From Victim to Activist: The Portrayals of Ukrainian Refugee Women in Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita During the Full-Scale Russian Invasion of Ukraine (2022–2025)

Abstract

This study examines the portrayal of Ukrainian refugee women in Polish media, specifically in Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita, over three years of the full-scale Russian–Ukrainian war (24 February 2022–24 February 2025). Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines gender studies, critical discourse analysis, and migration studies, the research aims to identify dominant narratives, stereotypes, and framing strategies in media representations of Ukrainian refugee women. A mixed-methods analysis was conducted, incorporating both qualitative and quantitative techniques. A total of 235 articles were manually examined and categorized using a coding scheme that analyzed attitude of voice (positive, neutral, negative), dominant narratives (e.g., victimhood, resilience, economic impact), descriptors (e.g., hard-working, dependent, caring), and framing strategies (humanitarian, security, economic, cultural). Additionally, the study examined how a range of contextual factors—including political discourse, economic conditions, and social dynamics—influenced the framing and specificity of media coverage related to Ukrainian women refugees in Poland. The findings reveal key trends in the representation of Ukrainian refugee women, including their portrayal as victims, economic contributors, or burdens to society. By analyzing the construction of these narratives, this research contributes to a broader understanding of media-driven stereotypes and their impact on social attitudes and policymaking in Poland.

1. Introduction

Ukrainian migration to Poland has a long and complex history that predates the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Poland emerged as one of the key destinations for economic migrants from Ukraine. Numerous studies have documented the dynamics of this movement, particularly since Poland’s accession to the European Union in 2004 and the introduction of simplified employment schemes for Eastern Partnership countries (Kindler & Szulecka, 2013; Górny et al., 2018). According to Iglicka (2001), these migratory flows were initially characterized by circular and seasonal patterns, but over time, they evolved into more permanent settlement processes, particularly after the introduction of the “declaration of intent to employ a foreigner” procedure in 2007.

By the late 2010s, Ukrainians constituted the largest foreign-born labor force in Poland. Studies indicate that their image in Polish public discourse was shaped by a mix of utilitarian appreciation and cultural distance. On one hand, Ukrainian migrants were viewed as hard-working, adaptable, and necessary for the Polish economy (Duszczyk & Matuszczyk, 2014); on the other, they were also framed within gendered and class-based stereotypes, particularly women employed in domestic and care work (Kindler, 2011; Fedyuk, 2012).

The outbreak of war in 2022 marked a fundamental shift in the character of Ukrainian migration. According to the data of UNHCR (2025), since the start of the full-scale war, almost 6.9 million Ukrainians have registered as refugees. A further 3.7 million are internally displaced within Ukraine. In total, that means nearly a quarter of Ukraine’s pre-war population has been forced to flee their homes. Of those displaced within Ukraine, more than half are women and a quarter are children, with both accounting for 76 percent of all refugees from Ukraine as well. Since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, over 2.8 million Ukrainians have fled to Poland (Ukrinform, 2022).

The socio-economic profile of post-2022 refugees differs significantly from that of earlier labor migrants. As Ukrainian Ambassador to Poland Vasyl Bodnar highlighted in an interview with Radio Svoboda, those who migrated before the war were primarily economic migrants engaged in low-wage jobs such as cleaning, construction, and driving. In contrast, many refugees fleeing the war are often wealthier and more educated individuals among the recent arrivals, representing a broader cross-section of Ukrainian society (Radio Svoboda, 2025).

The vast majority of those arriving in Poland after February 2022 were women and children fleeing conflict, seeking temporary protection under the EU’s Temporary Protection Directive. Poland became one of Ukraine’s strongest supporters, providing extensive military, financial, and social assistance. To enter EU countries, Ukrainian refugees were required to have a foreign biometric passport or, in some cases, any form of identification. Poland also introduced its own procedures to support Ukrainians financially and psychologically. According to the Parliament of Ukraine, as of 30 May 2022, the number of Ukrainian refugees had reached 6,801,987, with 83% of forced migrants being women (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 2022). Most of them sought refuge in Poland to ensure a safe environment for their children and provide them with access to education.

As of December 2024, more than 1.5 million Ukrainian citizens were residing in Poland, with around 988,000 registered as refugees under temporary protection (UNHCR, 2024). Among Ukrainians granted temporary protection in Poland, 61% are women, while among adult refugees, their share reaches 77% (Inpoland, 2025). One reason for choosing Poland as a destination is the language factor. Many Ukrainian schoolchildren had previously visited Poland as a neighboring country, so both children and parents often have at least a basic knowledge of the Polish language. Moreover, according to the same committee, most of the women who fled abroad have higher education and work experience in various fields (Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, 2022). However, not all refugees were able to quickly adapt or find jobs in their professions. Over time, online platforms and social media began featuring materials about Ukrainian refugee women, depicting them in different lights—some as homewreckers destroying Polish families, others as struggling to adapt, and still others as potential victims of violence. These narratives have circulated widely on platforms such as Telegram, Facebook, and Instagram, where posts, memes, and videos have fueled both negative stereotypes and sympathetic portrayals. In particular, Polish-language Telegram channels have spread content accusing refugees of taking jobs and privileges, while Facebook and Instagram have hosted sensationalist posts framing Ukrainian women as either threats or vulnerable victims. While the growing role of online platforms is acknowledged, legacy media such as these newspapers remain important agenda-setters and frames of reference, particularly in Poland’s polarized media landscape (Łódzki, 2019).

The study focuses on two leading Polish daily newspapers, Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita, selected intentionally for their status as opinion-shaping media outlets with contrasting editorial lines—liberal and conservative, respectively. Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita are among the most well-known and frequently cited media also in Ukraine. Their active coverage of war makes them highly significant for Polish-Ukrainian relations (Troszyński, 2021).

Rzeczpospolita has a print circulation of approximately 65,000 copies and over 200,000 digital subscribers. Established in 1982, it has a liberal–conservative stance and was the first Polish newspaper to publish official government documents. The newspaper attracts a highly educated readership, including professionals, managers, and government officials. The newspaper covers politics, economy, law, culture, and more, with specialized supplements on finance, technology, and history.

Gazeta Wyborcza is also, like Rzeczpospolita, a major Polish daily newspaper with a print circulation of around 80,000 copies and nearly 300,000 digital subscribers. Founded on 8 May 1989, it was closely linked to the Solidarity movement, as reflected in its first issue featuring Lech Wałęsa and the slogan “There is no freedom without solidarity.” This phrase remains on its front page today. By 2022, Gazeta Wyborcza ranked among the ten most-read dailies in Europe.

While the media landscape has become increasingly fragmented with the rise of social media, traditional press still plays a significant role in shaping the framing of major events, especially in times of crisis. The aim of this study was not to generalize findings to all Polish media but to conduct a focused analysis of two ideologically distinct sources that reflect broader societal narratives. Despite the existence of over 6000 press titles in Poland, these two publications have long been recognized in media studies for their nationwide reach, agenda-setting capacity, and influence on public and political discourse (CBOS, 2022a; Stępińska, 2015). Their combined readership includes a significant portion of Poland’s educated and politically active population, making them a relevant and strategic focus for media discourse analysis (IMM, 2024), and they are frequently used in academic research on Polish media discourses (e.g., Sobczak-Szelc et al., 2023). Analyzing how the two Polish dailies cover the war in Ukraine can help determine which images and stereotypes prevail in Polish society regarding Ukrainian refugee women and how they can be addressed.

2. Literature Review

2.1. The Representation of Refugee Women in the Media: A Global Overview

While this article primarily focuses on the portrayal of Ukrainian refugee women in Polish media between 2022 and 2025, it is important to situate these findings within a broader international and historical context of refugee media representations. Previous research on refugee portrayals in other countries and periods—such as the Syrian refugee crisis in Germany and Australia or media coverage of refugees in Britain and Bulgaria—provides valuable comparative insights into common patterns like othering, victimization, and gendered stereotypes (Johnson, 2011; Himmel & Baptista, 2020; Průchová Hrůzová, 2021; Rothenberger & Schmitt, 2024). These studies highlight the persistent challenges refugee women face in media visibility and representation, underscoring the global relevance of gender-sensitive approaches.

Over the past 60 years, the image of refugees has been reframed—from heroic, politically engaged individuals to a nameless flood of poverty-stricken women and children. This transformation has occurred within the context of three overlapping patterns: the racialization of refugees, marked by a shift in the global refugee regime from a Eurocentric focus to the Global South, alongside a transition in preferred solutions from integration and resettlement to repatriation and “preventative protection”; the victimization of refugees, which has led to their portrayal as powerless, voiceless individuals without political agency rather than politically active figures; and the feminization of refugees, where the imagined refugee figure has shifted from a man to a woman (Johnson, 2011).

One of the European countries that has hosted a large number of refugees, particularly since the 2015 migrant crisis, is Germany. Many refugees in Germany originate from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and other conflict zones. Analyzing framing in German and Portuguese media, Himmel and Baptista (2020) argue that there is an “othering” of other European countries, governments, and institutions regarding their responses to the “crisis,” as well as an othering of the far right. One of the images of refugees presented in German media is that of criminals. However, this is rarely an issue in Germany’s major daily newspapers or in the evening news of the most-watched television stations. Instead, foreigners are primarily depicted as suspected criminals (Hestermann, 2018). Regarding female refugees in Germany, Berg (2021) emphasizes that their experience of precarity was exacerbated by restricted internet access. Despite this, refugee women demonstrated resilience and resourcefulness in finding ways to access digital media, the internet, and communication tools to overcome these challenges.

Another prevalent framing is highly popular in Central European online outlets. Průchová Hrůzová (2021) outlines that European media have appropriated orientalist discourse, significantly contributing to the construction of refugees as “others” and reinforcing the division between “us” and “them.”

The topic of refugees has also affected Australia. Sulaiman-Hill et al. (2011) explain that refugee issues received considerable attention in the Australian media around 2001 in response to increasing arrivals of asylum seekers, which polarized public opinion and impacted host society attitudes toward the new arrivals. The authors declare that Australian articles became increasingly episodic by 2002, discussing largely Muslim groups, as reliance on politicians and professional viewpoints framed the debate in political terms, with little room for expressions of compassion or reflection of humanity. At the same time, a content analysis of two prominent Australian newspapers, The Australian and the Sydney Morning Herald, conducted by Bleiker et al. (2013), demonstrated that asylum seekers have primarily been represented as medium or large groups and through a focus on boats. The authors argue that this visual framing, and in particular the relative absence of images that depict individual asylum seekers with recognizable facial features, associates refugees not with a humanitarian challenge but with threats to sovereignty and security (Bleiker et al., 2013).

To contextualize the Polish media portrayal of Ukrainian refugee women within a broader international framework, it is instructive to compare it with representations of Syrian refugee women in Western media. Aldamen (2023) demonstrates that Syrian women are frequently subjected to symbolic annihilation, where their individual identities are erased and framed through gender-based stigmatization—cast alternately as passive victims of war or as morally suspect others. This case highlights the intersection of gender, ethnicity, and cultural othering. It also underscores that reductive media representations are part of a larger pattern observed in Australia, Germany, the UK, and beyond, and are not unique to the Ukrainian context.

According to Rothenberger and Schmitt (2024), women refugees experience marginalization in media representation and are often portrayed in a stereotypical manner, primarily as vulnerable victims. Haider et al. (2021) discuss the specific needs of refugee women, emphasizing that their needs differ from those of men, making them more vulnerable. Albrecht et al. (2021) highlight the importance of initiatives aimed at equipping women refugees and migrants with the skills needed for specific jobs. Pandir (2020) emphasizes that the media is both part of the problem and the solution, as media representations can contribute to either the inclusion or exclusion of refugees.

2.2. Media Representations of Refugees in Poland

Media portrayals of refugees in Poland have not remained static over time. The 2015 migration crisis revealed a predominantly securitized and negative media framing of refugees, particularly those from the Middle East and Africa (Szczerbiak, 2016). However, the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 triggered a notable shift in media and public discourse, characterized by an unprecedented wave of solidarity and humanitarian rhetoric, especially towards Ukrainian women and children. This study acknowledges that the evolving portrayals of Ukrainian refugee women are partially shaped by this broader shift in attitudes towards refugees and migration in general.

In Poland, the immigration crisis has long been a topic of public discussion and media scrutiny. As noted by Zalas-Kamińska (2020), Polish media often portrayed refugees and immigrants in a negative light, depicting them as criminals, kidnappers, and terrorists. Such representations contributed to the polarization of Polish society and political electorates. Several studies have demonstrated that media discourse both reflects and shapes societal attitudes towards refugees. For instance, research on Polish media coverage during the 2015 refugee crisis (Kucharczyk & Mrozowski, 2018) reveals how dominant narratives echoed public fears while reinforcing xenophobic tendencies.

More recent narrative analyses of the Polish press by Wasilewski et al. (2021) identify persistent framing patterns that influence public perception, underscoring how media coverage oscillates between securitization and humanitarianism depending on the political context. Similarly, Kindziuk (2022) highlights that early media portrayals of Ukrainian refugees in popular Polish weeklies combined empathy with subtle ambivalence, reflecting broader societal uncertainties.

In contrast, media framing of Ukrainian refugees post-2022 displays a more empathetic tone, corresponding with public expressions of solidarity (CBOS, 2022b). This suggests a bidirectional relationship, where media outlets not only construct frames of reference for audiences but also react to prevailing public sentiments and moral expectations. The situation concerning Ukraine and Ukrainian refugees presents notable differences compared with previous migrant groups. One key distinction is that Ukrainians, being Europeans and Slavs, share cultural and ethnic similarities with Poles, including physical appearance, traditions, and social behaviors. For example, Bloch (2023) emphasizes that “a woman fits the figure of an ideal victim better due to nationalist patterns of femininity: she is vulnerable, submissive, and deprived of agency. Contrary to a man: his duty in the context of war is to remain in his homeland and fight for it. A man who does not do that, seeking asylum in Europe, is morally doubtful: he is a migrant posing a threat to ‘our’ prosperity and security. This is how people crossing the Polish-Belarusian border are presented to public opinion and contrasted with female Ukrainian refugees.”

Further, Polish scholars have examined how these narratives are reflected in both traditional and digital media. Koczanowicz (2023) and Szczerbiak (2016) demonstrate that Polish public opinion and media narratives are deeply intertwined, with media both mirroring and molding social attitudes toward refugees. More recent works by Chugaievska (2025) analyze the adaptation and integration challenges faced by Ukrainian refugees, highlighting the role of migration policy management. Studies by Sobczak-Szelc et al. (2023) focus on Ukrainian refugee women’s integration challenges and the conditional solidarity exhibited by Polish society, respectively (Sobczak-Szelc et al., 2023).

Reports from the Polish Economic Institute (2023, 2024) offer empirical data showing that although a significant majority of Ukrainian refugees perceive positive attitudes among Poles and participate actively in the labor market, they still encounter many challenges in integration and employment.

Goban-Klas (2024) emphasizes that the war in Ukraine is not only a military conflict but also an information war, especially given ongoing battles near Poland’s eastern border. Information asymmetry and digital technologies have become crucial components of both military strategy and international relations, shaping public perceptions and media discourses.

3. Materials and Methods

This study is guided by the following research questions:

• RQ1. How are Ukrainian refugee women portrayed in Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita over the three years of the Russian–Ukrainian war, and are these portrayals shaped by gender-based or national stereotypes?
• RQ2. Has the media representation of Ukrainian female refugees changed over time, and if so, how do these shifts correlate with key political or humanitarian events?
• RQ3. To what extent do Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita contribute to shaping public perception through their portrayals of Ukrainian refugee women?
• RQ4. What external affairs (e.g., policy decisions, public debates, EU responses) have influenced the coverage of Ukrainian women refugees in these leading Polish newspapers?

The research was conducted in four stages. The first stage involved analyzing international scholarly literature on refugee representation, avoiding hate speech, and understanding the specifics of the Polish media landscape, including Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita.

The second stage consisted of a content analysis of publications about Ukrainian refugee women in these newspapers from 24 February 2022 to 24 February 2025. The analysis included topics, genres, sources, visuals, attitude, and balance of perspectives.

The selection of articles was carried out using keyword-based searches within the digital archives of both newspapers. Keywords included combinations such as “Ukrainian women,” “refugees,” “war,” and “Poland.” The inclusion criteria required that articles directly reference Ukrainian refugee women in either the headline, subheading, or body text. Exclusion criteria removed articles with passing mentions or a lacking gender-specific focus. Articles were then imported into NVivo (qualitative analysis software) and coded deductively and inductively. Deductive codes were pre-defined based on literature (e.g., ‘victim’, ‘mother’, ‘threat’, ‘grateful’), while inductive codes emerged from recurring themes during the reading process. To ensure coding consistency, 10% of the articles were re-coded after a time interval to assess intra-coder reliability. Coding categories were refined based on this process to improve clarity and precision. The attitude was coded by the direction with a scale: positive, supportive; neutral, balanced; negative, opposing.

The third stage focused on identifying dominant narratives and representations, and the fourth stage analyzed how the portrayal of Ukrainian refugee women evolved over the three years of the full-scale war.

The research applies an interdisciplinary approach that combines gender studies, critical discourse analysis, and migration theories. From gender studies, it draws on the concept of the social construction of women (Beauvoir, 1949), gender performativity (Butler, 1990), and the male gaze (Mulvey, 1975) to analyze how Ukrainian refugee women are framed in terms of femininity, vulnerability, and agency. Hall’s (1997) theory of representation is used to examine how meaning is constructed in media texts, while cultivation theory (Gerbner, 1976) supports the understanding of how repeated media messages can influence audience perceptions over time. The concept of othering (Said, 1978) provides a framework for identifying how refugees are depicted as different and external to the national “self,” and liquid identity (Bauman, 2000) helps explore the fluid and shifting identities of refugee women in the context of war and displacement.

Regarding migration theories, the study draws particularly on the push–pull theory of migration, which explains refugee movements as driven by a combination of push factors (e.g., war, insecurity) and pull factors (e.g., safety, welfare provisions in the host country); the segmented assimilation theory (Portes & Zhou, 1993), which is relevant in assessing media portrayals of refugee integration paths; and the refugee integration framework (Ager & Strang, 2008), which emphasizes domains such as employment, education, and social connection, reflected in how media report on adaptation and success stories of refugee women. These theories support a multifaceted interpretation of how the representation of Ukrainian refugee women in elite Polish media outlets is shaped, negotiated, and transformed over time in response to both structural conditions and evolving sociopolitical narratives (

Table 1. Research structure and key parameters.

Stage	Description	Methods/Theories	Newspapers	Period
1. Theoretical Analysis	Review of scholarly literature on refugee and gender representation and the Polish media context	Beauvoir (1949)—social construction of women; Butler (1990)—gender performativity; Hall (1997)—representation; Said (1978)—othering; Bauman (2000)—liquid identity; Gerbner (1976)—cultivation theory, Portes and Zhou (1993), and Ager and Strang (2008)—migration theories	—	—
2. Content Analysis	Analysis of 235 articles on Ukrainian refugee women based on keywords (e.g., “Ukrainian women,” “refugees”)	Qualitative content analysis; coding using NVivo; Deductive and inductive category development (e.g., ‘victim’, ‘mother’, ‘grateful’)	Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita	24 February 2022–24 February 2025
3. Representation Mapping	Identification of dominant narrative frames and visual tropes	Narrative framing; performativity; symbolic representation; semiotic analysis	—	—
4. Dynamics of Change	Temporal comparison of refugee portrayal over 3 years	Comparative analysis by year (Y1–Y3); frequency and tone analysis; diachronic coding	—	Year 1, 2, 3

Source: own processing.

).

A total of 235 articles were analyzed and coded by topic, attitude, visual elements, stereotypes (e.g., “mother,” “victim,” “freeloader”), and dominant narratives (gratitude, dependence, successful integration) (

Table 2. Key content analysis criteria.

Criterion	Examples/Explanation
Attitude	Positive, supportive; neutral, balanced; negative, opposing
Narratives	Victimhood, gratitude, motherhood, economic contribution, successful integration
Descriptors	Tired, caring, dependent, hard-working, skilled, educated
Stereotypes	Mother, caregiver, victim, threat, freeloader
Visuals	Images of women with children, in workplaces, protesting, or receiving aid
Sources	Journalists, local officials, NGO workers, refugee women themselves
Theories Used	Beauvoir (1949), Butler (1990), Mulvey (1975), Hall (1997), Said (1978), Gerbner (1976), Bauman (2000)
Coding Software	NVivo—used for organizing and analyzing qualitative data

Source: own processing.

).

4. Results

From 24 February 2023 to 23 February 2024, media coverage of Ukrainian refugee women in Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita decreased. This was due to a lower influx of new refugees and a shift in focus from humanitarian aid to economic concerns—especially the grain crisis, which dominated the agenda from April to September 2023. In 2022, Gazeta Wyborcza published 77 articles, while Rzeczpospolita published slightly more—82. The following year, 2023, saw a significant decrease, with Gazeta Wyborcza featuring 29 articles and Rzeczpospolita 21. This downward trend continued into 2024, with the newspapers publishing only 17 and 8 articles, respectively. These data suggest that media attention to Ukrainian refugee women has sharply diminished over time, reflecting a potential shift in editorial priorities or public interest as the conflict progresses (Figure 1).

In the first year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine (24 February 2022–23 February 2023), Rzeczpospolita published 82 articles mentioning or focused on Ukrainian women refugees, while Gazeta Wyborcza dedicated 77 articles to Ukrainian women refugees.

These articles depicted various portrayals: refugee mother, war refugee, victim, problematic refugee, professional, resilient, athlete, and caregiver (Figure 2).

4.1. Rzeczpospolita

The first article, “More and More Are Fleeing” (Kacprzak & Zawadka, 2022, February 28), featured women crossing the border with children. The attitude was neutral and supportive, reinforced by photos of mothers holding their children.

Early coverage focused on refugee mothers, often in emotional reportages, essays, and interviews. Over time, other portrayals gained attention. War-refugee articles leaned on statistics—charts, figures, and a neutral attitude—highlighting education, employment, and welfare conditions.

The refugee victim portrayal appeared in articles on trauma, medical aid, and human trafficking risks. For instance, “The Risk of Human Trafficking” (Rochowicz, 2022, March 16) warned about suspicious groups luring women near the border. “Will the Hell of Women Close?” (Z. Dąbrowska, 2022, October 25) criticized Poland’s abortion ban, quoting MP M. Biejat: “This right exists only on paper… it is practically impossible to terminate a pregnancy, even if it results from rape.” (orig … to prawo jest zapisane tylko na papierze. W tej chwili faktycznie niemożliwe jest… przerwać ciąże, pochodzaca z gwałtu)» (Z. Dąbrowska, 2022, October 25).

The problematic refugee portrayal emerged in analytical pieces on refugees preferring benefits or major cities, working illegally, or relying on locals (Kacprzak & Zawadka, 2022, March 14; December 21). The attitude of those publications varied from neutral to negative. In contrast, the refugee professional image dominated positively. Articles profiled doctors, teachers, and entrepreneurs. “Ukrainian Women Take Care of Our Health” (Duszczyk, 2022, April 19) described a medical startup aiding both Ukrainians and Poles. “Refugees with Diplomas” (Ćwiek, 2022, April 13) noted that over 50% of Ukrainian refugee women were highly educated. This publication also ruins the stereotype that Ukrainian women are only housewives with a lack of education and skills. After analyzing indicators and the problems of employment due to language barriers, the author concludes: «The problem is also that for many people, a Ukrainian woman is primarily associated with cleaning. And this is the kind of job they are most often offered» (orig. Problemem jest także to, że wielu osobom Ukrainka kojarzy się głównie ze sprzątaniem. I taką pracę najchętniej im się oferuje), (Ćwiek, 2022, April 13).

Closely linked was the resilient refugee, like in “100 Thousand Refugees Have Found Work in Poland” (Rebisz, 2022, April 19), reporting that 75% of employed refugees were women, many without qualifications but motivated. They have found a job in Poland without qualifications. The attitude of this publication is positive and shows that Ukrainian women can adapt and are ready for any kind of work.

The athlete’s portrayal was rare but positive. For example, “Playing at Home” (Micor, 2022, August 29) featured Ukrainian volleyball players finding safety and support in Katowice.

Finally, the caregiver refugee included women caring for relatives or pets. For those women, love and care for their relatives come first. For example, in the publication “Nostalgia for the homeland is more important than the war” (Kacprzak, 2022, September 19), a woman is depicted who has adapted to life in Poland, learned Polish, and found a job, but still returned to her homeland due to nostalgia or love for her husband. The article also presents data from border control, showing that out of the 5.9 million Ukrainian refugees in Poland, 4.2 million have returned to Ukraine.

In Rzeczpospolita, the most frequent and positive portrayals were of professionals, though visuals still centered on mothers.

4.2. Gazeta Wyborcza

In general, Gazeta Wyborcza published 77 articles on Ukrainian women refugees during 24 February 2022–23 February 2023. The portrayals included refugee mother, war refugee, victim, grateful refugee, problematic refugee, professional, resilient, caregiver, and activist (

Table 3. Portrayals and attitude of coverage of Ukrainian refugee women, 2022–2023.

Portrayal	Rzeczpospolita	Gazeta Wyborcza	Example Article
Refugee Mother	Most common; early reports focused on mothers; positive attitude; emotional imagery	Most common; emotional tone; children-centered stories	Kacprzak and Zawadka (2022) Kacprzak, I., & Zawadka, G. (2022, February 28). Przybywa uciekających [More and more are fleeing]. Rzeczpospolita.
War Refugee	Informative, statistical focus; neutral attitude	Informational; data-driven; aimed at breaking stereotypes	Domagała (2022) Domagała, M. (2022, February 28). Punkt, w którym wszystko zaczyna się od nowa [The point at which everything begins anew]. Gazeta Wyborcza.
Refugee Victim	Highlighted psychological aid, trafficking threats; neutral attitude	Psychological trauma, war trauma; emotionally charged	Martyniuk and Pelc (2023) Martyniuk, I., & Pelc, I. (2023, January 23). Do wolności przez rosyjski obóz filtracyjny i Moskwę [To freedom through a Russian filtration camp and Moscow]. Gazeta Wyborcza.
Problematic Refugee	Negative/neutral; focused on aid abuse or illegal work	Fewer cases; negative attitude in select brief articles	Kulczycka (2022) Kulczycka, A. (2022, September 30). Zorganizowane grupy z Ukrainy drenują pomoc [Organized groups from Ukraine are draining aid]. Gazeta Wyborcza.
Refugee Professional	Most extensive; positive attitude; highly educated women; entrepreneurs	Similar tone; educated women ready for any job	Ćwiek (2022) Ćwiek, J. (2022, April 13). Uchodźcy z dyplomami [Refugees with diplomas]. Rzeczpospolita.
Resilient Refugee	Positive; women learning Polish, finding jobs	Positive attitude; stories of adaptation and endurance	Rebisz (2022) Rebisz, K. (2022, April 19). Już 100 tys. uchodźców znalazło pracę w Polsce [Already 100,000 refugees have found work in Poland]. Rzeczpospolita.
Refugee Athlete	Presented positively (e.g., volleyball players)	Not present in Gazeta Wyborcza	Kołsut (2023) Kołsut, K. (2023, March 7). Biała flaga we krwi [White flag in the blood]. Rzeczpospolita.
Caregiver Refugee	Women caring for elderly, pets, etc.; neutral attitude	Focus on volunteers and mutual aid; positive attitude	Malinowska and Vyhovska (2023) Malinowska, A., & Vyhovska, T. (2023, June 20). Co gorsze: Strach przed bombami czy tęsknota? [Which is worse: Fear of bombs or longing?]. Gazeta Wyborcza.
Grateful Refugee	Not present	New portrayal; Ukrainians helping in gratitude	Slawiński (2022) Slawiński, A. (2022, March 29). Byłam dyrektorką, wezmę każdą pracę [I was a director, I will take any job]. Gazeta Wyborcza.
Refugee Activist	Not present	New portrayal; women at rallies and EU events	Zakrewska (2022) Zakrewska, S. (2022, April 4). Kobiety jednoczą siły [Women unite forces]. Gazeta Wyborcza

Source: own processing.

).

Most frequently, women were shown as refugee mothers. The essay “The Point at Which Everything Begins Anew” (Domagała, 2022, February 28) illustrated this vividly—tragic stories told with hope, alongside portraits of mothers in reception centers.

Depictions of war refugees often relied on data and maintained a neutral tone. Some challenged stereotypes: Braniewicz (2022, September 27), in “Where Does the Resentment Toward Ukrainians Come From?,” emphasized that Ukrainians were needed in the labor force and criticized prevailing prejudices. Similarly, two articles debunked harmful myths—that Ukrainian women do not work, enjoy luxuries, or threaten Polish families—clarifying that most are educated and employed, with husbands on the frontlines.

Victim portrayals often highlighted psychological trauma. One intense case in “To Freedom Through a Russian Filtration Camp and Moscow” (Martyniuk & Pelc, 2023) detailed the brutal journey of a woman from Mariupol. The tone was emotional but hopeful.

Problematic refugees appeared less frequently. “Organized Groups from Ukraine Are Draining Aid” (Kulczycka, 2022, September 30) portrayed fraud by refugees, with a distinctly negative attitude and cautionary intent.

The refugee professional was a strong presence. “I Was a Director, I Will Take Any Job” (Slawiński, 2022, March 29) portrayed Katerina, who said, “I managed the international trade department… I’ll take almost any offer now.” This aligned with the resilient refugee image. In “A Lot of What I Had Before… No Longer Exists” (Karwowska, 2023, January 12), a woman from Kyiv adjusted to life in Poland after losing her home.

The caregiver refugee was represented by women who had become volunteers. In “Women Unite Forces” (Zakrewska, 2022, April 4), new arrivals helped others through grassroots initiatives.

Two unique portrayals appeared only in Gazeta Wyborcza: the grateful refugee, like in “Time for Cleanup” (Cylka Kłopotowski, 2022, April 11), where women cleaned Polish parks to show gratitude, and the activist refugee, such as in “Ukraine in the EU?” (Rupnik, 2022, September 10–11; Andrusleczko, 2022, June 24), showing women participating in pro-EU protests.

In Gazeta Wyborcza, the most common portrayal was that of the refugee mother, focusing on women who fled the war with their children. The predominant attitude of these articles was neutral, accounting for 41.55% of the total, while the rest were positive and supportive.

4.3. Between Motherhood, Trauma, and Professionalism: Ukrainian Refugee Women in 2023–Early 2024 Media Narratives

Despite the overall decrease in the volume of media coverage about Ukraine in Polish outlets in 2023, portrayals of Ukrainian refugee women continued to appear. In Gazeta Wyborcza, common portrayals included refugee mother, refugee victim, problematic refugee, refugee professional, resilient refugee, refugee athlete, and caregiver refugee. A new category emerged: the refugee wife. For example, which is worse: Fear of bombs or longing? (Malinowska & Vyhovska, 2023, June 20), one woman says:

“My husband and I have never been apart for so long. The loneliness worries me a lot. He called and said he had two days off, so I am packing and flying to him. It is written that I might lose my refugee status, but for me, hugs and touch are more important…”

(orig. „Mój mąż i ja nigdy wcześniej nie byliśmy rozdzieleni na tak długo…”)

Such narratives created the image of the faithful Ukrainian refugee woman for whom family is paramount.

The portrayal of the refugee victim evolved somewhat. While last year, the focus was primarily on refugees suffering from psychological trauma, in 2023, more attention was directed toward victims of physical and sexual violence. The article “Solidarity will win over violence” highlights that Ukrainian women who lived under occupation are often victims of rape by Russian soldiers, and as a result, the issue of the abortion ban needs to be examined from multiple viewpoints (Waloch, 2023, March 17, p. 7).

The problematic refugee portrayal began to highlight ungrateful attitudes or ideological conflicts. Meanwhile, visuals also changed: border and transit scenes became rare, replaced by images of women integrated into Polish life—at home, at work, or with children.

The attitude of Gazeta Wyborcza was generally positive. Negative portrayals were linked to problematic refugees; neutral ones appeared in practical articles on schooling or employment. Portrayals of professionals were consistently positive. In Rzeczpospolita, articles about refugee women dropped nearly fourfold. Main portrayals included refugee mother, refugee professional, refugee athlete, resilient refugee, and refugee victim (Figure 3).

Refugee mothers were depicted navigating school enrollment, language issues, and childcare—all in a neutral attitude and supported by infographics.

The professional woman image broadened to include scientists, musicians, and entrepreneurs—often with mentions of their higher education and prior success.

Athletes received more coverage. White Flag in the Blood (Kołsut, 2023, March 7) profiled Yaroslava Mahuchikh and Kateryna Tabashnyk, medalists at a championship. Yaroslava said:

“I don’t understand why Russian athletes should compete. Russians do not value human life; they kill us. Many Russian sportsmen are also military personnel…”

(orig. „Nie rozumiem, dlaczego rosyjscy sportowcy mieliby mieć prawo do udziału…”)

The resilient refugee image focused on women who learned Polish, retrained, or started businesses. In Poles Need Refugees (Jaroszewicz & Szeptycki, 2023, November 21), experts argue that Ukrainians adapt quickly and fill needed jobs.

Only one cultural article in Rzeczpospolita depicted the refugee victim. In Director of ‘Mother. A Song for Wartime’ (Gorlicka, 2023, March 27), the play’s director honored women who survived Russian terror.

Overall, 62% of articles in Rzeczpospolita had positive connotations, and 38% were neutral. There were no portrayals of problematic or grateful refugees. Photos increasingly featured charts, portraits, and professional women—shaping a collective image of Ukrainian refugee women as educated, resilient, adaptable, and patriotic.

4.4. Shifting Perceptions of Ukrainian Refugee Women in the Third Year of the War

The third year of the Russian–Ukrainian war did not go unnoticed by Polish opinion-shaping newspapers. Both Rzeczpospolita and Gazeta Wyborcza, from 24 February 2024 to 23 February 2025, had a significant decrease in the number of materials discussing Ukrainian refugee women.

In Rzeczpospolita, these articles portrayed them in various roles: the refugee mother, the refugee professional, the problematic refugee, and the resilient refugee (Figure 4). The image of the refugee mother was enriched with new meanings and portrayals. While in previous years, the refugee mother was depicted as someone who could not work because of her childcare responsibilities and, therefore, required social assistance, in the third year of the war, Ukrainian refugee mothers in Rzeczpospolita were depicted as women who were raising children while simultaneously working. This image now resonated with the portrayal of a resilient refugee who sent her children to a local school, learned Polish, and found a job.

The image of the Ukrainian refugee professional also underwent some changes. In addition to highlighting the professional qualifications and higher education of Ukrainian refugees, there was also an emphasis on the fact that Poland was not fully utilizing the potential of Ukrainian women. For example, in the article “Jak sprawić, by imigranci stali się sąsiadami Polaków?” published in Rzeczpospolita (A. Dąbrowska, 2024, September 1), the need for decentralizing Poland’s migration and integration policy is discussed. The author emphasizes that effective integration of immigrants, including Ukrainian refugees, requires active involvement of local governments, which should be given proper authority and resources. Without such measures, Poland risks losing the potential of newcomers who could contribute to the country’s economic development. Magdalena Czarzyńska-Jachim, the president of Sopot, draws attention to this issue by stating, “I have the feeling that we are not making use of Ukrainian women’s professional potential. Women with higher education—scientists or musicians, for example—are working as cleaners” [orig. „Mam wrażenie, że nie wykorzystujemy potencjału zawodowego Ukrainek. Panie z wyższym wykształceniem—na przykład naukowczynie czy muzyczki—zajmują się sprzątaniem”] (A. Dąbrowska, 2024, September 1). Her words reflect a broader problem: the undervaluation of migrant women’s qualifications and education, which hinders their full integration into the professional and social fabric of the host country.

The illustrations included digital data and photos of Polish politicians who intend to cancel social assistance payments for Ukrainian women, as well as photos of Ukrainian women with banners expressing gratitude to Poland. It is interesting that starting from the summer of 2024, the newspaper Rzeczpospolita increasingly refers to Ukrainian women not as refugees but as foreigners and immigrants.

In Gazeta Wyborcza the number of publications about Ukrainian women refugees during the third year of the Russian–Ukrainian war also decreased compared with the previous years (Figure 1).

The portrayal of Ukrainian women refugees was the following: the refugee mother, the refugee professional, the resilient refugee, the refugee athlete, the refugee activist, and the refugee victim. Here, the image of the refugee mother, as in Rzeczpospolita, has evolved. Mostly, refugee mothers were portrayed in the context of Ukrainian women who have adapted, who are professionals with higher education and work in their field, or who have retrained and acquired new qualifications. The image of the refugee professional, resilient refugee, refugee athlete, and refugee activist did not significantly change. At the same time, the portrayal of the refugee victim was presented in Gazeta Wyborcza with a completely different meaning than before. It was an image of a refugee being humiliated. And in this case, it was not the Russians but the Poles. This refers to the deterioration of the attitude of Poles towards Ukrainian women. For example, in the article “Are we still a family?” (Wieliński, 2024, February 24–25), it is mentioned that Ukrainian refugees at the border in Poland got off a bus, and Polish farmers shouted at them, “Go back to Ukraine.” This opinion piece was published under the “Glory to Ukraine” heading and was illustrated with a photo of a Ukrainian girl sitting on a bench at a children’s playground, with a house behind her destroyed by a Russian missile. The material has a positive connotation towards Ukraine and Ukrainians. The author tries to find an explanation for such actions by the Poles and notes: «Maybe it’s a miracle that things worked out between us for so long. Or maybe it could never have ended well. Hundreds of thousands of refugees, even culturally close ones, are a challenge for any country. And in the case of Poland, the anti-Ukrainian campaign was fueled not only by Russia but also by the previous Polish government through its media outlets…» [orig. Może to i tak cud, że między nami układało się tak długo. A może to nie mogło się skończyć dobrze. Setki tysięcy uchodźców, nawet kulturowo bliskich, to wyzwanie dla każdego kraju. A w przypadku Polski, nagonkę na Ukraińców podkręcały przez swoje przekazniki nie tylko Rosja, ale też poprzedni polski rząd.] (Wieliński, 2024, February 24–25, p. 2).

In general, the attitude of publications about Ukrainian women refugees in Gazeta Wyborcza throughout the third year of the war was positive, supportive, or neutral. The materials were illustrated by the figures with data, photos of Ukrainian children, and symbolic photos (for example, a yellow glove with a blue sponge).

5. Discussion

The results of the research showed that there were certain images that remained present throughout all three years in both analyzed newspapers. These included the refugee mother, the refugee professional, and the resilient refugee. These images mostly had a positive or neutral–positive connotation. Tomczak-Boczko et al. (2023) declare that in political discourse, refugees are presented not only as passive war victims, and Ukrainian women are represented with the constitutive feature of caring for children, which means they are not treated as potential employees. However, the results of the content analysis conducted within the framework of our research showed that in the third year of the war, the image of the mother figure evolved in both newspapers. While at the beginning of the war, refugee mothers were more associated with war victims, by 2024, they were depicted in the context of refugees who had adapted and found work.

This shift in depiction aligns with broader observations of refugees’ adaptation. Długosz (2024) points out that despite the many challenges Ukrainian refugees face, they gradually adapt and develop coping strategies that support successful integration. Kuzmuk (2024) further explains that while some refugee women plan to return to Ukraine, many have found work and enrolled their children in Polish schools, actively participating in integration processes. This complexity of intention and adaptation is visible in the media shift from victim to professional.

Binder and Jaworsky (2018) declare that even though images of the distant suffering of refugees have become ubiquitous, only a few become iconic. This iconization was noticeable in Rzeczpospolita and Gazeta Wyborcza during the first months from the beginning of the war, when the front pages of newspapers were illustrated by photos of bloodied women’s faces or mothers with their children in shelters. Nevertheless, in the third year of the war, Ukrainian women were illustrated as workers and professionals. Such a media narrative reflects broader social patterns: Lewandowski (2022) finds that Ukrainian refugees, though facing childcare and language barriers, show relatively high employment levels. However, a skills mismatch is evident, as many are highly educated but work in low-skilled roles.

Along with the portrayal of women as mothers, Polish media also constructed other portrayals of Ukrainian women refugees—such as the refugee athlete, refugee victim, and caregiver refugee. Amores et al. (2020) note that European media often reinforce a gendered narrative, showing women refugees as vulnerable and submissive. Castaño et al. (2021) similarly critique the symbolic annihilation of refugee women by mainstream media. In Polish media, female Ukrainian refugees were initially depicted as war victims and targets of Russian aggression (Waloch, 2023, March 17; Z. Dąbrowska, 2022, October 25). However, by 2024, this narrative expanded. For instance, Gazeta Wyborcza began depicting women as victims of Polish farmers’ hostility—indicating that narratives shifted from distant perpetrators to domestic social tensions.

This evolving media portrayal can influence public perception and policy. Meltzer et al. (2025) highlight that media framing shapes integration by either fueling stereotypes or promoting empathy. Our analysis supports this, as Gazeta Wyborcza increasingly used its platform to criticize discrimination and advocate for understanding. Zawadzka-Paluektau (2023) also point out the potential of media to shape positive attitudes, although they caution that racism and biases can still affect coverage, depending on the refugee group.

Despite the growing normalization of refugees in Polish society, social challenges remain. As Długosz (2023) shows, mental health challenges persist among Ukrainian refugees, and providing psychological support is as critical as financial or logistical assistance. Biesiada et al. (2023) describe how the health system struggles to address these needs, citing language barriers and a lack of records. Herbst and Sitek (2023) underscore similar issues in the education system, with long-term consequences for both Poland and Ukraine.

Polish newspapers—especially Gazeta Wyborcza—also aimed to challenge stereotypes, such as the image of Ukrainian women as uneducated housewives. These efforts are significant, as Nowak et al. (2023) suggest that public attitudes towards refugees may be shaped by perceived economic or cultural threats. While Ukrainian refugees are culturally close to Poles, they may still trigger anxiety over economic competition—especially among those high in national narcissism.

In addition to the shared representations of Ukrainian refugee women in both newspapers, there were also distinct portrayals unique to each outlet, reflecting differences in editorial focus, framing, and narrative style. In particular, Gazeta Wyborcza presented portrayals such as the refugee activist, refugee wife, and grateful refugee—images that did not appear in Rzeczpospolita. The conservative Rzeczpospolita limited portrayals to caring, professional, and resilient characteristics, while Gazeta Wyborcza depicted greater diversity, including active and patriotic roles. This aligns with media ideologies: Gazeta Wyborcza is liberal and pro-integration (Klochko, 2023), while Rzeczpospolita takes a centrist stance (Troszyński, 2021).

The comparative empathy shown toward Ukrainian refugees, often framed as “deserving” and “culturally close,” contrasts with media portrayals of non-European migrants, highlighting a racialized and cultural hierarchy in refugee reception. This aligns with global research demonstrating that media narratives frequently favor certain refugee groups based on perceived cultural, ethnic, or religious proximity (Fassin, 2011; Betts & Collier, 2017; Esses et al., 2013). In Poland, the initial acceptance of Ukrainian refugees appears driven by shared cultural, visual, and religious markers, which facilitated empathy and social support—consistent with international findings on perceived similarity and humanitarian response (McBrien, 2005; Verkuyten & Martinovic, 2012). However, our findings suggest that over time, economic and social considerations become increasingly influential, as host communities express reluctance to contribute financially or share public services. This dynamic is reflected in the coverage of Ukrainian refugee women in both Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita, where initial reporting emphasized sympathetic and culturally familiar narratives, while later articles increasingly highlighted challenges related to economic integration and social support. This pattern mirrors broader global observations that initial solidarity toward refugees can decline as the perceived social and economic costs of reception grow, underscoring the interplay between cultural proximity, media framing, and public attitudes.

At the same time, research indicates barriers to deeper integration. Kubiciel-Lodzińska and Solga (2023) note that despite high qualifications, Ukrainian refugees face institutional barriers and a lack of legal clarity. Zyzik et al. (2023) found evidence of discrimination in job applications—Ukrainian women received fewer callbacks than Polish women. Without systemic reform, including professional recognition and better support platforms, these problems may persist.

Over the three years, the number of publications about Ukrainian women refugees decreased, likely due to return migration, secondary relocation, and deeper societal integration. The consistent issue remained the distribution of social benefits and growing public fatigue. Pandir (2020) emphasizes that stereotypes and scapegoating are global risks in such contexts and recommends preparing citizens for coexistence. In this context, Cheshmedzhieva-Stoycheva (2017) points out that it is easy to make people believe in something they have no real experience of—especially if this “threat” is framed as foreign, incompatible with local traditions, and thus dangerous to society.

In conclusion, despite differing attitudes and editorial lines, both newspapers reflected evolving narratives around Ukrainian refugee women. They showed increasing complexity and normalization of refugee life while also exposing ongoing structural challenges in health care, education, labor markets, and public attitudes.

Limitations of the study. This study acknowledges certain limitations. The analysis is based on articles from only two Polish national newspapers—Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita—and therefore does not represent the full spectrum of the Polish media landscape. While these outlets are considered influential and opinion-forming in traditional print media, their editorial lines do not cover the entire ideological or regional diversity of Polish society.

The choice of these specific newspapers was guided by methodological considerations and the depth of qualitative content analysis required. Given the complexity of media representation and the interdisciplinary nature of this study, a narrower selection allowed for more rigorous, detailed coding and interpretation. Future research could expand the sample to include regional press, online platforms, and social media to provide a broader view of public discourse.

6. Conclusions

This study contributes to the exploration of media dynamics in the coverage of war refugees. The findings confirm that there are common patterns in the media construction of refugee identities across international contexts.

Using two opinion-shaping Polish newspapers as case studies, it was found that, at the onset of the war, the dominant image of female refugees was that of mothers and victims. This framing was particularly prevalent in Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita. However, the representation of Ukrainian female refugees evolved significantly throughout the three years of the war. At the beginning of the war, the focus in both Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita was primarily on the victimhood of refugees, while in 2024, refugee women began to be depicted less as victims and more as active participants in Polish society. They were increasingly shown as professionals, workers, and integrated members of the workforce, having adapted to their new environment, found jobs, and learned the Polish language. This shift reflects a move away from the stereotype of helpless victims towards more empowered and adaptable individuals.

These transformations in the representation of Ukrainian refugee women cannot be fully understood in isolation from the broader reorientation of Polish public and media attitudes towards forced migration.

It is important to consider that the Polish media’s changing portrayal of Ukrainian refugee women is not solely a top-down process of influencing the public. Rather, it operates within a feedback loop: the increased public support for Ukrainian refugees, as evidenced by large-scale civic engagement, likely contributed to the initial wave of positive media coverage. At the same time, sustained media narratives helped normalize and reinforce this perception. The mutual responsiveness between media and society—particularly in a high-emotion context such as war—should be seen as a co-constructive dynamic.

In the case of Ukrainian women, an additional stereotype of professional inferiority has influenced their acceptance and application for work. Despite statistical evidence indicating that most Ukrainian women refugees possess higher education, they are frequently perceived as cleaners or service workers. This perception is rooted in the pre-war labor migration of Ukrainians to Poland, which predominantly involved low-skilled employment.

The role of disinformation and information warfare also significantly shapes the public perception of refugee women. Deliberately provocative content circulated by hostile actors often portrays refugees as societal stressors or triggers. In countering such narratives, high-quality journalism becomes crucial. Both Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita provide valuable examples of how stereotypes can be dismantled through the dissemination of factual information and statistical evidence, such as data on the educational background of Ukrainian women refugees and their tax contributions to the Polish economy.

Nevertheless, even reputable media outlets face challenges in maintaining editorial balance amid national controversies. The grain crisis, for instance, served as a litmus test. While Rzeczpospolita adopted a more neutral stance, focusing primarily on quoting political figures without in-depth analysis, Gazeta Wyborcza engaged in investigative reporting aimed at uncovering the underlying issues. The upcoming presidential elections pose yet another challenge for Polish media. This shift became noticeable in Rzeczpospolita as early as the summer of 2024, when the newspaper increasingly began referring to Ukrainian women not as refugees but as foreigners and immigrants.

Although the future elections may not directly affect the portrayal of Ukrainian refugee women, debates over social welfare in electoral discourse can influence public perception. Politicians may exploit this topic to suggest that Ukrainian women prefer living off state aid rather than contributing economically. This underscores the need for media to reinforce journalistic integrity, ensure fact-checking, and actively combat disinformation in the evolving political landscape.

Finally, while this article focuses on Poland, the findings may have broader implications for international media practices. The observed shifts in the portrayal of refugee women—from passive victims to active societal participants—reflect a media logic that resonates in other national contexts. Similar gendered and racialized framing dynamics have been noted in Western European, North American, and Australian media coverage of Middle Eastern and African refugees. Therefore, insights from the Polish case can help media practitioners, researchers, and policymakers better understand how narratives around refugee women are constructed and how journalism can either reinforce or challenge exclusionary stereotypes in diverse sociopolitical environments.