4.2.1. Keywords Analysis
Keywords are items of unusual frequency in specific research corpora compared with a reference corpus of some suitable kind (
Scott & Tribble, 2006). The keyness of a keyword represents the value of log-likelihood or Chi-square statistics; in other words, it indicates a keyword’s importance as a content descriptor for the appeal (
M. Anthony & Gladkov, 2007). Media communication embodies certain political stances and inherent biases of the media, which can express intangible opinions by selecting facts to report. Technically, the output of viewpoints on specific news events can reflect the media’s ideology (
X. Liu & Leuven, 2010). From this perspective, the study of keywords can provide an in-depth glimpse into the linguistic features of and core ideology in foreign media’s China-related coverage. In this study, we used AntConc 4.0.9 for corpus keyword retrieval. The self-built corpus was loaded into AntConc 4.0.9, and the BNC was used as a reference corpus. We then pressed the “Start” button to generate the keyword list. Since keywords in the form of content words can highlight the focal content of the news and provide a research starting point for other studies (
X. Li & Hu, 2017), the authors removed those function words manually after obtaining the list of keywords from AntConc 4.0.9. Further, in cases of different expressions of the same word with the same meaning, we retained only one of them.
Table 6 shows the top 40 ranked keywords in terms of likelihood.
According to
Table 6, the top nine keywords are highly correlated with the Beijing Winter Olympics. Among the top 40 keywords, 26 of them are related to the Games, for instance, “games,” “Beijing,” “Olympics,” “ceremony,” and “IOC,” indicating that the Olympics sports events still dominate the coverage, and the Beijing Winter Olympics remains a bridge to facilitate dialogs among multiple civilizations. The other 14 keywords are related to China or Russia and are rather irrelevant to the Winter Olympic Games, such as “boycott,” “Uyghur,” “Russian,” “Xinjiang,” and “human rights.”
Based on the keyword list, we implemented the N-gram function within Antconc. The “N-gram tool” can automatically identify all contiguous word patterns of a certain size, which is useful for identifying common idiomatic expressions in a corpus (
L. Anthony, 2024). In this study, we used the N-gram function (N-gram size 5) in AntConc to extract and count recurring multi-word expressions from news corpora to identify potential fixed collocations and analyze discourse strategies. Therefore, the research was able to identify significant linguistic units worthy of further analysis.
The keyword analysis revealed that foreign media coverage of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics Opening and Closing Ceremonies emphasized topics that extended well beyond the ceremonial content itself. As seen from the keyword list, high-frequency keywords included “COVID,” “Xinjiang,” “Uyghur,” “human,” “doping,” and “boycott,” while positive terms associated with celebration or artistry—such as “performance,” “spectacle,” or “tradition,” were notably absent. These findings suggest that international media coverage of the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics ceremonies reflected an agenda-setting tendency to prioritize certain controversial issues over neutral, aesthetic or celebratory content. As summarized below, the lexical distribution indicates three main areas of focus.
The keyword distribution pattern reflects a clear case of agenda-setting through keyword selection (
McCombs & Shaw, 1972). On the one hand, international media foregrounded politicized and ideologically sensitive narratives. On the other hand, they tended to marginalize the cultural, artistic, and symbolic dimensions of the ceremonies. The data appear to indicate that foreign media form a relatively fixed reporting pattern, namely “sports mega-events + negative social evaluation on the national system,” when reporting China’s mega sports events.
The N-gram analysis further proved the above patterns. As shown in
Table 7, several high-frequency multi-word sequences pointed directly to negative narratives: “China’s human rights record” and “diplomatic boycott of the games”. The repetition of these clusters reflects editorial preferences when conducting public discourse. Rather than foregrounding the artistic elements or symbolic themes of the ceremonies, these outlets emphasized controversial issues, thus guiding audiences toward critical or skeptical interpretations of China’s role as host (see
Table 8).
Equally significant is the absence of positive or cultural language in both the keyword and N-gram outputs. Words typically associated with ceremonies—such as “performance,” “tradition,” “harmony,” or “spectacle”—are notably absent. Such discursive omissions are as ideologically powerful as tangible negative evaluations, since the lack of ceremonial descriptors constrains how audiences evaluate the ceremonies.
Notably, the token “Xi” ranks 10th in the keyword list. The association between the name of the head of state and the country can reflect a country’s international profile and visibility (
Lin & Xu, 2020), which indicates that in the process of national image promotion, the presidential image of General Secretary Xi has received increasing focus among foreign media and has become highly relevant to China’s national image; this will be explained in detail in
Section 4.2.2.
4.2.2. Keyword-in-Context (KWIC) Analysis
Concordance lines are generated when using a keyword as a hit for performing searches in AntConc 4.0.9. The concordance lines present the context in which the keywords appear and reveal the shared linguistic form of the context.
Louw (
2000) explained that the results of these concordance lines are characterized by semantic prosody, referring to a form of meaning established through the proximity of a consistent series of collocates. The initial function of semantic prosody is to express the attitude of its speaker or writer toward some pragmatic situation.
Sinclair (
2004) believed that the primary functional choice of semantic prosody is to link meaning to purpose, as the speaker or writer tends to select prosody of difficulty and adheres to a semantic preference of visibility. Therefore, by analyzing KWIC and through semantic prosody, we can gain insight into the connotation and ideology implied in foreign media’s China-related coverage on the Opening and Closing Ceremonies of the 2022 Winter Olympics. With the help of concordance lines generated by AntConc 4.0.9, the authors analyzed the language strategy and underlying attitudes conveyed in the portrayal of China’s national image in foreign media’s coverage of the Opening and Closing ceremonies of the Winter Olympics.
In this study, we selected “China” and “Xi” as keywords for searching, set the left and right token span to seven, respectively, and analyzed the collocation of keywords.
The word selections of “China” and “Xi” for KWIC analysis was based on both theoretical relevance and corpus-driven justification. First, the keyword “China” is directly related to the objectives of the study. For this reason, its inclusion requires no further justification. Second, the selection of “Xi”, however, was determined through a systematic collocate-selection process. Specifically, we examined the top 10 keywords from
Table 6 individually by using AntConc’s Collocate function (window span L5–R5). Most terms, such as “ceremony”, “opening”, and “closing”, which are contextually relevant to the Olympic events, however, returned largely neutral collocates (e.g., “Sunday”, “during”, “held”), offering limited value for national image construction.
In contrast, the keyword “Xi” yielded collocates that were semantically and ideologically aligned with “China”, including references to state leadership and national representation. This suggests that “Xi” functions as a symbolic extension of China’s national image in media narratives. Given this rationale, “Xi” was selected for in-depth KWIC analysis alongside “China”, as both terms allow for a more nuanced examination of how the nation and its leadership are discursively constructed in international reporting on the Olympic ceremonies.
Some of the selected results of the keyword “China” in context are shown in
Table 9.
The selected semantic prosody in
Table 9 and
Table 10 indicates that the keyword “China” is frequently collocated with words or phrases such as “human rights,” “Uyghur,” “boycott,” and “COVID-19”. These two tables both reveal a consistent pattern of discursive association with political and ideological content. From the result of KWIC, “China” appears in contexts involving criticism, controversy, or negative evaluations in most concordance lines. We can observe that even in the context of ceremonial coverage, international media tend to highlight human rights discourse and COVID-19 restrictions in Olympic-related reports. As such, most foreign media coverage on the Opening and Closing Ceremonies of the 2022 Winter Olympics involving “China” is pessimistic, with a majority of reports irrelevant to the Winter Olympics per se. Rather than framing China within cultural, artistic, or celebratory contexts, these collocations and lexical choices demonstrate that “China” is consistently positioned within broader geopolitical and ideological discourses in the reporting. This framing aligns closely with the second level of agenda-setting theory, which highlights how attribute salience shapes audience perceptions through repeated selection of content. While China is unavoidably salient in any Olympic coverage due to its host status, the critical tone embedded in its collocates suggests a deliberate prioritization of negative frames.
Regarding China’s Xinjiang region, some news outlets always take habitual strategies to portray China as a country full of human rights issues and oppressing ethnic minorities (Examples 1 and 2). Indeed, foreign media, such as
The Guardian,
Time and
USA Today, have become accustomed to mentioning “human rights” in China-related news to interfere with readers’ perceptions (
Hu & An, 2020).
Example 1. The fact that the US, Britain, Canada and others are staging a diplomatic boycott in protest at China’s human rights record is obviously a major factor. (China opens Winter Olympics with peace doves and a mighty provocation—The Guardian)
Example 2. Much of the criticism surrounding the Beijing Olympics has focused on China’s treatment of Uyghurs and other Muslim-majority ethnic groups in the northwestern region of Xinjiang. China has long dismissed criticism over this issue as an internal matter. (China Knew It Couldn’t Escape Politics at the Olympics Opening Ceremony. It Didn’t Try—Time)
In addition, foreign media have sarcastically insinuated that China’s pandemic quarantine policy was too harsh and complicated, and athletes were dissatisfied with the food, accommodation, and other living arrangements, calling this Winter Olympics the worst one and shaping a negative, rough, and oppressive government image (Example 3).
Example 3. Some were placed in isolation for weeks after testing positive, while others complained about the bland food served in quarantine. But their criticism—including an emotional plea for help from a Belgian athlete—went wholly unreported inside China. (The Olympics was a success inside China. And that’s the audience Beijing cares about—CNN)
However, it is worth noting that some news coverages, taking Time as an example, do contradict the aforementioned views in the semantic prosody of “China.” In Example 4, the report objectively covered China’s pandemic prevention measures during the Winter Olympics and affirmed China’s contribution to global pandemic prevention efforts, showcasing the Chinese government’s image as prioritizing its people and people’s lives over everything else. The text conveying this stance is from Time, while according to the collected corpus, the other Time’s coverage of China is negative or neutral in tone. For instance, both covered by Time, the sentiment of Example 2 is significantly different from that of Example 4.
Example 4. Although some athletes pushed back against the rigors of Beijing’s approach, the Winter Games demonstrated China’s capability to keep Omicron at bay—something no other country has done effectively. (What the World Can Learn from China’s COVID-19 Rules at the Winter Olympics—Time)
According to large-scale quantitative evidence of media impact on public opinion toward China,
The New York Times might have a particular bias in how it covers China (
Huang et al., 2021). However, in this study,
The New York Times’ attitude toward China is complicated and contradictory. On the one hand, it affirmed China’s ability to host the Winter Olympics. On the other hand, it also showed its great concern about China as an emerging power in the world, stating that China is no longer taking the role of adapting to the rules of the international community, rather China is now defining the rules (
Ovide, 2022) (Example 5). However, the saying “We’re no longer supplicants seeking to enter the room. We are defining the rules of what happens in the room” (
CISS-CF, 2022) was initially used by Professor Rana Mitter of Oxford University to comment on China’s rapid control of the pandemic. The use of quotation has a rhetorical function, which can not only emphasize and attract readers’ attention to the content within the quotation marks but also express the quoter’s disapproval of the words or meaning within the quotation marks (
Xin, 2020). In fact, in the coverage process, some particular political ideologies can be easily transferred to the readers when the media inserts an objective comment from a third party while distorting and misinterpreting the content of the original speaker. Consequently, the readers’ impressions and cognitions of the target country will be affected gradually and intangibly.
The New York Times tends to garble quotes out of context to guide its readers’ perceptions of China; consequently, its readers tend to misunderstand that China is seeking a position of regional hegemony. In the long run, these misunderstandings will generate a sense of backlash against China among people worldwide. Nonetheless, in another coverage published by
The New York Times on the same day, the original sentence by Professor Rana Mitter was expressed and explained (
Times, 2022) (Example 6).
Example 5. Nearly 14 years after the 2008 Games, a very different China—much wealthier, more powerful, but also more feared—put on a show designed to reassure, as well as dazzle, its global audience…
…‘We’re no longer supplicants seeking to enter the room. We are defining the rules of what happens in the room. (In Beijing, Olympic Spectacle and Global Power Games—The New York Times)
Example 6. “It’s making part of this the message that inside China, people are safe, and people act fast when they see there’s going to be an outbreak, and that means we can hold a big event like the Olympics,” said Rana Mitter, a professor of Chinese history and politics at the University of Oxford. “There is also a much stronger message saying: ‘We’re no longer supplicants seeking to enter the room. We are defining the rules of what happens in the room.’” (For Xi Jinping, the Olympics is a moment to declare, ‘China is ready.’—The New York Times)
Foreign media’s attitude toward China remains complicated and contradictory even within the same media outlet. On the one hand, these mixed emotions stem from fear of the rise of developing countries and the “China Threat Theory (
Y. Zhang, 2022)” and, on the other hand, a lack of understanding of China.
The semantic prosody of “China” can provide enlightening insights into China’s foreign-oriented publicity work in its peaceful development. It would be worthwhile for China to explore ways to use sports mega-events to build up its international communication capacity, thereby better introducing the nation to the world in the new era and narrating its stories well to make the voice of China heard and understood objectively by the international audience.
A country’s national image and its presidential image are mutually intertwined and reinforcing, and the general public’s perception of a country is partly derived from the perception of its government leader (
Fan, 2013). Presidential image, as a symbol of a country’s national image, serves as an external manifestation of the national image, which itself has strong appeals and charms in winning the support of international public opinion (
J. Liu, 2017). The randomly selected semantic prosody in
Table 11 indicates that General Secretary Xi, leader of China, frequently appeared in foreign media coverage.
Table 11 and
Table 12 show that most contexts in which “Xi” or “Xi Jinping” appears are closely related to the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics. As shown in
Table 11 and
Table 12, the keyword “Xi” (including “Xi Jinping”) reveals a generally descriptive and event-focused pattern in international media coverage of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics Opening and Closing Ceremonies. “Xi” is mentioned in connection with actions such as “spectates athletes,” “joined in the applause,” “sat next to Bach,” and “was later shown looking through binoculars.” Foreign media’s description of General Secretary Xi in the Opening and Closing Ceremonies of the Winter Olympics includes the following two aspects: 1. visual image and 2. leadership image. The visual image includes the description of General Secretary Xi’s gestures and facial expressions (Examples 7 and 8), such as watching the Closing Ceremony performance with a telescope. The leadership image consists of quotations from General Secretary Xi’s statements or citations of a third party’s comments on General Secretary Xi (Example 9); another instance is of General Secretary Xi declaring the opening of the Games (Example 8).
Example 7. With Xi watching through binoculars, athletes filed in beneath an image of a red Chinese knot, a good-luck charm symbolizing unity and longevity. (Olympics close without breaking the carefully enforced script from China—Washington Post)
Example 8. Chinese President Xi Jinping stood, removed his mask, and declared the Games open. (In a Divisive Games, an Opening Ceremony in Search of Unity—The New York Times)
Example 9. “The world is looking to China, and China is ready,” Xi told the International Olympic Committee on Thursday. (For Xi Jinping, the Olympics is a moment to declare, ‘China is ready.’—The New York Times)
“Xi” tends to appear in neutral contexts related to his physical presence, ceremonial role, or interactions with foreign dignitaries. These occurrences are behavioral or observational, highlighting Xi’s public visibility at the ceremonies. From an agenda-setting perspective, repeated references to “Xi” illustrate how media can shape public perceptions toward specific actors through particular descriptive strategies (such as emphasizing attendance and announcing ceremonial openings). This aligns with “attribute salience,” wherein media discourse assigns specific images to the subjects of coverage.
As his presence is consistently noted in coverage, we can observe media emphasis on leadership symbolism. The concordance lines and collocations indicate that the national image could be personalized through its leader’s image. More specifically, Xi represents China in international public discourse. His symbolic visibility contributes to the construction of China’s national image through leadership embodiment.
In summary, foreign media’s coverage of General Secretary Xi’s presidential image has an increasingly closer association with China’s national image. Mainstream foreign media’s evaluation of President Xi’s image during the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics primarily focuses on his leadership and organizational capabilities. The international press generally considers him to have successfully hosted the Olympic Games. Coverage emphasizes President Xi’s personal involvement and emphasizes the Olympics’ significance to Xi’s political standing, viewing it as validation of his leadership. Despite criticism of pandemic-related restrictions, the overall management of the event is widely regarded as a success.