The French Revolution in Historiography and History Education in the 20th and 21st Centuries

Abstract

Polish scholarly literature has not comprehensively analysed the image of the French Revolution of 1789–1799 in history textbooks. Similarly, 20th- and 21st-century historiography has presented no exhaustive overview of these events. This article does not claim to exhaust the subject matter. In addressing the topic of the French Revolution, the author seeks to connect with ongoing research in Poland concerning the philosophical interpretation of selected themes in Polish and world history. Moreover, given that the philosophical interpretation of these events in history education compendia has been and remains consistent with historiographical approaches, the author also extends the discussion to a broader consideration of the historiography of the French Revolution from the late 19th century to the present day. The French Revolution occupies a significant place in Polish historical education. However, while contemporary historiography increasingly associates it with crisis, injustice, and oppression, textbook narratives continue to uphold the myth of the French Revolution—favoured in Poland since the late 19th century—as a crucial event perceived as beneficial for France.

1. Introduction

The French Revolution of 1789–1799, a social upheaval that led to the overthrow of absolute monarchy and the estate-based system in France1, acquired a pivotal significance in the country’s history. Undoubtedly, it constituted a crucial phase of the crisis from which a new nation and statehood emerged. This transformation encompassed political, socio-economic, religious, and cultural dimensions. The history of France at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries was closely connected with Poland and the Polish people, which makes this topic particularly well-known in Poland. Polish scholarly literature has already engaged with both the historiographical and philosophical perspectives on the events of 1789–1799 as well as related developments that will be discussed later in this study. However, no attempt has yet been made to examine how this event has been represented in Polish history textbooks. The educational policy of the Polish state, the reorganisation of school structures, the ideological aspects of teaching and upbringing, the structure of school curricula and textbooks, and educational practices are well-documented in Polish scholarly literature, which justifies not delving into them in greater detail here (Osiński 2010). Undoubtedly, as has been rightly pointed out, educational policy in Poland aimed to use schools to shape citizens who would support the existing system of government or the prevailing worldview of the time (Osiński 2010). This article presents a focused analysis of themes within Polish historiography—and, above all, historical education—that are significant for the image of the French Revolution, examined through the lens of a relatively extended period of over one hundred years. In addressing the topic, the author has sought to build upon ongoing research on school textbooks in Poland and extend it to include a discussion of the French Revolution.2

The selection of textbooks discussed in this article was guided by the aim of identifying representative compendia that comprehensively cover the period of the French Revolution. These textbooks are mandatory in primary and secondary education for each of the historical periods under consideration in this study of Polish education (20th and 21st centuries). Two textbooks from the first half of the 20th century were selected—one published before, and the other after, the 1932 Jędrzejewicz educational reform.3 (Zakrzewski 1916; Moszczeńska and Mrozowska 1935) The next two chosen compendia, representing a period of continuity, were in use for several years during the Polish People’s Republic period. Szostakowski (edit. 1, 1965, edit. 9, 1973); Gierowski, Leszczyński (edit. 1. 1971, edit. 15. 1987 r.). Subsequent textbooks included in the analysis were published after 1989, following the political transformations that led to the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. Cegielski, Zielińska (edit. 1. 1991, edit. 7. 1998); Szostakowski, (edit. 1, 1992, edit. 9, 2000 r.). The final two textbooks in this article, published by “Nowa Era”—currently the most widely chosen educational publisher in Poland—are aligned with the national curriculum presently in force, demonstrating the enduring nature of the Polish educational system. Olszewska, Surdyk-Fertsch, Wojciechowski (edit. 1. 2019); Klint (edit. 1 2020).

It is also pertinent to briefly outline the characteristics of the intended readership. Undoubtedly, students in the Second Polish Republic differed significantly from their counterparts at the beginning of the 21st century, highlighting the need for tailored educational materials. Although the discussion of how the “profile” of Polish school students has changed since the era of the Second Polish Republic is not directly related to the central issue addressed in this article, it does shed light on the broader framework of societal reception of this and other historical narratives. In the first half of the 20th century, the content of school textbooks reached a significantly smaller audience than in the latter half of the century and subsequent decades.

During the Second Republic era, after 123 years of partition, neither primary nor secondary education was successfully made widely accessible. For many Polish youths, access to education remained unattainable, primarily due to economic constraints. From the early post-Second World War years, under significant ideological influence, ensuring universal access to primary education became a central objective of educational policy in Poland. The education system introduced a new model, aiming, among other objectives, to guarantee universal access to secondary education.4 Since 1989, a key challenge of educational policy in Poland has been eliminating material barriers to knowledge acquisition and facilitating universal access to education. The rapid modernisation of the education system, increased investment in education and research, and efforts to enhance the quality and effectiveness of teaching have supported this goal.

2. Historiography of the French Revolution

The French Revolution of 1789–1799 has been the subject of numerous synthetic studies written from various scholarly and political perspectives. Discussions of the revolution date back to the 19th century, when events in France were often seen through the lens of Poland’s precarious situation. Amid internal upheavals and the expansionist policies of neighbouring powers, Poland started to disappear from the map of Europe (Dembiński 1891, 1896). A renewed impetus for disseminating this aspect of French history in Polish historiography emerged with the revolutions in one of Poland’s partitioning powers—namely, Russia—in 1905 and 1917. It is noteworthy that during this period, Polish historians frequently employed the term “Great French Revolution” to underscore the significance of the transformations taking place in France.5

References to the French Revolution persisted throughout the following decades of the 20th century, particularly during the interwar period 6 (1918–1939) and the era of the Polish People’s Republic, conventionally dated to the years 1944–1989.7 In the former, up until 1926, when Poland’s parliamentary system was developing under the influence of right-wing factions, discussions of the French Revolution in Polish historiography were largely subdued.

The situation changed after 1926, when the Sanation regime consolidated power under Józef Piłsudski. A positive attitude towards the French Revolution and its proponents could be observed at that time, viewing them as a counterbalance to parliamentarianism and its shortcomings, “(…) which never allow it, as a principle, to be placed above the principle of saving the people or the nation” (Czapliński and Wereszycki 1962)8. Furthermore, a “newer” direction in studies of the revolution gained attention, focusing on its socio-economic and cultural superstructure—an approach later developed by Marxist historiography. This period also saw a gradual departure from the designation of the French Revolution as the “Great” Revolution in Polish historical discourse (Szelągowski 1934), (Feldman 1935). It is worth noting that, since the nineteenth century, Polish historiography has increasingly emphasised the significant role of events in revolutionary France in shaping the reformist spirit of the Polish figures responsible for drafting and proclaiming the Constitution of 3 May (see also Kubuj 2024). As highlighted in a published lecture dated 13 May 1891, “the pursuit of political and social reform originated independently in Poland; however, this does not in any way preclude foreign influences,” with particular reference made to Rousseau’s theories and the French Constitution of 1791 (Dembiński 1891).

After the Second World War, Poland re-emerged on the political map of Europe. With altered borders and the division of power among the great nations, it became part of the Eastern Bloc, falling within the sphere of Soviet domination and Marxist historiography9. A characteristic feature of Leninist Bolsheviks was their cult of the French Revolution, along with the Marxist conviction of its inevitability and beneficial impact on humanity’s progress. These elements significantly shaped the historiography of revolutionary transformations in France across Central and Eastern European countries (Ziółek 2019). There is no doubt—an observation already noted in scholarly literature—that linking the French Revolution of 1789 with the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia was distinctly instrumental. This association was intended to assist the Bolsheviks, and later the communists, both in the USSR and in post-World War II Poland, which depended on the Soviet Union, in “placing their legacy and actions within the current of the European revolutionary tradition.” Historiography also emphasises that the Bolshevik Revolution may appear merely as a “brutal caricature” of the French events of 1789–1799 (Jędrzejczyk 2011).

During the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), the French Revolution, commonly regarded as a positive event, was frequently referred to in most publications as the “Great Bourgeois Revolution”10. Although it should be noted that even during the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), some publications presented events from the period of Jacobin dictatorship in a negative light11, such instances were rare. The social aspects of the revolution were the focus, with a clear respect for the role of the Parisian populace and the French peasantry as key agents and heroes of these events. The “resentment of the popular masses became the driving force of the revolution” (Jefimow and Tarle 1950), while the lack of popular support led to its failure (Jefimow and Tarle 1950).

The year 1989 marked the beginning of a new research phase on the French Revolution in Poland. The bicentenary of the events, celebrated with great fanfare in 1989,12 served as a pretext for a wide-ranging historical discussion.13 The anniversary celebrations also provided an impetus for Polish historians to publish works that focused on the darker aspects of the revolution.14

Since then, significant research has been conducted on the French Revolution. Polish historians engaged in academic translations and authored new monographs and dissertations in which revolutions, including the French Revolution, became increasingly associated with crises, with scholars highlighting that they often led to even greater inequalities, injustices, and oppression (Janiszewski 2012). As a result, the historiographical gap was filled with academic publications exploring the darker aspects of the French Revolution of 178915. This period of upheaval also brought about a radical and unprecedented transformation in the position of the Catholic Church in France. It was downgraded from a privileged, co-governing institution to one subjected to state control, persecution, and ultimately deliberate destruction, as it was perceived as an ideological rival to the revolution and its totalitarian ambitions (Poradowski 1992; Dmochowski 2017).

3. The French Revolution in Polish Textbooks of the First Half of the 20th Century

The French Revolution has occupied—and continues to occupy—a prominent place in Polish history textbooks at both primary and secondary school levels. This prominence stems from the close connections between late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century French history and Poland. Consequently, the depiction of the French Revolution in Polish textbooks merits thorough investigation. Content analyses of these textbooks focused on the treatment of the revolution’s origins, its unfolding, and its assessment, with particular emphasis on the key moments most frequently highlighted by authors over the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

By the time Poland regained independence in 1918, the education systems of the partitioning powers had been in place across the respective Polish territories. The unification of primary and secondary education began in early 1919. As a school subject, history played a key role in rebuilding the state and preparing a civic society. Historical education served as a pillar of the so-called national upbringing, in which the veneration of Poland’s history was regarded as a guarantee of patriotism and good citizenship (Osiński 2010). By the Act of 11 March 1932, a new organisational and curricular system of Polish education was introduced. From then on, historical education became the mainstay of so-called state education, i.e., the educational ideology of the Sanation under the leadership of Josef Pilsudski (Osiński 2010). In Polish history textbooks published in the first half of the 20th century (until the 1950s), Eurocentrism dominated historical education. The focus was almost exclusively on political history, with particular attention given to Europe (Libiszowska 1996), including France.

In a textbook used in history education from the late 19th century until the mid-1920s, the French Revolution was referred to as “great,” with an emphasis on its “universal character” (Zakrzewski 1916). Its primary cause was identified as “widespread dissatisfaction with existing social and political conditions—among the educated, mainly due to opposition literature, and among the masses, driven by numerous hardships and burdens.” The events of 14 July 1789 were attributed to the lack of a clear programme on the part of the king and his ministers, who failed to address the growing unrest, leading to “the victory of the Third Estate, not only over the other two estates but also over royal authority.” The largest and most oppressed social group in French society were referred to as “the populace” and “the Third Estate”.

The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, referred to as the “manifesto of the revolution”, was associated with the collapse of the old order in France. The abolition of the monarchy in September 1792 was discussed in the context of the “September massacres,” which allowed the “main leaders of the Jacobins” to seize power. Citizens increasingly equated the new revolutionary government with ruthless terrorism and a heavy toll on human lives. Among the darker aspects of the Jacobin rule, their attempts to break with the past were highlighted, notably through the violent destruction of monuments to the “fallen monarchy and Christianity.” The only positive aspect was the introduction of the metric system. The downfall of the revolution was believed to have been caused by “infighting among the Jacobins.” The Directory’s rule from 1795 to 1799 was portrayed as one that “lacked any authority in the country,” and the coup d’état carried out by Napoleon in 1799 was seen as “the longed-for change” (Zakrzewski 1916).

After 1926, the origins of the revolution, much like in the previously used textbooks, were seen in the widespread dissatisfaction of society, mainly the “despised” and “exploited” Third Estate (the term “populace” was not used; the renewed emphasis on the popular character of the revolution occurred during the era of the Polish People’s Republic). It was also emphasised that the spread of Enlightenment ideas in France, with their intellectual underpinnings, played a significant role. However, as was immediately pointed out, and this is where the narrative diverged from previous versions, “no one, however, was thinking of a violent upheaval, i.e., a revolution; on the contrary, caution and moderation were recommended when introducing reforms” (Moszczeńska and Mrozowska 1935). These words fit well into the situation in Poland in 1926, during the “May Coup” that took place that year. As a result of the lack of an agreement between the then-President Stanisław Wojciechowski and Józef Piłsudski, who led the coup, the event, following a meeting on the Poniatowski Bridge, claimed 379 lives.16 The background of the events of 14 July 1789, as presented in the compendium, did not differ from earlier accounts, except that it justified the further development of events by attributing them to a “stirred, restless mood”. The significance of the “Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen” was emphasised, as it became the foundation of the aspirations of peoples seeking to overthrow the “old order” and the most important achievement of the revolution—the 1791 Constitution. However, when comparing the first document with the second, it was pointed out that the constitution differed from the proclaimed initial ideals.

As emphasised—particularly when contextualised with the situation in Poland prior to 1926—the established parliamentary system was characterised by certain shortcomings, notably the phenomenon of “continuous elections,” which were said to “exhaust and discourage the population,” while the weakness of the government resulted in disorder in public affairs. Once again, the authors stressed that “patriotic excitement, unrest, fear of betrayal, and the desire for battle” were expressed in the armed uprising of republicans against the king. The Jacobins used the reign of terror, during which “thousands of heads fell under the guillotine, popular uprisings were crushed in rivers of blood, and cities in rebellion were bombarded with grapeshot,” to strengthen their power and protect the gains of the revolution. The positive aspects of the Jacobin government were also highlighted, such as internal reforms in social life, education, and culture. The textbook’s authors, however, expressed no doubts that the Jacobins maintained such a regime only while France faced the threat of invasion. The end of Jacobin rule marked the adoption of a new constitution (of 5 October 1795), a republican system, and the establishment of the Directorate. However, it was only Napoleon’s return to France that, as noted, was supposed to bring “immense joy and hope” to the population. The authors assessed the events in France within a broader historical context. They noted that “not a single aspect of life” —political, economic, social, religious, cultural, or moral—remained unaffected by the revolution. They regarded the growing public interest in state affairs as its most important achievement, illustrated, among other things, by the adoption of the titles “citizen” and “citizeness” during the revolution (Moszczeńska and Mrozowska 1935).

4. The French Revolution in Textbooks of the Second Half of the 20th Century (Up to 1989)

The post-war model of Polish education, heavily influenced by Soviet ideology, was promoted by the Soviet-dependent Polish Workers’ Party and, later (from December 1948), the Polish United Workers’ Party. School curricula aimed to foster historical thinking and infuse the educational process with elements of socialism. The concept of “people’s democracy” was frequently invoked. Democracy, in this context, was meant to serve as a counterbalance to the “bourgeois democracy” of Western European countries (Archives: sig. 4212) (Osiński 2010).

History textbooks published in the second half of the twentieth century (up to 1989) were significantly shaped by Eurocentrism in historical education. They were unilaterally divided into a positive portrayal of the so-called Eastern Bloc countries and the “imperialist West,” which also included France. Economic and social phenomena were considered the fundamental factors shaping the historical process, following the prevalent Marxist methodology, and these themes were extensively covered in curricula and textbooks (Mauersberg 1974).

In the historical education of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL), the French Revolution was referred to as the “Great Bourgeois Revolution in France.” The authors highlighted the social injustice present on the eve of the revolution by citing slogans such as “absolute rule in France,” “the lavish life of the royal court,” “the poverty of peasants and the urban poor,” and “the French bourgeoisie.” The authors emphasised the significance of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, yet also noted that it failed to prevent the misery and exploitation that continued to affect the working population in urban and rural areas (Szostakowski 1965). In other words, it reflected the bourgeoisie’s interests (Gierowski and Leszczyński 1987). Authors referring to the Constitution of 1791 noted that it failed to fulfil the hopes of the French people, who soon resumed their struggle for rights (Szostakowski 1965). Radical reforms, on the other hand, were linked to the seizure of power by the Jacobins (Gierowski and Leszczyński 1987). The authors of textbooks depicted them (the Jacobins) as “individuals deeply committed to revolutionary ideals, the staunchest opponents of the nobility and the clergy, who sought to implement further democratic reforms in France.” It was also emphasised that they enacted numerous reforms. For the people living in rural areas, this meant the abolition of all their obligations to the lords, while for the urban population, it included “fixed prices for food and harsh penalties for violating them” (Szostakowski 1965).

Among the further achievements attributed to the Jacobins was introducing a new system of measures and weights, known as the metric system, and the reorganisation of the army, in which many officers of noble descent were removed and replaced with sons of the bourgeoisie. The Jacobins also implemented new and improved methods of warfare. There was also a widespread promotion of fraternal relations within the military as a guiding principle. Another important issue was the separation of Church and state (Szostakowski 1965; Gierowski and Leszczyński 1987). It is no coincidence that, in the context of the French Revolution, particular emphasis was placed on such topics as the Church–state divide and broader social transformations, including changes within the French army. After all, the communist authorities in the Polish People’s Republic sought at all costs to restrict the activities of the Catholic Church. At the same time, the official sovereign in the PRL was “the working people of towns and villages,” although, in reality, they lacked any legal means of asserting their rights.17 The end of Jacobin rule was associated with the “seizure of power by the grand bourgeoisie”. Although their governance was described as “harsh and ruthless”, it was justified because it was exercised to defend the revolution against internal and external enemies. Moreover, it enabled the Jacobins to restore control over the situation in the country and on the front lines (Szostakowski 1965; Gierowski and Leszczyński 1987). However, there was no doubt that the ruthlessness of the Jacobins had earned them many enemies. A lack of unity within their ranks was also noted. It was argued that the grand bourgeoisie took advantage of these circumstances and overthrew the Jacobins’ rule in July 1794. In turn, the bourgeoisie saw Napoleon as their protector against external and internal enemies. The revolution was assessed positively, with an emphasis on its “great significance not only for France but also for other nations.” Among its most significant achievements were “the abolition of feudal lords’ authority and absolute monarchy in one of Europe’s most important states, the dismantling of the dominance of the nobility and clergy, and the liberation of peasants from burdensome feudal obligations.”

It was also emphasised that “thanks to the French Revolution, the principle of equality of all citizens before the law triumphed”—first in France and later in other countries. However, the condition of the poor urban and rural population saw little improvement; they remained impoverished and subject to ongoing exploitation. Nevertheless, there was no doubt that the popular masses, having once risen to fight, would not cease in their struggle for liberation from oppression and their rightful rights “for the attainment of power” (Szostakowski 1965). The new class—the bourgeoisie—was also encouraged by its victory and was said to have been inspired to take further steps towards the “dominance of capitalism” (Gierowski and Leszczyński 1987).

5. The French Revolution—The Turn of the Centuries (20th and 21st) and Contemporary Times

The transformation of the educational system in contemporary Poland was linked to the political, social, and economic changes of 1989. The first school reform in the Third Republic of Poland was introduced on 1 September 1999. The current one has been in force since 1 January 2017 (Szczepanek 2018). The aim of history curricula in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries in Poland is, above all, for the school students to “consciously and responsibly participate in the creation of a European community of values with an underlying idea of freedom that is particularly close to us Poles” (Podstawa 2017). The period of the Third Republic brought a new, modified perspective on the events of 1789–1794 in France, and the methodological ballast of the previous era no longer burdened it. The most significant change was that, in textbooks published after 1989, within the new socio-political reality, the origins of the French Revolution (1789–1794) were discussed without an excessive emphasis on the oppression of the peasants (Szostakowski 1995). The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen maintained its status as a symbolic document of freedom, equality, and fraternity. Notably, its shortcomings were not overstated. Similarly, the Constitution of 1791, along with the Jacobins, was presented as “the greatest opponents of the privileges of the nobility and the clergy” who sought to implement further democratic reforms in France. The period from the spring of 1793, when “the Jacobins succeeded in wresting power from the hands of the middle bourgeoisie”, was described as a time when the French Revolution faced “many external and internal dangers”. In light of this situation, the Jacobins, as emphasised, were forced to resort to extraordinary measures—terror. The reforms introduced by the Jacobins still overshadowed the ruthlessness of the terror. Though they were ruthless, the assessment of the 14 months of Jacobin rule remained unchanged, as it was stressed that these measures were taken in defence of the revolution. The causes of the collapse of the revolutionary Jacobin government, well-known from earlier versions of textbooks, were reiterated. The evaluation of the revolution was restrained in highlighting the unfulfilled demands of the revolutionary peasants. Nevertheless, the revolution was credited with great significance, particularly in abolishing absolutism, overthrowing the dominance of the nobility and clergy, liberating peasants from burdensome feudal obligations, and transferring land ownership to them. Equally significant was the importance of the French Revolution for other European countries, where the “struggle against outdated feudal systems began” (Szostakowski 1995). The novum introduced in upper secondary schools was the following slogan: “The daily life of the revolution”. For the first time in historical education, this perspective highlighted the daily struggles of the French people at the time, such as the growing supply problems and the reality of everyday life, especially in the years 1792–1794, which was widely associated with the falling blade of the guillotine. Detailed data was presented, indicating the hundreds of thousands of victims of revolutionary violence (Cegielski and Zielińska 1991). For the first time, economic terror, which had the most significant impact on the former privileged classes, was also mentioned. Many years of state-sponsored campaigns against religion and the Church, which characterised the Polish People’s Republic period—as previously discussed—shaped perceptions of the French Revolution in this regard. The textbook authors regarded the widespread campaign of de-Christianisation of French society during the years 1792–1794 as the most controversial and emotionally charged aspect of the revolution. Similarly, the balance sheet of the revolution was described in detail. The most significant value of the revolution was considered to be the formation of a civil society. Although it was emphasised that the price the French paid for their political emancipation was enormous, “the revolution unleashed an extraordinary potential of energy within the twenty-million-strong French society”. As in previous narratives, it was also underscored that its influence extended far beyond the republic’s borders (Cegielski and Zielińska 1991).

Textbooks of the 21st century devote less space to the French Revolution. The origins of these events are discussed, starting with the presentation of the division of French society into three estates, among which the third estate, representing as much as 98% of the population, did not enjoy the privileges of the other estates (Olszewska et al. 2019). For the contemporary student, just as for those a hundred years ago, it should be evident that the third estate was the driving force behind the revolutionary changes in France. The events of 14 July 1789, a response from the people of Paris to the king’s reluctance to reform, marked the beginning—and once again the return to the term—of the Great French Revolution. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, adopted in 1789, was described as a document “written in the spirit of the Enlightenment, revolutionary for the times in which it was created.” The Constitution adopted in September 1791 was considered a continuation of actions “in the spirit of the Enlightenment.” It was also noted in earlier textbooks that the anniversary of the storming of the Bastille on 14 July is now celebrated as France’s national holiday. A new addition in the latest compendia is the information that the tricolour flag also originates from the period of the revolution. The topic concerning the French Republic is briefly presented, outlining the path to its declaration, from the outbreak of war in the spring of 1792 between France and Austria and Prussia to the king’s arrest and the monarchy’s abolition in September 1792. A key turning point for the newly declared republic, as students can learn, was the decision to execute Louis XVI, which, on the one hand, contributed to the formation of an anti-French alliance among European countries aimed at overthrowing the republic. On the other hand, it led to the activation of opponents of the revolution within France, who sought to remove the revolutionaries from power. This “crisis” was said to have contributed to the violent seizure of power by the radical Jacobin faction. To illustrate the circumstances in which French society found itself under Jacobin rule, it was pointed out that in June and July 1794, when the highest number of death sentences were passed, about 14,000 people lost their lives. This period of Jacobin rule was directly referred to as the “Great Terror”. However, it was justified by arguing that, through these measures, the Jacobins were able to regain control over the situation on the fronts and resolve the internal crisis in the country. The topic of “worth knowing” covered the revolutionaries’ struggle with tradition and the Catholic Church, which was seen as the enemy of the new regime. A novel aspect was the explanation to students that various methods were used to achieve this, including caricatures, which helped to spread a negative image of the clergy within society. The end of the Jacobins’ bloody rule was meant to be associated by students with the positive changes in the evolution of republican governance towards a more moderate approach, where the representatives preserved the basic achievements of the revolution, such as equality before the law, the separation of Church and State, the right to property, and freedom of activity in industry and trade (Olszewska et al. 2019). While more detailed, the portrayal of events in France in upper secondary school textbooks does not differ significantly from the historiosophical framework presented to younger students. A significant addition is the introduction of two concepts: the Great Revolution, which is associated with the attack on the Bastille by the people, and the bourgeois revolution, linked to the subsequent events (up to 1791). This division is justified by the argument that, despite the slogans of liberty, equality, and fraternity, the bourgeoisie prevented the workers and the urban poor from participating in state decision-making. As a result, it was emphasised that the goals of the bourgeoisie and the people began to diverge at this time. The evaluation of the revolution is also more comprehensive, with particular attention given to the formation of civil society, seen as a symptom of the modern state (Klint 2024).

6. Summary

The history of France at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries was closely linked to Poland and the Poles, which is why this topic is extensively covered in Polish historiography and education. During the French emancipation, the fate of Poland was at stake. The activities of the French Constituent Assembly impacted the work of the Four-Year Sejm in Poland, and patriotic factions striving to reform the Polish nobility also initiated reforms aimed at improving the problematic situation of peasants and townspeople in Poland. The Kościuszko Insurrection was identified with a local episode of the French Revolution; however, when power in France passed into the hands of moderate revolutionaries, who dissolved the Revolutionary Tribunal and, in 1795, adopted a new constitution, Poland, due to the aggression of neighbouring states and internal crisis, fell (1795, the Third Partition of Poland).

The interpretation of the French Revolution, as presented in Polish historiography and education, has achieved ideologically and educationally oriented goals. During the Partition period, it was used to show that Poland was capable of lofty reforms (after all, the Polish Constitution of 3 May 1791 preceded the French constitution). Events in France were also meant to highlight the weaknesses of parliamentarians when its crisis was evident in the early years following Poland’s regaining independence. During the People’s Republic of Poland, the French Revolution was intended to symbolise the strength of the people in their fight for their rights (although significant property changes in Poland only occurred after 1944). Following the political transformations of 1989, which marked the collapse of communism in Poland and freed historiography from the methodological constraints of the previous era, the content of school textbooks also underwent notable changes. Concerning the depiction of the French Revolution, the influence of the broader historical debate surrounding its bicentenary is readily apparent. Textbooks began not only to highlight everyday life in France—particularly during the years 1792–1794, commonly associated with the relentless fall of the guillotine—but also to include detailed information on the victims of revolutionary violence. This shift in narrative appears to have resonated with the challenges Poland faced at the time in building a democratic society, reinforcing a preference for evolutionary rather than revolutionary change. In contemporary times, the narrative of the French Revolution is used to present the foundations of the formation of civil society. One could risk the following thesis: in modern historiography, revolutions, including the French Revolution, are increasingly associated with crisis, which brings immense injustice and oppression. The contemporary textbook narrative maintains a more positive portrayal of these events. This does not imply, however, that Polish history textbooks diverge from current historiography; instead, they place less emphasis on the French Revolution’s critical and demystifying perspectives.