as consumers of tourism products, gendered hosts, gendered labour, and theory building, with most studies predominantly focusing on the first. This emphasises the need to expand research efforts toward the other three areas to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of gender dynamics in tourism. This paper explores the node of these three topics by analysing the conditions of women’s work and participation in community-based tourism (CBT), as well as the need to adopt new approaches to its research.

In rural environments where CBT models abound, the main arguments point to the extension of domestic work and the abandonment of traditional activities in favour of a different economic system through tourism (Xu & Gu, 2018). Rural women often face limitations in access to financial resources, technical training, and educational opportunities, which places them in positions of lower levels of responsibility and wages within tourism projects (Kinnaird & Hall, 1994; Scheyvens, 1999). In the countryside, there is a greater propensity of women to reproduce and accentuate gender roles (Movono & Dahles, 2017; Tong, 2021). This vulnerability can be attributed to various socio-economic and cultural dynamics present in rural areas, where traditional gender structures can often be more entrenched. In general terms, rural settings amplify the barriers experienced by women (Semkunde et al., 2022; Abdul Azis et al., 2023). It is relevant to highlight that these barriers can co-exist and are often interconnected with various inequalities associated with age, ethnicity, race (Córdoba-Azcárate, 2020; Pérez-Galán & Fuller, 2015; Trupp & Sunanta, 2017), education, ability, and social status (Hutchings et al., 2020; Pritchard, 2018; Zhang & Zhang, 2020).

It is worth questioning how research on women’s participation in CBT can better account for the context-specific gender dynamics and structural inequalities that shape the experiences of rural women. This perspective paper intends to stimulate academic debate by (1) identifying the limitations of Western frameworks in understanding women’s participation in CBT, particularly how universalist perspectives fail to capture the specific gender dynamics at play; (2) highlighting the socio-economic, cultural, political, and structural barriers that rural women face, which not only constrain their participation but also hinder their empowerment in tourism contexts; (3) exploring the transformative potential of decolonial approaches and advocate for the adoption of alternative frameworks that better reflect local realities and diverse women’s experiences; and (4) emphasising the importance of intersectionality in understanding how overlapping forms of inequality—such as ethnicity, class, and race—further deepen disparities. The paper is structured into four sections, each addressing one of these key themes.

2. Gender Analysis in Tourism

A critical theoretical approach has emerged to explore and understand the interaction between tourism and various aspects of society, including gender dynamics. Gender studies in tourism emphasise the importance of reaffirming women’s roles in society and their active participation in the prevailing economic development model. These studies also offer a detailed analysis of how women’s involvement in tourism can positively influence their quality of life (Kunjuraman, 2022). “Gender and feminism must remain relevant in tourism studies, and perhaps even more so now” (Wilson & Chambers, 2023, p. 3), as research on gender interactions in tourism is essential for understanding and developing strategies to address inequalities (Díaz-Carrión, 2021). However, it is important to assess whether such research goes beyond analysing existing structures to actively challenge prevailing narratives, thereby advocating for meaningful and transformative change.

For example, it is argued that women’s participation in tourism often does not result in true economic autonomy and decision-making capacity, either at the personal level or at the family, community, and tourism project levels. In some circumstances, women have not even been able to directly access the economic benefits generated by tourism activity (Sparrer, 2003; Tucker & Boonabaana, 2012; Trupp & Sunanta, 2017). However, focusing solely on economic empowerment through tourism has proven to be insufficient (Ferguson, 2011). Women need to become more socially empowered and more actively involved in tourism to achieve sustainable development (Elshaer et al., 2021).

Extensive research on occupational segregation in tourism has revealed patterns of unequal distribution of jobs and responsibilities based on gender. This often leads to unbalanced representation in different hierarchical levels and sectors within tourism with examples of horizontal and vertical segregation (Segovia Pérez et al., 2014; Segovia-Pérez et al., 2019), such as occupational disparities (Ferreira & Ramos, 2016; Figueroa-Domecq & Segovia-Perez, 2020; García Cuesta et al., 2018) and wage discrimination (Carvalho et al., 2019; Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2022). For example, Talón-Ballestero et al. (2014) emphasise the prevalence of wage gaps in hospitality, where women consistently earn less than their male colleagues despite holding similar roles. In cases of CBT where shared benefits should prevail, the work, responsibilities, and resources generated are not equitable among male and female participants (Rodríguez & Acevedo, 2015). The challenges women face when entering the tourism sector are influenced by the very nature of the activity, including aspects such as working hours, seasonality, and high turnover (Alsawafi, 2016). These challenges are further amplified in entrepreneurship, particularly when they are associated with a lack of community integration (Ashrafi & Hadi, 2019) and business property ownership (Talón-Ballestero et al., 2014).

The influence of tourism on daily gender interactions has been examined as tourism work becomes a continuation of domestic responsibilities (Xu, 2018), which extends women’s obligations (Fernández & Martínez, 2010; Flores & O Barros, 2011; Sigüenza et al., 2013). The tourism sector is labour-intensive, leading to long working hours and difficulties in reconciling household responsibilities, productive roles, and activities linked to both tourism and other unpaid community tasks (Thomé et al., 2018; Tucker & Boonabaana, 2012). This often results in double or even triple working hours, which negatively affect family and community relationships (García Cuesta et al., 2018; Rodríguez & Acevedo, 2015; Sigüenza et al., 2013) and lead to the disintegration of social structures (Pérez-Galán & Fuller, 2015). In specific situations, negative changes in gender relations and social behaviour can result in domestic violence (Movono & Dahles, 2017), for example, when faced with economic tensions related to the reconfiguration of traditional roles in the tourism context. This is an example of “psychological disempowerment” (Boley et al., 2016, p. 5), where tourism displaces traditional community activities, affecting their identity and relationships with visitors. Psychological disempowerment in CBT refers to the loss of control and self-efficacy, particularly when tourism replaces traditional activities, weaking people’s cultural identity (Boley et al., 2016). It has been measured through indicators such as autonomy, decision-making, cultural pride, self-esteem, and sense of wellbeing (Scheyvens, 1999; Seyfi et al., 2022).

Such multiple responsibilities challenge women’s participation in development and restrict opportunities to change gender power dynamics (Díaz-Carrión & Vizcaino, 2021; Sanchez Morgan & Winkler, 2019). “Cultural biases, anti-social working hours and general negative societal perception of the working environment in the sector” (Nyaruwata & Nyaruwata, 2013, p. 2065) further complicate women’s access to managerial roles. In addition to the reproduction of sex- and gender-related stereotypes in the work environment, Lázaro-Castellanos and Jubany-Baucells (2017) and Moreno and Lunar (2006) point out that most middle- and high-level positions are occupied by young women with a high level of educational attainment but often lacking the deserved recognition. For women to effectively negotiate gender roles, it is necessary to improve their economic situation and socio-cultural position; otherwise, they may resist negotiation and maintain their current circumstances. Xu (2018) argues that a continuous resistance of gender and power dominance can be observed among participants in tourism activity, which enables the deconstruction of gender and the renegotiation of gender structures.

3. Gender Discussions in the CBT

Changing narratives about the role of rural and isolated communities, combined with improved access to economic resources, have broadened opportunities for rural people to develop tourism as a community-led initiative (Reggers et al., 2016). Given that traditional models of tourism do not meet the expectations of sustainable social development and environmental conservation (Manu & Kuuder, 2012), CBT emerges as a promising alternative by adopting a more bottom-up approach to tourism development (Hernández-Ramírez, 2015; Reggers et al., 2016). The literature has shown that tourism models implemented in rural settings, with responsible management, have a greater potential to foster equitable participation and empowerment of people compared to the traditional tourism approach (Martínez-Quintana & Martínez-Gayo, 2019). Pilquimán-Vera et al. (2020) argue that non-conventional forms of tourism in Indigenous territories help to revitalise culture, strengthen social connections, and foster the development of strategies that support a more prosperous future in line with the community’s shared goals. Through community empowerment (Ranasinghe & Pradeepamali, 2019), the practice of CBT can result in improvements to the quality of life of local communities (Kunjuraman, 2022).

In the case of women, it has been found that the active presence of women in tourism, especially in developing nations and marginalised areas, can generate positive impacts by providing direct monetary benefits to local communities (Mohanty & Chandran, 2018), allowing for women’s greater economic involvement (Hernandez et al., 2005; Rodrigues et al., 2018; Sánchez Islas et al., 2019), financial independence (Alsawafi, 2016; Kimbu & Ngoasong, 2016; Talón-Ballestero et al., 2014), and advanced training and specialisation (Movono & Dahles, 2017; Pastor-Alfonso & Espeso-Molinero, 2021). Moreover, despite socio-political barriers in rural, indigenous, and mixed-race settings, participation in tourism can strengthen rural women’s self-awareness and agency (Knight & Cottrell, 2016). However, in rural settings, where discrimination and the exclusion of women are prominent (Rodríguez Muñoz & Vizcarra Bordi, 2018), women are particularly vulnerable to the reinforcement and exacerbation of traditional gender roles (Thomé et al., 2018), and therefore, it cannot be assumed that all tourism-generated employment has the potential to promote female empowerment (Jiménez Ruiz et al., 2020). For instance, in the Tosepan Titataniske rural cooperative in Mexico, out of 10 women interviewed by Jiménez Ruiz et al. (2020), only 1 shared a managerial position role with a man, while the rest worked in service-oriented jobs (cleaning and kitchen services)—reinforcing traditional gender roles.

Research highlights the increased workload for women, particularly in rural settings, as they participate in community activities while also taking on family responsibilities (Walter, 2011). The overlap of daily chores with tourism activities intensifies when both occur in the same space, blurring the line between public (productive) and private (reproductive) spheres, particularly when tourism activities are hosted within local residents’ homes (LaPan et al., 2021). Women are often overburdened with hospitality tasks, which include food processing and cleaning, resulting in a significant increase in their workload and a restriction on their participation in political and other economic activities (Cole, 2006; Sincalir, 1997). Expanding women’s roles in tourism can lead to a harmful cycle as tourism develops in a community. The lack of a clear separation between the spaces may also influence the strategies deployed to balance these competing demands, as well as the obstacles that can arise in this complex reconciliation process. This close interrelationship between daily responsibilities and tourism dynamics imposes additional challenges on women.

The gender norms embedded in a community (LaPan et al., 2021) can also limit or expand women’s opportunities for participation in CBT. Traditional expectations often shape women’s perceptions of their potential, influencing their ability to lead tourism initiatives or take on roles considered unconventional for their gender. In rural settings, these dynamics manifest as predefined role assignments, which, while not necessarily indicating deliberate exploitation, reflect patterns of mutual dependence. Participation in tourism combined by the “demonstration effect” can influence gender norms (Monterrubio & Marivel Mendoza-Ontiveros, 2014), which does not always lead to positive cultural exchanges (Duffy et al., 2015) or to positive outcomes for women (LaPan et al., 2021). Understanding and respecting local cultural norms is essential to ensure that CBT initiatives do not undermine existing community values while also creating space for women’s participation within those cultural frameworks.

However, the systems of upbringing and reproduction in these communities are evolving, often aligning more closely with capitalist principles when tourism is introduced. This shift, driven by activities like tourism and globalisation, fosters more individualistic and market-oriented perspectives, challenging traditional communal models. Therefore, it is essential to critically examine how tourism can offer genuine opportunities for women’s emancipation without undermining the foundational structures of their communities. It is essential to recognise and value women’s local perspectives and experiences in CBT, promoting active collaboration with local communities and enabling women to contribute to defining research and policy development agendas. Giving women a voice at the local level provides a more authentic and comprehensive understanding of their experiences and challenges, not only in labour, economic, and capitalist terms, but also in a sense of otherness, collectivity, and reciprocity.

On the other hand, women have abandoned agricultural work to become involved in tourism services—a transition that marks a significant change in rural dynamics (Xu & Gu, 2018). This migration from agriculture to tourism can serve as a strategy for diversifying income and overcoming the economic challenges tied to farming. However, this shift also raises concerns about the long-term sustainability of rural communities and the management of natural resources. The transformation of rural areas extends beyond economic changes to encompass alterations in social and cultural relationships. It is important to acknowledge that, despite the systematic efforts of colonial powers to dismantle women’s agricultural systems, women play a decisive role in the forefront of struggles for the non-capitalist use of natural resources (Federici, 2012). It is therefore essential to explore the extent to which local women face barriers to land-ownership rights (Moreno Alarcón, 2014; Suárez-Gutiérrez et al., 2016) and how current land-tenure structures and practices can restrict the ability of rural women to express their needs, views, and perspectives in CBT. Considering that land is the fundamental material basis for women’s subsistence work, it is necessary to analyse the struggles that women are undertaking worldwide (Federici, 2012). These struggles aim not only to reclaim land but also to promote the non-commercial use of resources.

In addition to cultural (García, 2015; Knight & Cottrell, 2016; Ruhanen & Whitford, 2019), social (Tucker & Boonabaana, 2012), and land-ownership barriers, women often struggle to access economic resources, including securing financing, pursuing alternative investments, and receiving adequate training. They also face significant legal and bureaucratic obstacles (Kimbu & Ngoasong, 2016; Knight & Cottrell, 2016), compounded by a lack of mentoring opportunities and difficulties in balancing personal and professional responsibilities (Laidey & Imthinan, 2024). These barriers further limit their participation in tourism-related decision-making, restrict their mobility and access to support networks in the tourism sector, hindering their career advancement. While the information deficiency generally affects businesswomen in Africa, Kimbu and Ngoasong (2016) found that the issue was more pronounced in semi-urban areas compared to urban ones in Camerum. As Nimble (2019) argues, various socio-cultural, gender, and caste constraints impede the full development of women’s capabilities in tourism initiatives, reducing their influence on tourism development processes. As a result, their experiences may be underrepresented or undocumented in the specialised literature.

4. The Decolonial Approach

The 1970s witnessed the emergence of a powerful intellectual movement in Latin America that addressed the need to reconsider the hegemony of a single dominant science. From Mexico, Rodolfo Stavenhagen (1971) called for decolonisation of the social sciences, exposing the contradictions inherent in the pursuit of objectivity and neutrality within applied sciences. Colombian scholar Orlando Fals Borda (1973), began developing his Participatory Action Research methodology (Fals Borda & Rahman, 1991), while Brazilian educator Paulo Freire (1968/1970) advanced his transformative methodology for popular education (Freire, 1970). All of them advocated for the social and political engagement of researchers, challenging the status quo of a visibly Eurocentric academia. Their work drew inspiration from Frantz Fanon, who argued that the subjugation of colonised peoples extends beyond political decolonisation and state liberation, persisting through the imposition of colonial language and culture (Fanon, 1967).

By the end of the 20th century, a group of intellectuals and scholars, including Aníbal Quijano, Walter Mignolo, Arturo Escobar, and María Lugones, had formed the think-tank Modernity/Coloniality who critically analysed the enduring effects of colonialism and the intertwined relationship between modernity and coloniality. Drawing on Fanon’s principles (1961), the Modernity/Coloniality think-thank make a clear distinction between “colonialism” and “coloniality”. “Colonialism” refers to historical periods of military domination and the legal annexation of territories and their inhabitants by hegemonic powers. In contrast, “coloniality” describes the enduring colonial legacies that persist long after the formal end of colonial rule. They further introduce three interconnected dimensions of coloniality: the concept of “coloniality of knowledge” (Mignolo, 2002), which critiques how European epistemologies have dominated and marginalised other ways of knowing; “coloniality of power” (Quijano, 2000) to describe how colonial structures govern economic and political systems; and the “coloniality of being” (Maldonado-Torres, 2007), which shapes subjectivity, sexuality, and gender roles.

Following the above-mentioned, Lugones (2010) puts the focus on how colonial powers have shaped gender relations and sexuality and advocates for a decolonial turn in feminist studies. She critiques Western feminism for often ignoring the experiences and struggles of women from the Global South and urges scholars to move away from Eurocentric frameworks that universalise women’s experiences.

Decolonizing gender is necessarily a praxical task. It is racialized, colonial, and capitalist heterosexualist gender oppression as lived transformation (…). I call the analysis of racialized, capitalist, gender oppression “the coloniality of gender”. I call the possibility of overcoming the coloniality of gender “decolonial feminism”.

(Lugones, 2010, pp. 746–747)

Critical tourism scholars are adopting the decolonial turn denouncing the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being in tourism studies (Bellato et al., 2024; Chambers & Buzinde, 2015; Pritchard et al., 2011). The analysis of women’s participation in tourism has predominantly been conducted through a Western lens (Foley et al., 2018; Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020) which often overlooks Indigenous and non-Western perspectives. Analyses grounded in Western perspectives present challenges in accurately understanding cultural and social dynamics in non-Western contexts (Figueroa-Domecq & Segovia-Perez, 2020), failing to comprehend the realities of women, particularly those living in rural areas of developing countries. Consequently, it is necessary to integrate more diverse and inclusive approaches in order to gain a more nuanced understanding of gender issues and tourism (Díaz-Carrión, 2021).

Furthermore, it is necessary to turn attention to exploring women’s experiences in more diverse settings, including non-urban areas and nations characterised by fragile economies (Figueroa-Domecq et al., 2020). For instance, most studies on women’s work in tourism have focused predominantly on urban and business contexts, addressing areas such as hospitality (Durán Moreno & Enríquez Martínez, 2025; García Cuesta et al., 2018; Segovia Pérez et al., 2014; Segovia-Pérez et al., 2019; Zapalska & Brozik, 2014), gastronomy (Tajeddini et al., 2017), and travel services (Carvalho et al., 2019; Rodrigues et al., 2018). Themes vary from gender inequalities in tourism employment (Baum et al., 2016), the gender pay gap (Campos-Soria et al., 2011), or entrepreneurship (McGehee et al., 2007). This call for the diversification of studies seeks to shift the gaze of gender dynamics beyond the urban and business sphere which has dominated the scene.

Duffy et al. (2015, p. 83) propose that the perspective of the feminist framework should be broader and more comprehensive, underlining that “there is always a concern of ethnocentric bias”. For instance, the priority of achieving gender equality is a fundamental aspect of feminist theory. However, it is important to examine the impacts of this drive for equality for women living in non-Western societies, taking into account the obstacles they must overcome to achieve equality without compromising their family and community ties (Tucker & Boonabaana, 2012). Duffy et al. (2015, p. 82) point out that “the Western-centric, <external> approach to advising residents to change their approach for the betterment of their community smacks of the very neo-imperialism that has exacerbated tensions between genders”. Adopting a non-Eurocentric viewpoint with a truly commitment to dismantle the matrix of multiple oppressions will help to reformulate the established theoretical foundations (Wilson & Chambers, 2023).

As pointed out by Chambers and Buzinde (2015), there is a notable absence of thoughtful consideration of the diverse realities faced by women from non-Western cultures in tourism that fully recognises their capacity for self-determination. For example, while there has been relevant research exploring women’s inclusion in tourism, it is essential to question whether participation in the capitalist economy is truly a goal that rural women desire and pursue, or whether it is more relevant for them to maintain a collaborative economy. It would therefore be prudent to approach the research from a decolonial perspective and an academic feminist framework that integrates intersectionality and is closely linked to women’s specific experiences and realities. This is an approach that can provide a conceptual perspective that unravels the configuration of power relations inherent in these dynamics, making marginalised voices visible and challenging the normative constructions that have perpetuated gender inequalities in the field of community-based tourism.

Therefore, it is essential to critically examine how women contribute to and are affected by tourism across various contexts, particularly in settings where power, gender, and ethnicity intersect in complex ways. In such scenarios, Tuhiwai-Smith’s (2012) critique of positivism highlights the importance of recognising and addressing power dynamics in social research. Acknowledging these interactions facilitates a more comprehensive understanding and fosters the development of methodologies that are inclusive and sensitive to local realities. Feminist theorists, alongside representatives of Indigenous peoples and other ethnic minorities, play a crucial role in challenging the traditional subalternity (Spivak, 2010) to which they have been relegated in academic studies. These dissenting voices underscore the imperative to challenge the prevailing power structures and epistemological paradigms that have culminated in the objectification of their experiences. Feminist theories provide a platform to interrogate the depersonalisation of women in tourism research, driving critical inquiries into narrative control and the representation of women’s experiences in tourism. Similarly, Indigenous and ethnic minorities emphasise the necessity of active participation in research to prevent cultural appropriation, expropriation of their knowledge, and the imposition of external narratives.

From an indigenous perspective, Western research is more than just research that is located in a positivist tradition. It is research which brings to bear, on any study of indigenous peoples, a cultural orientation, a set of values, a different conceptualization of such things as time, space and subjectivity, different and competing theories of knowledge, highly specialized forms of language, and structures of power.

(Tuhiwai-Smith, 2012, p. 44)

Different studies emphasise the significance of actively incorporating indigenous and ethnic minority communities into tourism research, underscoring that their involvement is vital for ensuring the adequate representation of their perspectives and needs (Espeso-Molinero et al., 2016; Koster et al., 2012; Nielsen & Wilson, 2012). Van Huy and Trang (2024) posit that the engagement of indigenous researchers can facilitate the alignment of research data with the ideologies of ethnic minorities, accentuating the necessity for active participation in the research process. When tourism models fail to culturally understand the target community, “differences between local and non-local conceptions of authenticity, indigeneity, and success” can exacerbate existing tensions—as found by Taylor (2017) among the Maya of Yucatan. In this context, Udah (2024) emphasises the necessity to interrogate the colonial and Eurocentric structures that persist in the production of knowledge, advocating a transition towards decolonial research paradigms focused on social and epistemic justice. This approach is also pointed out by Leon-Leon et al. (2024), who underline the importance of situating the values, practices, and knowledge of indigenous and rural communities at the centre. An interesting example of this approach is the application of Kaupapa methods and worldviews to Indigenous tourism research in New Zealand (Amoamo, 2008; McIntosh et al., 2013; Zygadlo et al., 2003). For instance, Puriri and McIntosh (2019) employed the indigenous paradigm to evaluate family values and principles to guide Māori tourism business development.

5. Intersectional Perspective

Intersectionality, a concept introduced by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw in the late 1980s, analyses how multiple dimensions of inequality, such as race, gender, social class, gender orientation, religion, and age, interact in symmetrical ways to generate experiences of oppression and discrimination. This perspective, which has its origins in pre-black feminist struggles and social movements (Molano Giraldo, 2023), challenges the notion that oppression can be comprehended through a solitary axis of analysis, instead promoting an integrative view of power structures (Crenshaw, 1989; Hill Collins, 1990). This paradigm reveals how interconnected systems of power shape individual and collective experiences, opening up possibilities for developing inclusive and transformative knowledge (Hill Collins, 2015). In this sense, intersectionality presents itself as a valuable perspective for addressing inequalities in the field of CBT, where a holistic approach can reveal the multiple forms of exclusion faced by women in rural settings (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2020; Pérez-Galán & Fuller, 2015).

Conventional literature has addressed gender issues in isolation, without considering the above-mentioned intersecting factors, thus limiting a holistic view of women’s experiences (Chambers, 2021; Hutchings et al., 2020). This perspective has resulted in the perception of the benefits and challenges of CBT as homogenous, without acknowledging the structural inequalities that condition access to resources, opportunities, and decision-making processes (Moswete & Lacey, 2015). Analysis of gender barriers in tourism has revealed inequalities linked to economic, educational, social status, and capacity factors (Pritchard, 2018; Trupp & Sunanta, 2017; Zhang & Zhang, 2020). These exclusions are exacerbated in multicultural contexts where global policies and tourism structures perpetuate the marginalisation of specific groups, such as indigenous women (Durán-Díaz et al., 2020; Martínez, 2003). Furthermore, inequalities based on nationality and cultural conditions have been shown to significantly limit participation in tourism activities, particularly for communities that are underrepresented in the workforce (Mooney, 2018).

Critical tourism research has begun to adopt an intersectional perspective to analyse how overlapping identities shape women’s experiences in CBT. This approach highlights the intricate interplay among gender, ethnicity, age, and social class, illuminating how these dimensions influence pivotal domains such as decision-making, access to resources, and opportunities for economic development (Carvalho et al., 2019; LaPan et al., 2021; Trupp & Sunanta, 2017). These approaches are particularly salient in contexts of multicultural transformations, where local inter-ethnic relations place certain groups, such as indigenous women, in situations of greater vulnerability (Benedetti & Meneses, 2023). Marginalised women face unique challenges, shaped by unequal power dynamics within local communities, which are often further intensified by their interactions with the tourism sector (Je et al., 2022; Xu & Gu, 2018). The analysis of power and empowerment thus become central in this line of work to address structural inequalities in tourism initiatives (Scheyvens, 1999; Seyfi et al., 2022), offering critical insights into how power dynamics shape social identities and foster forms of resistance within local communities (Chambers & Rakić, 2018; Sanchez Morgan & Winkler, 2019).

However, considering the influence of cultural and social belonging on the perception of the concept of empowerment (Aghazamani & Hunt, 2017), it is essential to acknowledge that women’s empowerment is not a universal or homogeneous experience. This recognition calls for a collective and intersectional analysis that questions prevailing models of domination and power relations across diverse societies and realities. By doing so, researchers and practitioners can better propose alternatives that emerge from the lived experiences and perspectives of the affected actors themselves (García, 2015).

Despite the advances witnessed in the field, tourism research continues to underestimate the gender dimension and its interaction with other social categories. The intersectional perspective facilitates not only the identification of multiple inequalities but also the establishment of a more comprehensive framework for analysing female autonomy in tourism. The participation of women in the tourism sector is subject to a multitude of challenges that are interwoven and cannot be analysed in isolation (Hill Collins & Bilge, 2020). The interplay between different forms of oppression produces injustices that go beyond a simple sum of individual factors. The sum of all these elements influences how women engage with and experience their participation in CBT. By illuminating these intersections, it becomes possible to devise strategies that are more inclusive, which in turn can promote recognition of structural barriers and foster women’s empowerment and autonomy in the tourism sector. In a global context characterised by multicultural transformations and unequal power relations, the intersectional approach is decisive to the promotion of fair and equitable tourism practices, in which diversity and social identities are recognised as fundamental to the sustainable development of communities.

Tourism policies must incorporate intersectional and decolonial approaches to effectively address the structural inequalities faced by indigenous women in tourism. In Australia, it has been shown that indigenous tourism policies need to recognise the diversity of contexts and avoid universalist approaches (Whitford & Ruhanen, 2010). In Botswana, the absence of gender-sensitive perspectives in CBT has limited women’s equitable participation (Lenao & Basupi, 2016). In Mayan communities in Guatemala, the decolonial approach has helped us to recognise that women’s knowledge in the Global South comes from a mix of indigenous worldviews and modern influences (Manning, 2021). These examples highlight the importance of advancing gender equity in tourism through policies that combat structural discrimination at all levels (Ferreira & Ramos, 2016).

6. Conclusions

This article analyses the current debates around gender and CBT research. It stresses the importance of studying women’s experiences and perspectives within their local context and communities, from a decolonial and intersectional perspective. The literature systematically highlights gender inequalities, including gender stereotypes, structural barriers, labour division, and extensive workloads. While there have been advances in understanding these issues, particularly in Western and urban contexts, there is still a significant knowledge gap and important opportunities for discussion around gender issues in tourism. To continue the conversation, this document propose a decolonial gender perspective (Duffy et al., 2015) that challenges and transforms the colonial narratives that underpin research and practices in CBT. This perspective acknowledges the intricate interplay of gender, race, class, and other intersecting factors that shape women’s participation and experiences in CBT (Chambers, 2021; Foley et al., 2018; Tucker & Boonabaana, 2012). These factors not only influence women’s access to opportunities but also determine their roles and contributions within tourism initiatives (Xu & Gu, 2018).

By considering contextualised and intersecting dimensions, researchers can better understand how systemic inequalities and power dynamics affect women in CBT. This standpoint is further emphasised by the promotion of inclusive and equitable tourism models, as well as the valorisation of indigenous knowledge. Decolonial conversations can bridge Indigenous and Western worldviews, fostering intercultural dialogue and promoting community resilience. Policymakers, researchers, practitioners, and community leaders, must engage in a constant dialogue to integrate the diversity of Indigenous and Western perspectives. Knowledge dialogue will foster transdisciplinary collaboration (Datta & Starlight, 2024) while helping to build partnerships based on reciprocity and trust. The integration of participatory methodologies, through collaboration between researchers and indigenous leaders, contributes to the enrichment of understanding of local dynamics, challenges traditional hierarchies, and dismantles the domination of Western thought that has historically marginalised other epistemological traditions. These approaches advocate for models that prioritise cultural autonomy and foster social cohesion, while concurrently addressing the systemic inequalities that have been transmitted from the historical legacy of colonialism (Leon-Leon et al., 2024; Udah, 2024). Decolonising research is an imperative in a world characterised by social and power inequalities. This approach redefines participants as essential partners in the production of knowledge, giving them a voice, agency, and a platform to exercise self-determination. At the same time, it seeks to dismantle oppressive power structures and vindicate those who have been historically marginalised by colonial systems, thus promoting more inclusive and equitable social change (Omodan & Dastile, 2023).

The article emphasises the importance of continuous discussion and critical analysis of gender and power dynamics in CBT. To truly engage in gender analysis, it is crucial to move beyond the biological sex difference (Wilson & Chambers, 2023) that so often appears in CBT studies. This dialogue should involve local communities to ensure that CBT practices are genuinely responsive to the needs and aspirations of local women. It is necessary to take collective action to dismantle colonial narratives and establish more inclusive and equitable forms of community tourism. For instance, it is important to question whether rural women truly desire and pursue integration into the capitalist system, or if they consider maintaining a collaborative economy to be more relevant. Understanding the collective responsiveness of CBT to market globalisation, driven by neoliberal economic policies (Cañada et al., 2023), is crucial for advancing critical studies in tourism.

To promote authentic and self-affirming representations of women, it is essential to avoid narratives that exoticize female identity. A significant challenge in CBT is the commodification of indigenous and gender identities in response to tourism demand (Heldt Cassel & Miranda Maureira, 2017). Women are frequently presented within essentialist discourses that reinforce stereotypes of tradition, passivity, or subordination (Swain, 1995). To mitigate these dynamics, it is imperative that non-patriarchal agreements ensure their active participation in tourism management and in the construction of their own representation. The analysis of these agreements is pivotal in foresting equity, ensuring the fair redistribution of benefits, and redefining gender roles in tourism. From an intersectional perspective, the experiences of women in CBT are not homogenous, but are traversed by social factors “intertwined [with] neo-liberal, patriarchal, capitalist structures” (Kalisch & Cole, 2023, p. 2698). The incorporation of these dimensions into tourism planning will help to avoid cultural appropriation while strengthen women’s agency, favouring more ethical and sustainable models of CBT.

Future research should prioritise the experiences and perspectives of women in CBT, recognising them as knowledge actors and change agents. For CBT to contribute to a sustainable future, a feminist focus on care, justice, and emotions (Díaz-Carrión & Vizcaino, 2021; Eger et al., 2022; Higgins-Desbiolles, 2018; Jamal & Camargo, 2014; Kalisch & Cole, 2023) is needed. This requires the use of intersectional methodologies and a decolonial mindset that capture the diversity of women’s experiences and viewpoints within CBT. Collaborative research approaches, in which women are actively involved in the investigation, are essential to ensure meaningful and ethical research practices. Considering Tuhiwai-Smith’s (2012) argument, research has historically collaborated with colonisation and legitimised imperial power structures. However, it also has the potential to serve as a tool for marginalised groups to advance their interests and express their worldview. Therefore, it is vital to reflect on the significance of rural women’s participation in CBT from their own perspective.