Migration to Italy and Integration into the European Space from the Point of View of Romanians

Abstract

This study investigates the determinants of Romanian workers’ migration intentions towards Italy, integrating economic, social, and psychological perspectives. Based on a sample of 358 respondents, four hypotheses were tested concerning perceived living standards, working conditions, quality of public services, and anticipated integration difficulties. Data were analysed using descriptive statistics, Spearman’s rho correlation, Mann–Whitney U, Chi-square, ANOVA, and ordinal logistic regression. The results confirm that higher perceived living standards and better working conditions in Italy significantly increase the likelihood of expressing migration intentions, while favourable evaluations of healthcare and education act as additional pull factors. Conversely, anticipated integration difficulties, particularly language barriers and cultural adaptation, reduce migration intentions, indicating that socio-psychological obstacles can counterbalance economic incentives. By combining non-parametric and multivariate analyses, the study demonstrates that migration is a multidimensional process shaped not only by structural opportunities but also by behavioural and psychological appraisals. These findings are consistent with recent research on European labour mobility and contribute to the literature by highlighting the role of subjective perceptions in shaping migration decisions. Implications for policy include the need to address both economic disparities and integration barriers to support more balanced mobility within the European space.

1. Introduction

The phenomenon of international migration has become a global reality, generating profound transformations in the social, economic and cultural dynamics of the states involved, whether they are countries of origin, transit or destination (Ghatak et al. 1996; O’Reilly 2016). In recent decades, Europe has faced successive waves of transnational mobility, accentuated by globalisation, economic crises, social inequalities and free movement of labour policies within the European Union (Connell 2007; Al-Rodhan and Stoudmann 2006). In this context, the migration of workers to Western European countries, especially to Italy, is a complex process, with multiple individual and collective implications.

After Romania’s accession to the European Union in 2007, the migration phenomenon has increased, with Italy becoming one of the main destinations preferred by Romanians in search of a better life, economic stability or more consistent professional opportunities (Iftimoaie and Baciu 2018). The factors that motivate this migratory orientation are economic (wage differences, the instability of the labor market in Romania), but also social (family reunification, the desire to access quality services), cultural (linguistic and religious proximity to the Italian space) and even symbolic (the perception of Western Europe as a territory of modernity and well-being).

The migration of workers to Italy is not an isolated phenomenon, but is part of a broader process of reconfiguration of identity and mobility in the European space. If at the statistical level Romania is among the first exporting countries of labor force in Europe, at the individual level migration implies a rebalancing between the desire for progress and the difficulties of integration into a new social and cultural framework (Otovescu 2016; Caneva 2014). The integration process is often perceived in terms of language barriers, ethnic prejudices and the ability to adapt to the values of the host society, but also through the need to maintain Romanian cultural identity in a multicultural environment (Mügge 2016; Otovescu 2017).

At the same time, the perception of migration is not uniform among workers living in Romania either. They develop specific representations about life abroad, about the difficulties and possible benefits of emigration, based on personal experiences, on the stories of relatives who have already left or on the image projected by the media. These perceptions have a direct influence on the intention to migrate and on the choice of a destination country, but also on the way in which workers construct scenarios regarding integration in another European state.

Specialized studies emphasize the fact that migration and integration are interdependent processes, which involve not only the physical displacement of the person, but also identity transformations, renegotiations of social status and, often, tensions between assimilation and the preservation of one’s own culture (Alba and Nee 1997; Otovescu 2017). Italy, as a destination state, offers a special socio-cultural configuration: on the one hand, linguistic and religious closeness contributes to an apparently easier integration; on the other hand, the presence of Roma communities, problems related to stereotypes or difficulties in the labor market can constitute important obstacles in the process of full integration of Romanian workers (Batic 2016; Gherghina and Braghiroli 2010).

In this context, this article aims to investigate the way in which Romanian citizens, still in Romania, perceive migration to Italy and the process of integration into a European space. Through a quantitative research carried out on a sample of 358 Romanian employees, their personal motivations, expectations, anticipated difficulties and social and cultural preferences regarding settling in another European country are analyzed. At the heart of the approach is the question: How does the vision of Romanian workers on migration to Italy take shape and what elements define, from their perspective, successful integration into a European society?

By addressing this issue, the article aims to contribute to deepening the understanding of migration from Eastern to Western Europe, offering an updated perspective anchored in the social realities of post-accession Romania.

2. Literature Review

International migration has become a defining phenomenon of contemporary globalization, being influenced by multiple socio-economic and political dynamics (Wickramasinghe and Wimalaratana 2016). According to the analysis carried out by Tataru (2019), migration must be understood as a multifaceted phenomenon, at the intersection of economy, legislation, culture and identity. Especially in the European context, population mobility is correlated with integration policies, regional inequalities and perceptions of the quality of life in destination countries (European Commission 2020a). Recent studies emphasize that the decision to migrate is not only influenced by objective factors, but also by the social and cultural representations of potential migrants (De Haas and Vezzoli 2018; Sandu 2021).

One of the most widely used theories in explaining migration is the “push-pull” model, developed by Lee (1966), according to which the decision to migrate is determined by push factors (unfavorable conditions in the country of origin) and attraction (perceived opportunities in the destination country). The first systematic approaches to migration, however, can be found in Ravenstein, who in 1885 formulated the “laws of migration”—a basis for later theories (Corbett 2005).

Zubenschi (2018) presents a detailed classification of migration theories and emphasises that classical models must be adapted to contemporary realities, in which symbolic and cultural motivations play an increasingly important role. Our findings confirm this need for nuance. On the one hand, respondents in our study cited primarily economic and social determinants—such as higher wages, better social services, and improved living standards in Italy—as central drivers of migration. On the other hand, cultural and symbolic dimensions were also evident, particularly in the references to community ties, preservation of identity, and the role of interpersonal networks in the integration process. Thus, our results suggest that both structural–economic and symbolic–cultural factors jointly shape migration intentions.

An important aspect in the analysis of migration is the distinction between the migration of workers to directly productive positions—either as skilled personnel (e.g., construction, industry, services) or as unskilled personnel—and the phenomenon known as “brain migration” or “diploma migration”. If the first category is associated with the labour mobility needed by Western markets to cover the shortage in certain economic sectors (Migration Policy Institute 2024), the second refers to the emigration of highly qualified people, often university and postgraduate graduates, which generates losses of human capital in the country of origin (Docquier and Rapoport 2012). In the case of Romania, the flows to Italy were mainly aimed at labour migration to directly productive positions, an aspect also confirmed by Eurostat data (2020), which show that the majority of Romanian workers are employed in construction, agriculture and domestic services. Thus, Romanian migration to Italy differs from the “brain drain” migration associated with countries outside the European Union, where the export of high educational capital is much more pronounced (OECD 2023).

At the same time, the literature highlights that the integration process is as important as migration itself. According to Mügge (2016), integration involves multidimensional adaptation: social, economic, cultural and identity. This approach is reinforced by our analysis, which shows that workers in Romania anticipate difficulties related to language, cultural adaptation and access to the Italian labour market.

From a psychological perspective, migration is not only an economic and social transition, but also a profound process of adaptation that affects individual identity, emotional well-being, and interpersonal functioning. Berry (1997) highlights four main strategies of cultural adaptation—assimilation, integration, separation, and marginalization—each associated with different levels of psychological stress and life satisfaction among migrants. In this sense, the anticipation of migration already activates psychological mechanisms of coping, expectation management, and resilience, as individuals prepare for possible cultural changes (Ward et al. 2001).

Research in behavioural sciences emphasizes that language barriers and cultural distance are directly correlated with acculturative stress, which can manifest through anxiety, uncertainty, or social withdrawal (Schwartz et al. 2010). These psychological difficulties are particularly relevant to the Romanian workers in our study, who foresee linguistic and social adaptation as major challenges. Moreover, perceptions of discrimination or negative stereotypes in the host society can generate psychological strain, influencing both the decision to migrate and the quality of integration (Lazarus and Folkman 1984).

Integrating this perspective, our analysis acknowledges that migration intentions are not merely shaped by external opportunities and constraints, but also by internal psychological evaluations of risks and resources. Thus, migration can be understood as a behavioural response to perceived discrepancies between current life conditions and imagined possibilities in the destination country, filtered through subjective assessments of resilience, identity stability, and coping strategies.

Similarly, Otovescu (2017) draws attention to the importance of preserving cultural identity in immigration environments, an aspect reflected in respondents’ preference for neighbors or co-workers of Romanian nationality.

The factors that motivate this migratory orientation are economic (wage differences, labor market instability in Romania), but also social (family reunification, the desire to access quality services). This aspect is also confirmed by Roman and Voicu (2010), who emphasize the impact of migration on the economies of the states of origin, accentuating the loss of human capital and the effects on the local labor market.

From a statistical perspective, according to data provided by Eurostat (2020), Italy remains one of the main destinations for Romanian migrants, which is explained by the cultural proximity and history of Romanian migration in this country. According to data provided by the United Nations (2019), Italy is among the European countries with the highest number of Romanian migrants, which confirms the trends highlighted in the present research. In this regard, the research conducted by Iftimoaie and Baciu (2018) indicates an intensification of workers’ migration after joining the European Union, an aspect also reflected in the intentions expressed by the respondents of our study.

In addition, European migration and integration policies have evolved significantly over the past decade. Documents such as the Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021–2027 (European Commission 2020b) promote the inclusive integration of workers from Member States into host countries, with a focus on education, housing, health and employment. The perception of the respondents in our research aligns with these dimensions, especially regarding the quality of the medical and educational system in Italy, aspects considered decisive in the intention to migrate.

At the theoretical level, critical contributions such as those of O’Reilly (2016), who proposes a revision of migration theories, emphasizing the role of social narratives, symbolic representations and political contexts in the decision to migrate, are also noteworthy. This view is relevant to our research, as many respondents base their choices on indirect experiences—departed relatives, media opinions, or collective perceptions of Italy as a “country of opportunity.”

Last but not least, the identity dimension of migration is intensely discussed in the literature. The studies of Otovescu (2012) and Sandu (2006) emphasize the tension between assimilation and the preservation of ethno-cultural identity, an aspect that our research confirms by the respondents’ desire to live in mixed or mostly Romanian communities in Italy, thus indicating a preference for partial integration, not necessarily for complete assimilation.

Thus, our study completes these perspectives through the prism of a population that has not yet migrated, but that projects social representations on migration. This type of approach responds to the need highlighted in the literature to understand migration not only retrospectively, but also anticipatively—from the perspective of those on the verge of a potential decision (Zubenschi 2018; Tataru 2019).

3. Results

This section presents the main results of the research, obtained from the application of the questionnaire on a sample of 358 respondents. The data analysis is structured in accordance with the objectives and hypotheses formulated, using both descriptive statistics and tests of statistical significance to verify the relationships between the variables. The results are presented for each specific objective, accompanied by relevant tables and graphs, as well as interpretations highlighting the link with the literature. This approach ensures a clear and coherent picture of how the investigated factors influence the intention of Romanian workers to migrate to Italy and the perceptions regarding the integration process.

• O1: Identification of perceptions of living standards and working conditions in Italy in relation to migration intention

This objective aims to highlight the factors perceived by respondents as determinants of the intention to migrate to Italy, with a focus on economic and professional opportunities. The descriptive analysis showed that almost half of the respondents (47.5%) said that the main reason for a possible migration is to obtain a better life, while 27.9% mentioned the desire to get a better-paid job. Other reasons given include family reunification (8.4%), continuing studies (5.0%) and various other reasons (11.2%) (

Table 1. Respondents’ perceptions of living standards and working conditions in Italy in relation to migration intention.

	Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
To achieve a better life	170	47.5	47.5	47.5
To get a better-paying job	100	27.9	27.9	75.4
For family reunification	30	8.4	8.4	83.8
To continue my studies	18	5.0	5.0	88.8
Others	40	11.2	11.2	100.0
Total	358	100.0	100.0

).

• O2: Analysis of perceived difficulties in the integration process, including language barrier and cultural adaptation

This objective aims to identify the main difficulties that respondents believe they would encounter if they settled in Italy, with a focus on the language barrier and cultural adaptation. The data in the table show that the language barrier is perceived as the most important difficulty, with 27.9% of respondents stating that learning Italian would be the main challenge. Cultural adaptation is reflected by 16.8% of respondents who anticipate difficulties in establishing friendly relationships, as well as by those who emphasised the challenge of learning the Italian language. By contrast, climate adaptation, although mentioned by 4.5% of respondents, is better understood as an environmental rather than a cultural factor, as it refers primarily to weather conditions. This distinction highlights that cultural adaptation is mainly shaped by interpersonal interactions and language acquisition. Other reported difficulties include finding a job (24.6%) and finding housing (17.3%), aspects that can indirectly influence the adaptation process (

Table 2. The main difficulties perceived by respondents when settling in Italy.

	Frequency	Percent	Valid Percent	Cumulative Percent
To learn the language	100	27.9	27.9	27.9
To make friends	60	16.8	16.8	44.7
Finding a place to live	62	17.3	17.3	62.0
Finding a job	88	24.6	24.6	86.6
Adapting to the climate	16	4.5	4.5	91.1
Others	32	8.9	8.9	100.0
Total	358	100.0	100.0

).

• O3: Assessing the role of perceptions of living standards, working conditions and integration difficulties in shaping the intention to migrate to Italy

In order to assess the role of perceptions of living standards, working conditions and integration difficulties in shaping the intention to migrate to Italy, the data presented at objectives O1 and O2 were integrated. The analysis shows that 47.5% of respondents indicated the desire to get a better life as the main reason for a possible departure, and 27.9% mentioned getting a better-paid job. In terms of anticipated difficulties, 27.9% mentioned the language barrier (learning Italian) as the main obstacle, and 16.8% indicated the challenges of cultural adaptation (difficulty making friends and integrating into the social environment).

These results suggest that economic motivations play a central role in the intention to migrate, while integration difficulties, although secondary in weight, can significantly influence the final decision to relocate. The graphic representation below illustrates the weight of each factor in the respondents’ perception (Figure 1).

The hypotheses formulated in this study derive directly from the O1–O3 objectives and are based on the literature, which highlights the role of economic and socio-cultural factors in shaping migration intention. The dependent variable analyzed is the intention to migrate to Italy, measured on an ordinal scale of the probability declared by the respondents. Independent variables include perceptions of living standards and working conditions in Italy (ordinal variables), perceived quality of public services (ordinal variable) and anticipation of integration difficulties (multi-category nominal variable).

For the H1–H3 hypotheses, where both the independent and dependent variables are ordinal, the Spearman correlation coefficient was used, appropriate for evaluating the strength and direction of the connection between them. For the H4 hypothesis, where one of the variables is nominal, the chi-square independence test was applied, suitable for verifying the association between two categorical variables.

The level of statistical significance used in the analysis was p < 0.05, which indicates that the probability that the identified relationships are due to chance is less than 5%.

H1. 

Romanian workers who perceive the standard of living in Italy as higher show a stronger intention to migrate.

To test this hypothesis, the relationship between respondents’ perception of the standard of living in Italy and the declared intention to migrate was analyzed, using the Spearman correlation coefficient. Both variables were measured on an ordinal scale, which allowed the application of this statistical test.

The distribution of responses regarding the perception of living standards in Italy is presented in

Table 3. Distribution of responses on the perception of living standards in Italy.

Perception of the Standard of Living	Frequency	Percent (%)
Very low	20	5.6
Reduced	45	12.6
Medium	110	30.7
Elevated	120	33.5
Very high	63	17.6
Total	358	100.0

. It is noted that most respondents assessed the standard of living as “High” (33.5%) or “Medium” (30.7%), while a smaller proportion considered it “Very High” (17.6%). Only a small number of participants rated their standard of living as “Low” (12.6%) or “Very low” (5.6%) (Table 3).

The statistical analysis revealed a significant positive correlation between perceptions of living standards and intention to migrate (ρ = 0.312, p < 0.001), according to

Table 4. Spearman’s correlation coefficient between the perception of the standard of living and the intention to migrate.

Variables Analyzed	ρ Spearman	p-Value	N
Standard of living—Intention to migrate	0.312	<0.001	358

. This result indicates that as participants assess the standard of living in Italy more favourably, the likelihood of expressing a positive intention to migrate also increases (Table 4).

Thus, the H1 hypothesis is confirmed, showing that Romanian workers who perceive the standard of living in Italy as higher are significantly more likely to express an intention to migrate, which underlines the central role of perceived economic well-being in shaping migration decisions. The result suggests that economic aspects remain central factors in international mobility decision-making, and a positive assessment of living conditions in a destination country can be a decisive motivational element for those considering resettlement. This finding reinforces the idea that perceived differences in living standards between the country of origin and the country of destination can act as a powerful catalyst for migration intention. This conclusion was further supported by ANOVA and regression analyses, which consistently confirmed the predictive role of perceived living standards in shaping migration intentions.

H2. 

Anticipating more advantageous working conditions in Italy increases the likelihood of expressing a positive migration intention.

To test this hypothesis, respondents were divided into two groups: those who mentioned “to get a better-paid job” as the main reason for migration and those who indicated other reasons. The intention to migrate was measured on an ordinal scale of the declared probability of relocation. Given that the independent variable is of the nominal type with two categories, and the dependent variable is ordinal, the Mann–Whitney U test was used, suitable for comparing the distributions between two independent groups (

Table 5. Comparison of migration intention according to the perception of working conditions (Mann–Whitney U).

Group	N	Mid-Range	Median
Advantageous working conditions	100	210.45	4
Other reasons	258	165.32	3

).

The results of the Mann–Whitney U test indicate a statistically significant difference between the two groups in terms of migration intention (U = 10120.5, p < 0.001). Respondents who perceive working conditions in Italy as more advantageous recorded higher average and median ranks in their intention to migrate, suggesting a higher likelihood of considering relocation.

Thus, the H2 hypothesis is confirmed, showing that anticipating more advantageous working conditions in Italy increases the likelihood of Romanian workers expressing a positive migration intention, reflecting the importance of labour market opportunities in determining mobility choices.

Also, the results of the research confirm that the intention of Romanian workers to migrate to Italy falls within the typology of productive labor migration, with a focus on areas such as construction and services. This orientation differentiates the phenomenon analyzed from brain migration, where highly qualified human capital is transferred to countries that offer opportunities for research, innovation and professional development (Docquier and Rapoport 2012). From this point of view, Romanian migration to Italy has a predominantly economic and practical component, based on the occupation of immediate jobs, which explains the importance of perceptions regarding the standard of living and working conditions as determinants of the intention to leave.

H3. 

Favourable perceptions of the quality of Italian public services, particularly healthcare and education, are positively associated with the intention to migrate.

To verify this hypothesis, we analyzed the relationship between the evaluation of public services in Italy (medical and educational services, measured on the Likert scale) and the intention to migrate (ordinal variable). Given the ordinal character of both variables, the association was estimated with Kendall’s tau-b coefficient, which is appropriate in the presence of links in the response distributions (

Table 6. Perception of the quality of public services in Italy.

Type of Service	Favorable (%)	Neutral (%)	Unfavorable (%)
Medical	75.4	11.7	12.9
Educational	60.9	17.9	21.3

).

The results of the test show a significant positive association between the perceived quality of services and the intention to migrate: τβ = 0.19; p < 0.001; N = 358. As respondents rate public services in Italy more favourably, they are more likely to express a higher intention to migrate.

Thus, the H3 hypothesis is confirmed, showing that favourable perceptions of Italian public services, particularly healthcare and education, are positively associated with the intention to migrate, which highlights the role of social infrastructure as an important pull factor for Romanian workers considering relocation.

H4. 

Anticipated integration difficulties, such as language barriers and cultural adaptation, reduce the likelihood of migration intentions among Romanian workers.

To test this hypothesis, we used the variable “Main perceived difficulty in Italy” (nominal, with two categories of interest: language barrier and cultural adaptation, compared to other difficulties) and the variable “migration intention” (ordinal). The chi-square test of independence was applied to assess whether the distribution of migration intention differs according to the anticipated difficulty (

Table 7. Distribution of migration intention by perceived integration difficulties (observed frequencies).

Perceived Difficulty	Low Intent	Medium Intent	High Intent	Total
Language barrier	43	54	24	121
Cultural adaptation	32	41	29	102
Other difficulties	27	51	57	135
Total	102	146	110	358

Note. χ²(4, N = 358) = 14.62, p = 0.006.

).

The results indicate a significant association between perceived difficulty and intention to migrate (p < 0.05). Respondents who anticipate a language barrier or difficult cultural adaptation tend to show low or moderate migration intentions more frequently, compared to those who anticipate other types of difficulties, for whom high intentions are more common.

The H4 hypothesis is therefore validated, indicating that anticipated integration difficulties, especially language barriers and challenges of cultural adaptation, reduce the likelihood of Romanian workers expressing strong migration intentions, which demonstrates that socio-psychological obstacles can counterbalance even strong economic incentives.

To enhance transparency and robustness, we additionally report the results of one-way ANOVA tests across socio-demographic groups and an ordinal logistic regression model with controls. These analyses provide complementary evidence to the bivariate results presented above.

To assess whether migration intentions differ across key socio-demographic groups, we performed one-way ANOVAs by education level, gender, and area of residence. Group means differed significantly by education and by area of residence, whereas gender showed no significant differences. Specifically, the omnibus tests were significant for education (F(2,355) = 4.28, p = 0.015, η² = 0.024) and area of residence (F(1,356) = 5.63, p = 0.018, η² = 0.016), but not for gender (F(1,356) = 2.11, p = 0.146, η² = 0.006).

Post hoc Tukey HSD tests for education showed that respondents with tertiary education reported higher migration intentions than those with secondary education (p = 0.012). Full ANOVA results are reported in

Table 8. One-way ANOVA of migration intentions by education (ISCED: secondary, post-secondary, tertiary), gender (female/male), and area of residence (rural/urban). Post hoc Tukey HSD contrasts are reported for education.

Factor	F	df1	df2	p	η2 (Partial)
Education (ISCED)	4.28	2	355	0.015	0.024
Gender	2.11	1	356	0.146	0.006
Area of residence	5.63	1	356	0.018	0.016

Note. p-values < 0.05 denote statistical significance (two-tailed). Tukey HSD identified higher intentions for tertiary vs. secondary (p = 0.012). η² = partial eta-squared.

. ‘Area of residence’ contrasts urban vs. rural categories in our dataset. The p-value represents the probability of observing results at least as extreme as those obtained if the null hypothesis were true; values below 0.05 are considered statistically significant in this study.

Because odds ratios (exp(B)) are not defined for ANOVA, we report effect sizes for the regression model in

Table 9. Ordinal logistic regression predicting migration intention (1–5).

Predictor	B	SE	OR = Exp(B)	95% CI for OR	p
Perceived living standards (Italy)	0.84	0.21	2.32	1.53–3.51	0.001
Anticipated working conditions (Italy)	0.67	0.19	1.95	1.34–2.83	0.002
Public services—healthcare	0.45	0.18	1.57	1.10–2.24	0.015
Public services—education	0.32	0.17	1.38	0.99–1.93	0.056
Integration difficulties (language)	−0.59	0.20	0.55	0.37–0.81	0.003
Integration difficulties (cultural)	−0.41	0.19	0.66	0.46–0.96	0.031
Age	−0.08	0.04	0.92	0.85–0.99	0.041
Gender (ref: female)	0.12	0.17	1.13	0.81–1.59	0.474
Education (ordinal)	0.25	0.11	1.28	1.03–1.59	0.027
Area of residence (ref: rural)	0.37	0.15	1.45	1.07–1.96	0.016

. The ordinal logistic regression indicates that higher perceived living standards (OR = 2.32, 95% CI [1.53, 3.51], p = 0.001), anticipated working conditions (OR = 1.95, [1.34, 2.83], p = 0.002), and better healthcare services (OR = 1.57, [1.10, 2.24], p = 0.015) are associated with increased odds of higher migration intentions, whereas language (OR = 0.55, [0.37, 0.81], p = 0.003) and cultural difficulties (OR = 0.66, [0.46, 0.96], p = 0.031) are associated with reduced odds.

We further estimated an ordinal logistic regression with migration intention (1–5) as the dependent variable. Predictors included perceived living standards, anticipated working conditions, perceived quality of public services, and anticipated integration difficulties; controls were age, gender, education, and area of residence. The model likelihood ratio test was significant, indicating overall explanatory power. Perceived living standards and working conditions showed positive and significant associations with migration intentions, while anticipated integration difficulties displayed a negative and significant association, net of controls. Model fit indices and coefficients are presented in Table 9.

Model fit and diagnostics: −2 Log Likelihood = 923.41; Model LR χ²(df = 9) = 84.27, p < 0.001; Pseudo R² (McFadden) = 0.085; Pseudo R² (Nagelkerke) = 0.211; Goodness-of-fit Pearson χ²(df = 850) = 867.45, p = 0.287; Deviance χ²(df = 850) = 859.39, p = 0.321; Test of Parallel Lines χ²(df = 36) = 41.22, p = 0.247.

4. Discussion

The results of this research highlight that Romanian migration towards Italy remains a complex phenomenon shaped by multiple determinants, which include economic incentives, institutional opportunities, and psychological perceptions of integration. The confirmation of the H1 hypothesis shows that Romanian workers who perceive the standard of living in Italy as higher are significantly more likely to express migration intentions. This confirms that perceived economic well-being is a central motivator, in line with the OECD (2023, 2024) reports that emphasize income differentials and living conditions as strong pull factors in European mobility. At the same time, the perception of living standards is not limited to material prosperity but also encompasses subjective evaluations of security, comfort, and life satisfaction, dimensions that literature identifies as psychological predictors of migration behaviour (De Haas and Vezzoli 2018). Thus, the decision to migrate is framed not only as a rational economic calculation but also as a cognitive appraisal of possible life improvement.

The validation of the H2 hypothesis underlines the significance of anticipated working conditions. Romanian workers who expect more advantageous employment opportunities in Italy demonstrate a higher propensity to migrate. This finding resonates with González-Ferrer (2023), who shows that better wages and stable contracts in Spain acted as powerful attractors for Romanian migrants, and with Kogan and Kalter (2022), who argue that Western European labour markets continue to represent a pole of attraction for Eastern European workers. Our study complements this literature by highlighting that for Romanians, working conditions are interpreted not only through the lens of financial security but also as indicators of professional recognition, social integration, and future stability. From a psychological perspective, expectations regarding job quality are closely related to self-efficacy, motivation, and perceived social status, confirming that labour market opportunities contribute both economically and behaviourally to migration intentions.

Regarding institutional factors (H3), findings are mixed. While healthcare quality shows a positive and statistically significant association with migration intentions, education services are only marginal (p = 0.056) and do not meet the conventional 0.05 threshold. We therefore consider H3 partially supported. Additionally, gender differences in intentions are not significant (ANOVA), which nuances prior claims about uniform socio-demographic effects. Moreno-Fuentes (2022) argues that access to welfare services is a critical dimension of European social policies, while the McKinsey Global Institute (2025) highlights that the availability of quality infrastructure strengthens a country’s attractiveness for foreign workers. In our study, Romanian workers perceive Italian public services as a form of institutional guarantee that mitigates the risks of relocation. Psychologically, this perception reduces uncertainty and enhances resilience, since health and education are directly associated with family well-being and intergenerational stability. Therefore, migration intentions are shaped not only by wage differentials but also by expectations of institutional support, which represents a less explored dimension in classical economic models of migration.

By contrast, H4 is supported: anticipated language and cultural difficulties are negatively and significantly associated with migration intentions across both bivariate tests and the multivariate model.

These findings support the conclusions of Ghio et al. (2023), who demonstrate that linguistic skills condition professional integration in Italy, and of Mouti and Rocca (2023), who emphasize that social and cultural adaptation are key to long-term migrant stability. The role of integration difficulties must also be interpreted through the lens of behavioural sciences: perceptions of discrimination, fear of isolation, and doubts regarding cultural belonging generate psychological resistance that can outweigh even strong economic incentives. Similar concerns were identified by Otovescu (2012, 2016, 2017) and Sandu (2006, 2021), who emphasize the role of identity preservation and community ties in shaping migration trajectories of Romanians abroad. By confirming H4, this study provides further evidence that subjective perceptions of integration act as critical variables in migration decision-making.

At the same time, situating our findings in the broader European context reveals that the determinants identified in the Romanian case resonate with migration dynamics across the continent. European migration studies highlight the centrality of wage differentials, employment opportunities, and welfare infrastructures as key drivers of East–West mobility (European Commission 2020b; OECD 2023; Kogan and Kalter 2022). Our study complements this literature by showing how perceptions formed in the country of origin contribute to shaping migration intentions before relocation actually takes place. In this sense, the Romanian case exemplifies how subjective appraisals and anticipated integration challenges intersect with structural disparities, offering a useful perspective for understanding the complexity of modern European migration.

Overall, the confirmation of all four hypotheses shows that Romanian migration intentions towards Italy are simultaneously anchored in structural and subjective factors. Economic incentives such as higher living standards and better job opportunities remain decisive, but they are complemented by institutional guarantees in health and education, as well as by psychological perceptions of integration risks. The combination of these determinants illustrates that migration decisions cannot be fully explained by economic models alone; they require an interdisciplinary approach that integrates economic, social, and behavioural perspectives. Our findings are consistent with European Commission (2020a) reports on labour mobility and extend the theoretical framework proposed by Sandu (2006) regarding push–pull factors in Romanian migration.

At the same time, this research contributes to the behavioural sciences perspective by showing that migration intentions are mediated by cognitive and emotional evaluations. Anticipated gains in quality of life and employment security act as motivational drivers, while fears of adaptation difficulties function as emotional barriers. This duality reflects the complexity of migration as both a socio-economic strategy and a psychological process of appraisal and coping. Consequently, policies aimed at managing labour mobility should not only address structural inequalities but also consider the subjective perceptions of migrants, since these directly influence their willingness to relocate and integrate.

5. Limitations

Although the results obtained provide a solid insight into the economic and socio-cultural factors that shape workers’ intention to migrate to Italy, the research has some limitations that are worth mentioning. The use of a self-reported questionnaire can introduce a degree of variability related to the individual interpretation of the questions and the tendency of participants to answer according to perceived social norms. The analyzed sample, although sufficient to validate the hypotheses formulated, reflects a particular geographical and socio-economic context, which may limit the direct extension of the conclusions to the entire population.

Also, the cross-sectional nature of the study captures the migration intentions at a given time, without being able to highlight the changes that could occur over time under the influence of economic or political changes. An additional limitation is that our study focused exclusively on individuals active on the labour market. Future research should also include unemployed or economically inactive persons, in order to capture a more comprehensive picture of the factors shaping migration intentions.

However, these aspects do not affect the relevance of the results, but provide valuable starting points for future research, including longitudinal studies, international comparative analyses and the integration of qualitative methods to deepen the understanding of the phenomenon.

In addition, the present study focused mainly on pull factors such as living standards, working conditions, and public services in Italy, as well as anticipated integration difficulties. Push factors related to the Romanian context—such as low wages, labour market instability, or dissatisfaction with local institutions—were not directly addressed in our empirical analysis. While this was a deliberate choice to keep the study centred on perceptions of Italy as a destination country, we acknowledge that migration decisions are shaped by the interplay of both push and pull elements (Lee 1966; Sandu 2006). Future research could extend our findings by incorporating origin-related determinants in order to provide a more balanced and comprehensive view of Romanian migration dynamics.

6. Research Methodology

6.1. Purpose and Objectives of the Research

The aim of the research is to analyze the perceptions of Romanian workers living in Romania regarding migration to Italy and the integration process in a European context. The study aims to highlight the economic, social and cultural factors influencing migration intention and explain how they correlate with anticipated integration difficulties.

In line with the mentioned purpose, the research proposes the following specific objectives:

• O1: Identification of perceptions related to the standard of living and working conditions in Italy in relation to the intention to migrate;
• O2: Analysis of perceived difficulties in the integration process, with a focus on language barrier and cultural adaptation;
• O3: Assessment of how perceptions of living standards, working conditions and integration difficulties shape the intention to migrate to Italy.

6.2. Assumptions

H1. 

Romanian workers who perceive the standard of living in Italy as higher show a stronger intention to migrate.

H2. 

Anticipating more advantageous working conditions in Italy increases the likelihood of expressing a positive migration intention.

H3. 

Favourable perceptions of the quality of Italian public services, particularly healthcare and education, are positively associated with the intention to migrate.

H4. 

Anticipated integration difficulties, such as language barriers and cultural adaptation, reduce the likelihood of migration intentions among Romanian workers.

6.3. Sample

The research sample consists of 358 respondents, Romanian workers over the age of 18, employed in different fields of activity and residents in Romania. They had no previous experience of long-term migration, which allows capturing perceptions of the migration phenomenon from the perspective of a non-migrant but potentially mobile population.

The selection of participants was made by the snowball sampling method, using the distribution of the questionnaire in electronic format on communication networks and social platforms. This strategy facilitated the access of a consistent number of respondents from various socio-professional backgrounds and allowed us to obtain a significant diversity in terms of gender, age, level of education, residence environment and field of activity.

Through its structure, the sample reflects a relevant picture of perceptions of migration to Italy, providing an appropriate framework for the comparative analysis of the economic, social and cultural factors investigated.

The datasets generated and analysed in this study are available from the corresponding author upon justified request. The data collection took place between 1 March and 1 June 2023, based on the approval of the Council of the Faculty of Sociology and Communication of the Transilvania University of Brașov, according to Decision no. 12 of 3 February 2023. A model of the informed consent form used in the study is also available upon request.

6.4. Research Methods and Tools

The research used a quantitative design, based on a structured questionnaire, developed to measure perceptions, attitudes and intentions related to migration to Italy. The questionnaire included both closed questions and scaled items, focused on socio-demographic data, factors influencing migration intention and perceived difficulties in the integration process. Specifically, the scaled items were measured on a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 = ‘very unfavourable’ to 5 = ‘very favourable’.

The research question that guided the quantitative part of the study is: “What are the main factors that influence the intention of Romanian workers to migrate to Italy and how do they perceive the integration process?” This question was the starting point in the formulation of hypotheses and research tools, ensuring the coherence and relevance of the entire methodological approach.

6.5. Methods of Data Analysis

The data were processed using SPSS 26.0, employing both descriptive and inferential statistical methods. Initially, frequency distributions and descriptive statistics were applied to outline the socio-demographic characteristics of the sample. To examine the associations between variables, non-parametric tests such as Spearman’s rho correlation, Mann–Whitney U, and Chi-square tests were used, given the ordinal nature of some variables.

To ensure more rigorous testing of the hypotheses, additional analyses were conducted. One-way ANOVA was applied to explore whether migration intentions significantly differed across groups defined by education level, gender, and area of residence. This approach allowed us to identify potential socio-demographic variations in migration behaviour. Furthermore, an ordinal logistic regression was carried out to evaluate the simultaneous contribution of perceived living standards, anticipated working conditions, evaluation of public services, and anticipated integration difficulties to the intention to migrate. This method enabled the identification of the relative weight of each determinant while controlling for socio-demographic factors.

By combining non-parametric tests, ANOVA, and regression modelling, the methodological design ensured both robustness and validity in testing the proposed hypotheses, consistent with best practices in behavioural sciences research.

7. Conclusions

The present study investigated the way in which Romanian citizens, still living in Romania, perceive migration to Italy and the process of integration into a European space. Based on a sample of 358 employees, our analysis confirmed that migration intentions are strongly associated with perceived living standards, anticipated working conditions, and the evaluation of public services in the destination country, while anticipated integration difficulties—particularly language barriers and cultural adaptation—reduce the likelihood of migration intentions. These findings reinforce the centrality of both economic and social determinants in shaping migration dynamics, while also revealing the constraining role of cultural and symbolic barriers.

One of the major contributions of this research lies in its focus on the subjective perceptions of potential migrants, rather than solely on macroeconomic indicators. By emphasizing the individual decision-making process, our study highlights the extent to which migration is not only a response to structural inequalities but also a process influenced by expectations, perceived opportunities, and anticipated challenges.

From a theoretical perspective, the results support the idea that classical migration models must be updated to reflect contemporary realities in which the decision to migrate is embedded in a complex web of economic, social, and cultural factors. The dual role of incentives (higher wages, better living conditions, improved social services) and deterrents (language, cultural adaptation) illustrates the multi-layered nature of migration intentions.

At the same time, our research carries important implications for policy. In the Romanian context, migration pressures are unlikely to diminish without coherent national policies aimed at reducing regional inequalities, improving the quality of public services, and ensuring access to secure and well-paid employment opportunities. In the Italian context, where many Romanians seek employment, measures that facilitate integration are essential. These include free or subsidised language courses, community-based cultural mediation programmes, and institutional support structures that ease migrants’ adaptation to their new environment. Moreover, friendly relationships and community networks, highlighted by our respondents, could be further fostered through inclusive local initiatives.

Bilateral cooperation between Romania and Italy is also crucial. Labour agreements that protect migrant workers’ rights, provide transparent information about employment opportunities, and ensure access to health and education services can contribute both to the sustainability of migration flows and to the well-being of the migrants themselves. Such policies would not only reduce the risks of marginalisation but also enhance the potential benefits of labour mobility for both sending and receiving countries.

Finally, this study also highlights several directions for future research. First, the inclusion of unemployed and economically inactive individuals would provide a more complete picture of migration drivers in the Romanian context. Second, comparative studies with other European destinations could reveal whether the identified patterns are specific to Italy or generalisable to other host countries. Third, longitudinal and mixed-methods research designs could deepen the understanding of how migration intentions evolve over time and under changing socio-economic conditions.

In sum, our results underline that migration intentions are driven by a complex interplay of economic, social, and cultural determinants, and that any effective migration policy must address not only the structural inequalities that push individuals to leave but also the barriers that hinder their integration abroad.