Navigating Risks and Realities: Understanding Motorbike Taxi Usage and Safety Strategies in Yaoundé and Douala (Cameroon)

Abstract

Motorbike taxis are widely used in Yaoundé and Douala, despite their association with heightened accident risks and relatively high fares. This research combines qualitative methods, including 38 semi-structured interviews and direct field observations, with a quantitative survey of 280 motorbike taxi passengers (customers). It employs a dynamic risk approach to analyse both the factors motivating individuals to choose motorbike taxis and the strategies adopted by drivers and passengers to mitigate and prevent accidents. The findings reveal that speed, cost-effectiveness, and the limited accessibility of certain neighbourhoods to other transport options are key factors driving regular motorbike taxi use. Moreover, strategies for managing accident risks include regulating passenger positions based on gender, perceived age, or physical stature; invoking deities for protection; and passengers’ verbal interactions with drivers to ensure safer behaviour. This research also explores how overloading, a collectively tolerated deviance, is managed to avoid or minimize the impact of accidents. By addressing both risk acceptance and prevention strategies, this study provides new insights into passengers’ social perceptions, which are often overlooked in motorbike taxi research. It expands the understanding of motorbike taxi use in urban Global South transport contexts, particularly in terms of users’ risk management behaviours.

1. Introduction

Yaoundé and Douala, the political and economic capitals of Cameroon, together account for approximately 46.8% of the country’s urban population, with each city housing around 4 million inhabitants [1]. Due to an inefficient transport system [2], motorbike taxis play a crucial role in daily mobility, comprising 12.5% of household travel in Yaoundé (with around 35,000 motorbike taxis in 2019) and 35.8% in Douala (with about 50,000 motorbike taxis in 2018) [3,4]. Unfortunately, accidents involving motorbike taxis are frequent, often making headlines in both online and traditional media outlets (radio, television, etc.) [5,6]. For example, headlines have reported some incidents like “Cameroon: five pupils killed on their way to school [by motorbike accident]” [7] and “Cameroon: 2 dead in a motorbike accident in Douala” [8]. In 2020 alone, five district hospitals in Douala officially recorded 326 injuries and 91 fatalities directly linked to motorbike taxi accidents [9]. Furthermore, the main hospitals in Douala (Hôpital Laquintinie) and Yaoundé (Hôpital Central) have dedicated wards for motorbike accident victims [10]. This prevalence of accidents has ingrained the perception of motorbike taxis as a dangerous mode of transport, a view also reflected in the scientific literature, where they are often described as a “scourge” that spreads death or contributes to urban disorder and incivility [5,9,11,12]. However, despite the negative image and associated risks, motorbike taxis remain popular in both cities [6,13,14].

Appearing in Cameroon in the early 1990s [15], motorbike taxis rose in prominence following the economic crisis of the 1980s, which led to mass layoffs in both the private and public sectors and a reduction in state investment in transportation [16]. Their usage grew further due to repeated strikes by city taxis, the bankruptcy of public bus companies (Socatur, Le Bus, etc.), rising urban transport demand, and increasing unemployment [13,15,17]. Motorbike taxis have since become a key component of transport in Yaoundé and Douala [12,18]. In 2021, authorities counted approximately 70,000 motorbike taxis in Douala and 50,000 in Yaoundé [13]. However, this success has come at a cost: motorbike taxis are now responsible for a significant portion of traffic accidents. In Douala, for instance, seven out of ten traffic accidents involve motorbike taxis [19].

Given this context, this article explores the paradox of the persistent and widespread use of motorbike taxis in urban environments, particularly in Yaoundé and Douala, despite the high awareness of safety risks. It aims to analyse why residents continue to prefer motorbike taxis over supposedly safer modes of transport (such as taxis, buses, and minibuses), and how this choice reflects broader socio-economic vulnerabilities and infrastructure deficiencies characteristic of many cities in the Global South. The study further investigates the coping strategies that passengers develop to mitigate or reduce the impact of risks while using motorbike taxis. In doing so, it contributes to a better understanding of how mobility decisions are shaped not only by risk perception but also by practical needs, structural constraints, and economic rationality.

The article proceeds with a review of the relevant literature and theoretical perspectives, followed by a presentation of the methodological approach, including data collection and analysis techniques. It then discusses the main findings before concluding with reflections on the implications of the results, the study’s limitations, and directions for future research.

2. From Literature Review to Theoretical Position

Motorbike taxis, as a means of urban transport in Africa, have been the focus of various research studies, generally covering two main areas. First, some studies have examined motorbike taxis as a risky mode of transport, highlighting issues related to accidents [9,20,21,22,23]. They are also frequently viewed as contributors to urban disorder [5,6]. Second, some have considered motorbike taxi activity as a means of socioeconomic integration for young people in the context of state violence [23] or as a tool for reorganising urban transport in crisis [2,24]. For instance, in Côte d’Ivoire, the motorbike taxi business is perceived negatively, as it has contributed to a reduction in the earnings of traditional taxis [25].

Most studies in Africa have primarily focused on the drivers and the economic impact of motorbike taxi operations, often overlooking the motivations, constraints, and strategies of passengers (customers) who use this service [26]. However, these passenger perspectives have been considered in studies of urban transport [27,28]. Additionally, studies on personal safety and security in daily mobility have focused more on the risks faced by city dwellers when using public transport [29,30]. In these studies, risks are not necessarily inherent to the mode of transport itself but often relate to the probability of encountering aggressors or dangerous environments while travelling. Similarly, some studies have investigated the experiences of passengers using newer forms of transport that have emerged in African cities following the introduction of motorbike taxis, such as tricycle taxis [31,32,33].

In addition, recent research has highlighted significant safety issues concerning powered two-wheeler (2PW) users, which resonates with the widespread perception of motorbike taxis as high-risk transport in Yaoundé and Douala. Chouhan et al. [34] conducted a comprehensive review of PTW riding behaviour and proposed strategies to enhance safety, emphasising the importance of rider behaviour, vehicle technology, and road infrastructure improvements. Rodegast et al. [35] investigated the application of machine learning algorithms for motorcycle collision detection, highlighting the potential of advanced technologies in improving PTW safety. These studies reveal a growing consensus on the need to address behavioural and infrastructure risks simultaneously. These also underscore that, beyond regulatory compliance, rider agencies and intelligent systems play a pivotal role in managing PTW-related risks. However, as this article highlights, such technological and regulatory improvements remain largely inaccessible in many African cities, such as Yaoundé and Douala, where informal mobility practices prevail. This reality reinforces the importance of understanding passenger behaviours through an economic rationality lens, as emphasised by Mignot et al. [36,37] and SaferAfrica [38], who argue that effective safety interventions must be context-sensitive and socioeconomically grounded.

Similarly, Sukumar et al. [39] reveal a paradox in helmet protection among 2PW users, emphasising the challenges posed by unreliable data systems and misinterpreted safety statistics, especially in low-resource contexts like Cameroon, where helmet use is inconsistently enforced and poorly monitored.

Likewise, the European Transport Safety Council in 2023 stresses that 2PW users remain disproportionately vulnerable across both high- and low-income settings, noting that behavioural risks (such as speeding or non-compliance with regulations) are compounded by weak institutional oversight [40]. These findings parallel our study’s observations on the informal practices among Cameroonian motorbike taxi drivers and the limited effectiveness of existing road safety policies.

Furthermore, Zheng et al. [41] advocate for real-time obstacle detection and enhanced safety mechanisms for electric scooters and PTWs using deep learning and sensor technologies. While such technological advances are promising, their application remains limited in urban African contexts, further reinforcing the reliance on individual strategies (such as spiritual invocations or careful passenger positioning) uncovered in our study.

This study aims to highlight the reasons why individuals in Yaoundé and Douala choose to use motorbike taxis—a transport mode they consider risky—over other, safer options such as taxis, buses, and minibuses. Additionally, it outlines the strategies that these individuals use daily to reduce the risk of accidents [42]. Unlike the pathological approach, which views risk-taking as “a form of deviance, an abnormal behaviour adapted in response to a specific social environment” [43], the dynamic approach perceives risk-taking in a “more functional and positive light”, as a “means to achieve certain benefits” [42].

Researchers such as Bastien and Corneloup [44] have used this approach to study voluntary risk-taking behaviours, explaining that for young sports “risk-takers”, this behaviour stems from a “desire to make the most of their youth and good health to fully enjoy life before age limits their physical potential for self-fulfilment” [44]. Similarly, Chapman and Pacom, in their article “Choosing a Risky Occupation: Canadian Infantryman in Wartime”, demonstrated that young Canadians’ choice of becoming infantry soldiers was an expression of a deep desire for social transformation, influenced by identity crises experienced in their family, school, and personal trajectories [45].

Unlike these previous studies, this study adopts a dynamic approach to voluntary risk-taking. It explains this behaviour through the disadvantages of practices that are perceived as safer, particularly the use of other available transport modes. Thus, it argues that some urban residents in the Global South choose to use motorbike taxis because they view them as a practical response to the transport challenges they face. It focuses on urban residents in Yaoundé and Douala who use motorbike taxis despite the acknowledged risks —not as an expression of thrill-seeking, but as a means to fulfil urgent economic and practical needs. At least three main reasons drive individuals in these cities to take the risk of using motorbike taxis: their speed compared to other transport options, the absence or scarcity of other means of transport in certain areas, and their lower fares compared to other transport services. This choice, while often perceived as risky, is grounded in a rational economic logic, as highlighted by Mignot et al. [36,37], who stress the need to integrate economic reasoning into the analysis of road safety behaviours. Motorbike taxi users in Douala and Yaoundé weigh speed, accessibility, and especially affordability, often making decisions that maximise their limited financial resources while accepting certain risks. Motorbike taxis offer a flexible transport solution that allows users to meet their mobility needs according to their preferences and financial means. The importance of economic rationality in user decision-making aligns with findings from SaferAfrica’s evaluations, which emphasise that road safety policy must consider the socioeconomic realities of users to be effective [38]. However, while using motorbike taxis, these individuals take certain precautions to prevent accidents or, at the very least, to minimise their risks.

Recent studies have also shed light on the worsening safety situation involving two-wheeled motorised vehicles in Yaoundé and Douala. Ikwunze et al. [46], analysing hospital trauma records across Cameroon’s major cities, found that over 40% of urban road traffic injuries involved users of two-wheeled motorised vehicles, with Douala and Yaoundé being the most affected. In Douala, for example, 56.8% of injured motorbike users admitted to hospitals were not wearing helmets or other protective gear, while in Yaoundé, nearly 60% of reported injuries resulted from overloading or collisions with pedestrians. These findings highlight systemic safety issues in urban mobility, including limited enforcement of road safety regulations and the dominance of informal practices in the transport sector.

3. Data Collection and Analysis Process

The data collection process followed a mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative and quantitative techniques to ensure comprehensive analysis. Two primary tools were utilised: interviews and direct observations, conducted between 12 January 2019 and 28 March 2022. Interviews included both informal (exploratory) discussions and semi-structured (formal) interviews with extended stakeholders (transport union representatives, community leaders, local observers, etc.). Informal interviews were conducted almost concurrently with the direct observation phase, allowing us to refine and adapt the themes and questions that would later be systematically explored in the semi-structured interviews. The semi-structured interviews followed a predefined thematic framework and aimed to systematically capture in-depth insights into participants’ experiences from three key categories: motorbike taxi passengers, motorbike taxi drivers, and drivers of other public transport modes. Meanwhile, direct observations provided real-time insights into interactions and behaviours in the streets.

To strengthen the robustness of our findings and address potential biases associated with qualitative methods, we complemented this phase with a structured questionnaire-based survey targeting 280 motorbike taxi passengers (140 in Yaoundé and 140 in Douala), conducted between December 2023 and February 2024. The questionnaire was pre-tested with a small group of 10 participants to ensure the clarity and relevance of the items.

It was developed based on insights from the interviews and observations, ensuring alignment with the study objectives. Validation was achieved through expert review and pre-testing before full deployment. The selection of Yaoundé and Douala as study locations was guided by the diversity of public transport options and the significant, yet risky, popularity of motorbike taxis in these cities.

Quantitative data were analysed using SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences) version 29, enabling descriptive statistics, bivariate analysis, cross-tabulations, and comparative analysis between cities and socio-demographic groups. The methodology integrates direct observations, interviews, and questionnaire surveys, ensuring robust data collection and analysis. The qualitative and quantitative results were subsequently integrated during interpretation to provide a nuanced and comprehensive understanding of urban mobility practices and risk management strategies, as illustrated in Figure 1.

3.1. Direct Observations

A total of 142 direct field observations were conducted between Yaoundé and Douala, distributed evenly across various neighbourhoods in each city. These observations were a crucial step in the data collection process, providing valuable insights into the dynamics of motorbike taxi use. Each session lasted between 45 min and 1 h in the streets, such as main roads, intersections, and motorbike parking areas. These observations were conducted in the streets of both cities and focused on two main aspects: the various modes of transport available and the behaviours of residents, particularly motorbike taxi passengers.

The starting point of these observations was the mechanisms by which passengers select motorbike taxi drivers. After collecting data through direct observations, we defined a set of categories to organise them. These categories included, among others: the types of transport modes found in the cities of Douala and Yaoundé, the behaviours of city dwellers toward these transport options, the characteristics of areas where motorbike taxis are the only accessible means of transport, and the driving practices of motorbike taxi operators. The data were then grouped accordingly and interpreted to reveal their underlying meanings. Particular attention was paid to the interactions between passengers and drivers, as well as the discourse of drivers of other modes of transport in comparison to those of motorbike taxi passengers. In 74% of the observations, at least two instances of overloading (more than one passenger per motorbike) were recorded. Additionally, risky behaviours such as riding without helmets, abrupt overtaking, and use of pedestrian sidewalks were noted in 98% of the observed cases.

Most observations were conducted directly on-site by the research team, enabling real-time capture of behaviours and contextual factors. In some instances, video recordings were also used to document specific situations—both as a means of archiving and to publicly illustrate the realities encountered on-site. The physical profiles of passengers (men, women and children) and their seating positions during overloaded trips were also noted, particularly how riders positioned themselves to mitigate discomfort or risks.

Given the diversity of road conditions in both cities—ranging from well-maintained asphalt roads to damaged asphalt roads and unsealed roads that are often difficult to traverse, especially during the rainy season—the observations analysed the reasons individuals provided for choosing motorbike taxis over other modes of transport, such as taxis, buses, or minibuses. It became evident that certain roads, particularly those in neighbourhoods on the city outskirts or areas with poorly maintained or unpaved roads, were more frequently used by motorbike taxis than by other transport modes.

Officially, the Yaoundé City Council (YCC) and the Douala City Council (DCC) have implemented measures to regulate motorbike taxi operations. These measures include banning motorbike taxis from city centres and residential areas, limiting the number of passengers per motorbike taxi to one, and requiring drivers to wear uniforms with a unique identification number for easy recognition [47,48]. Despite these regulations, a widespread practice known locally as “bâchement” (derived from the verb bâcher (french), meaning “to cover with a tarpaulin”) involves carrying more than one passenger, leading to overloading. Observations focused on drivers practising overloading and their often careless driving habits, particularly in situations posing serious accident risks.

These observations revealed the extent of motorbike taxi use in both cities, the zones where various transport modes are most or least prevalent, and the times of day when motorbike taxis are most frequently used. They also highlighted the risk prevention strategies adopted by passengers, such as positioning themselves strategically based on their physical profiles to minimise the impact of potential accidents. Additionally, the observations allowed us to identify how passengers and drivers often prioritise prohibited practices, such as overloading, over behaviours authorised by local regulations.

By analysing both the use of motorbike taxis and the behaviours of their users, these direct observations provided essential data for the construction of interview guides and questionnaires used in subsequent phases of this research. They also offered a deeper understanding of the interplay between transport infrastructure, user behaviour, and risk mitigation strategies in Yaoundé and Douala.

3.2. Semi-Structured Interviews

A total of 38 semi-structured interviews were conducted, proportionally distributed between Yaoundé and Douala based on the need to ensure analytical balance between the two cities and to facilitate the comparative reading of the data collected. The selection of respondents for the qualitative approach was based on purposive sampling. Participants were chosen according to their relevance to the study’s objectives—namely, their involvement in or experience with motorbike taxi transport, either as users or service providers. This included drivers, other public transport operators, and regular passengers, ensuring a diversity of perspectives on risk and usage. The selection also considered variations in age, gender, and location within each city to enhance the richness of the qualitative insights.

The participants included 10 motorbike taxi drivers, 10 drivers of other public transport modes (taxis and coaches), and 18 motorbike taxi passengers (8 men, 8 women, and 2 teenagers).

Table 1. Summary of Interviews.

Category	Interview Locations	Key Topics Explored
Motorbike taxi drivers	Parking areas	-Areas and times of day when they are most solicited by passengers -Forms of passenger negotiation (bargaining, compromise, etc.), -Passenger behaviour during journeys.
Drivers of other public transport modes	Service stations, car washes, bus stations	-Neighbourhoods and streets where they travel more or less frequently -Fares applied in these areas.
Motorbike taxi passengers	Streets	-Perceptions and knowledge of risks associated with motorbike taxis -Comparison of safety levels with other public transport modes (e.g., taxis, coaches) -Reasons for preferring motorbike taxis and preferred times of use -Behaviours to prevent accidents or minimise injuries.

summarises the key aspects of the interviews.

The data collected through direct observations and interviews were analysed using the thematic content analysis method [49,50]. The analysis steps are outlined in

Table 2. Direct observations and interview analysis.

Analysis Step	Description
Transcription	All interviews were transcribed to prepare for detailed analysis
Semantic Units Formation	Themes were extracted and combined with observation notes and photographs taken on the streets
Theme Categorization	Identified themes were organised into coherent categories
Interpretative Analysis	Inferences were drawn to interpret the collected information and provide deeper insights into the dynamics of motorbike taxi use

:

The thematic analysis revealed several important patterns related to motorbike taxi use. Passengers adopt various strategies to mitigate risks associated with this mode of transport, demonstrating an awareness of its inherent dangers. Despite these risks, many passengers continue to prefer motorbike taxis due to factors such as convenience, affordability, or accessibility. The analysis also highlighted the interaction dynamics between passengers and drivers, offering insights into their negotiation behaviours and mutual risk management practices. Additionally, comparisons of safety perceptions between motorbike taxis and other transport modes revealed how users evaluate and justify their choices within the context of urban mobility.

3.3. Questionnaire

To complement the qualitative data, a structured questionnaire was designed to capture a wide range of experiences, perceptions, and behaviours related to motorbike taxi usage. The survey specifically targeted individuals who had resided in Douala or Yaoundé for at least 12 months preceding the study and who had used motorbike taxis at least once during that period. This focus ensured that the responses came from participants familiar with the transport dynamics and risks associated with motorbike taxis in these cities.

The questionnaire focused on several key areas. First, it examined motorbike taxi usage, including how often participants used this mode of transport and for what purposes, such as commuting, running errands, or leisure activities. Respondents were also asked if they owned other means of transport, such as motorcycles, taxis, personal cars, minibuses, or bicycles, or if they relied solely on public transportation.

Another focus of the questionnaire was participants’ perceptions of motorbike taxis compared to other modes of transport. Questions explored whether respondents viewed motorbike taxis as faster, with follow-up prompts to understand the reasons, such as their ability to bypass traffic jams, navigate deteriorated roads, or take less time for passenger pick-up and drop-off.

The survey also assessed the risks associated with motorbike taxi usage. Respondents were asked to evaluate whether motorbike taxis posed higher risks compared to other modes of transport. They were prompted to identify specific reasons, such as observed or experienced accidents, poor driving skills, lack of safety devices, aggressive driving, frequent overloading, or the severity of accident consequences.

Additionally, the questionnaire addressed the accessibility and utility of motorbike taxis. It examined their effectiveness in reaching areas inaccessible by other vehicles, exploring factors such as the absence of other transport modes, narrow roads, or poor road conditions.

Finally, demographic questions captured information on participants’ gender, level of education, and religion. These variables allowed for an analysis of how personal characteristics might influence perceptions and behaviours regarding motorbike taxi use.

The data collected through the questionnaire were analysed using SPSS. The software enabled a rigorous examination of the data, including the generation of descriptive statistics, cross-tabulations, and comparative analysis between cities and socio-demographic groups. Statistical significance was tested using chi-square tests (χ²), with a significance threshold set at p < 0.05. Results considered statistically significant were integrated into the discussion to support the observed behavioural patterns.

Table 3. Descriptive Profile of Respondents and Perceptions of Motorbike Taxi Use (n = 280).

Variable	Category	Frequency (n)	Percentage (%)
Have you used a motorbike in the past 12 months?	Yes	280	100%
Gender	Male	140	50.0%
	Female	140	50.0%
City	Douala	140	50.0%
	Yaoundé	140	50.0%
I own a personal car	No	234	83.6%
	Yes	46	16,4%
Perceived Risk	Yes (risky)	247	88.2%
	No (not risky)	33	11.8%
Faster than other transport?	Yes	250	89.3%
	No	30	10.7%
Inaccessible Area Coverage	Yes (reach inaccessible)	264	94.3%
	No	16	5.7%

presents an overview of some important characteristics of the respondents.

This table supports the interpretation of behavioural patterns and illustrates the strong consensus on the perceived benefits and risks associated with motorbike taxi use in both cities.

While this research is rooted in the Cameroonian context, the findings offer comparative value for similar cities across the Global South facing transport precarity, rapid urbanization, and informal transit systems

4. Results

4.1. Perceptions of Motorbike Taxis as a High-Risk Mode of Transport

Among the public transport options available in Yaoundé and Douala, motorbike taxis are widely perceived as the least secure for passengers, as illustrated by Figure 2:

This figure shows the city-specific views of the 280 respondents surveyed. Across both cities, 247 individuals (88.2%) agreed that motorbike taxis are the riskiest mode of transport, while 33 (11.8%) disagreed. In Yaoundé, 121 respondents (86.4%) considered them risky, and 19 (13.6%) did not. In Douala, the perception was even stronger, with 126 respondents (90%) reporting motorbike taxis as unsafe, compared to 14 (10%) who disagreed.

These data reinforce the widespread consensus regarding the dangers of this transport mode but also reveal a nuanced difference in perception between the two urban contexts. While risk perception is high in both cities, the slightly stronger consensus in Douala could reflect more intense exposure to dangerous traffic conditions or more frequent accident experiences. In contrast, the marginally lower concern in Yaoundé might stem from stricter enforcement zones or lower visibility of certain risk factors. This divergence highlights the importance of situating safety perceptions within specific urban dynamics.

Three main factors contribute to the perception of motorbike taxis as a risky mode of transport in Yaoundé and Douala:

• Violation of traffic rules by motorbike taxi drivers

Motorbike taxi drivers often operate outside the normative framework of urban traffic regulations [12,18]. Despite mandates for safety equipment such as helmets, gloves, and appropriate footwear, most drivers choose to dress and ride as they please. They often speed to maximise time and earnings, even if it means riding against traffic or on unauthorised areas like pavements and central reservations [15]. One resident of Yaoundé remarked, “When you take a motorbike, you’re never sure of reaching your destination safely” [51].

• Passenger vulnerability

Passengers on motorbike taxis are highly exposed to the consequences of accidents, such as falling off the bike, injuries, or even fatalities. This vulnerability is tied to the inherent design of motorbikes, which lack protective enclosures. As one respondent explained:

“You can easily fall, get hurt, or even die in a motorbike accident. Motorbikes have only two wheels, making them more likely to fall. On a motorbike, the passenger’s body acts as the ‘shell,’ unlike in a taxi, where the four wheels and the car’s body provide protection”.

[52]

As illustrated in Figure 3, field observations in Yaoundé and Douala revealed that passengers don’t wear safety measures, such as wearing helmets, and many motorbike taxi drivers even ride in inappropriate attire, like shorts and sandals.

• Victims or witnesses of accidents

Many residents consider motorbike taxis risky because they have either been victims of or witnesses to accidents involving these vehicles. For instance, Salim, a trader in Yaoundé’s Mokolo Market, recounted a past accident where the motorbike taxi he and another passenger were riding attempted to overtake a car on the right. The driver lost control, and they fell, narrowly avoiding being crushed by an oncoming truck. The driver fled the scene, leaving them injured in the middle of the road [53]. Reflecting on this incident, Salim stated: “It was from that accident that I confirmed motorbike taxis are dangerous… But I still use them” [54]. Just in 2020, five public hospitals in Douala recorded 326 injuries and 94 fatalities directly linked to motorbike taxi accidents [9]. This reinforces the widespread perception of motorbike taxis as a high-risk mode of transport.

Although often considered “ambassadors of death” in traffic [11]. Motorbike taxis remain highly popular among residents of Yaoundé and Douala. This reality is evident from their frequent use as a mode of transportation in these cities.

Figure 4 illustrates the specific frequency of motorbike taxi use over 12 months among 280 respondents in Yaoundé and Douala.

While overall patterns indicate high usage in both cities, daily use is more pronounced in Douala, where 37.9% of respondents use motorbike taxis every day, compared to 27.1% in Yaoundé. Conversely, occasional use is more prevalent in Yaoundé (32.9%) than in Douala (23.6%), suggesting differences in dependency and accessibility.

These data reflect the urban mobility dynamics. In Douala, motorbike taxis operate over a broader area (90% of the city) and are not just complementary but the primary mode of transport, especially for daily commuting. In Yaoundé, the “capital city”, a more restrictive regulatory framework limits the operational zones of motorbike taxis to about 40% of the city, making usage patterns more irregular and context-dependent. There is a shared reliance on motorbike taxis for regular transport needs, with roughly one-third of respondents in both cities using them several times per week. This underscores the structural role motorbike taxis play in meeting urgent and time-sensitive transport demands in both urban contexts, despite policy restrictions or perceived safety risks. These trends are similar across genders, as shown in Figure 5.

Further analysis reveals gender-based trends in motorbike taxi usage. Among men, 64.3% reported regular usage, with 33.6% using motorbike taxis daily and 30.7% several times a week. Additionally, 30% of men use them occasionally, while 5.7% use them rarely. Similarly, 66.4% of women reported regular usage, with 31.4% using motorbike taxis daily and 35% several times a week. Furthermore, 26.4% of women use them occasionally, and 7.1% use them rarely. These results reveal two key insights. First, both men and women display varied frequencies of motorbike taxi usage, demonstrating the adaptability of this transport mode to diverse mobility needs. Second, regular usage is prominent among both genders, underscoring the essential role motorbike taxis play in the daily lives of urban residents. This emphasizes their importance as a reliable and accessible transport option in city settings.

These findings align with 2019 household mobility surveys conducted in both cities. In Yaoundé, motorbike taxis ranked third among modes of transport with a modal share of 12.5%, following taxis (40.4%) and walking (34.3%). In Douala, motorbike taxis held the top position with 35.8%, followed by walking (30.5%) [3]. The differences in motorbike taxi usage between the two cities can be attributed to local regulations. In Yaoundé, motorbike taxis operate on only 20% of the city’s area due to restrictive measures, while in Douala, they cover 90% of the city. A popular adage in Douala aptly summarises their ubiquity: “motorbike taxis can take you right to your kitchen”, emphasising their reach and versatility.

Motorbike taxis serve passengers either individually or collectively. In individual transport, drivers take one passenger directly to their destination without picking up others. This is often the case when passengers pay a higher fare and explicitly request not to be overloaded. A motorbike taxi driver in Yaoundé explained: “We don’t overload when the passenger pays well and asks us not to pick up anyone else”. [55] Conversely, collective transport, or overloading, involves transporting at least two passengers, either heading to the same or different destinations. Overloading can occur at pick-up points, where passengers agree to travel together, or mid-journey when drivers stop to pick up additional passengers travelling in the same direction as the first.

Two primary factors drive overloading: transport scarcity and economic considerations. During peak hours (7:00–10:00 AM, 3:30–7:00 PM) and after rainfall, the demand for transport frequently exceeds the available supply. This scarcity compels passengers to accept overloading to secure a ride. As one respondent noted: “In the evening, most passengers we carry are returning home”. [52] Similarly, at night, when most urban transport services cease, passengers resort to overloading due to limited options. A respondent described this situation: “When we return home at 2–3 AM, we always take a motorbike taxi. If only one motorbike is available, everyone climbs on”. [56] Additionally, overloading helps drivers compensate for low fares offered by some passengers, while passengers themselves often propose overloading to reduce their costs. To avoid being overloaded, passengers must pay double the regular fare, which is not affordable for many.

Overloading often reflects the economic precarity of its participants. Passengers who accept or propose overloading are typically from lower-income groups, such as students and unemployed people. For instance, three students from Yaoundé’s Elig-Edzoa neighbourhood routinely share a motorbike taxi to save on transport costs. With daily funds of only XAF 500 (€0.76) for transport and meals, they opt to share a motorbike taxi for XAF 250 (€0.38) to save the remainder for food. Otherwise, they are compelled to walk from school to their home at the end of the day. This example underscores how financial constraints force individuals to make compromises, such as sharing rides, even at the expense of safety and comfort.

4.2. Reasons Behind the Continued Use of Motorbike Taxis

In Yaoundé and Douala, despite accidents, motorbike taxis remain a widely used mode of transport due to their perceived speed, adaptability, flexibility, and capacity to serve “easily” underserved areas “at any time”. This particularity is reflected in Figure 6:

Figure 6 presents five reasons behind continued motorbike taxi use, even among users who are aware of the associated risks (

Table A1. Distribution of Respondents by Education Level and City of Living.

City		High School	Primary School	University	Total
Yaoundé	Effectif	61	25	54	140
	% within level of study	56.5%	41.7%	48.2%	50.0%
	% of Total	21.8%	8.9%	19.3%	50.0%
Douala	Count	47	35	58	140
	% within level of study	43.5%	58.3%	51.8%	50.0%
	% of Total	16.8%	12.5%	20.7%	50.0%
Total	Count	108	60	112	280
	% within level of study	100.0%	100.0%	100.0%	100.0%
	% of Total	38.6%	21.4%	40.0%	100.0%

). Percentages reflect the proportion of respondents in each city selecting each reason. This sustained reliance is not arbitrary or irrational, but rather grounded in pragmatic considerations such as speed, accessibility, affordability, and availability. The consistency of these trends across Yaoundé and Douala suggests that, despite a high awareness of safety hazards, these functional benefits are often deemed sufficient to outweigh the perceived dangers.

The first common reason cited is speed: 44.3% of all respondents—52.1% in Yaoundé and 36.4% in Douala—indicated they choose motorbike taxis to reach destinations more quickly. This underscores the perception of motorbike taxis as a time-efficient solution within congested urban environments, highlighting their role as a strategic response to inefficiencies in conventional transport systems in the Global South.

The speed of motorbike taxis is attributed to two primary factors. First, their ability to navigate through traffic jams and road obstructions, which are common in both cities due to poorly parked vehicles and street vendors. Some broken-down vehicles remain stationary for hours or days, creating prolonged traffic queues. While cars are often immobilised in such situations, motorbike taxis can manoeuvre through narrow spaces, saving significant time. This adaptability is illustrated in Figure 7 and Figure 8:

In the photo on the right, motorbike taxis are seen navigating effortlessly along the right side of the road, despite a long queue of cars. On the left, a taxi and a private car are attempting to bypass a broken-down tanker on a partially deteriorated road. The positions of these vehicles demonstrate the challenge faced by car drivers, who must “fight” for progress. By contrast, motorbike taxis weave through with ease, even in overloaded conditions. A respondent in Douala explained: “To avoid the hassle during my trips, I almost always take a motorbike taxi. I rarely use taxis or buses to avoid traffic jams. With motorbike taxis, travel is simply faster” [57]. This could justify why 18.6% of respondents overall—19.3% in Yaoundé and 17.9% in Douala—reported using motorbike taxis to bypass traffic jams, illustrating their strategic advantage in navigating congested urban environments. Figure 9 provides insights into the safety experiences and accepted risks based on travel distances.

Figure 9 illustrates how safety experiences and risk acceptance vary according to trip distance, offering a nuanced view of behavioural patterns among motorbike taxi passengers. Short trips (0–5 km) show the highest rates of overloading (52.6%) and lack of safety equipment use (15.8%), indicating that passengers often compromise safety for convenience or cost on these flexible, frequent routes. For longer trips (5–10 km), users report greater exposure to serious accident consequences (8.2%) and a higher tendency to continue riding after an accident (20.4%), suggesting a form of risk normalization among frequent users with limited alternatives. Medium distances reflect more balanced patterns, with notable proportions of users reporting witnessed or experienced accidents (30.6%) and continued use post-incident (18.4%). These data underscore that perceived necessity and distance strongly shape risk tolerance, revealing how structural transport inadequacies compel riders to endure unsafe practices in the name of access and affordability.

Secondly, motorbike taxis are highly favoured for their unparalleled convenience of boarding and alighting, offering passengers the flexibility to get on and off anywhere—on pavements, central medians, or roadsides—at any time and with minimal complications. Unlike other public transport options, such as taxis or minibuses, which typically carry between 6 to 18 passengers and make numerous stops to pick up or drop off individuals, motorbike taxis usually carry a maximum of four passengers. This allows passengers to quickly get on and off, often without the motorbike needing to come to a complete stop. This time-saving flexibility, combined with their ability to bypass regulations like the highway code and urban mobility restrictions, has made motorbike taxis a preferred choice for many, especially those in a hurry. A respondent highlighted the inefficiencies of taxis, stating:

“When you’re the first customer in a taxi, no matter your destination, the driver stops every time he sees people on the side of the road to try and pick them up. Even if their destinations are closer than yours, the driver frequently stops dropping them off, which takes too long. But with a motorbike taxi, it’s quick. If you pay well, they take you along. And even when there’s an overload, it’s just a few people. That’s why motorbikes are always faster than taxis”.

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This speed and flexibility are among the key factors driving city dwellers in Yaoundé and Douala to choose motorbike taxis over other modes of transportation. A resident named Nadine shared, “I very often take motorbikes when I want to arrive quickly at my destination because taxis are slow”. Similarly, testimonies from taxi drivers reflect this trend. Youssouf, a taxi driver in Yaoundé, noted that on multiple occasions, passengers en route to their destinations asked to alight due to traffic jams and opted for motorbike taxis instead. He explained, “I’ve had passengers pay and get off to take motorbikes because even in traffic jams, motorbikes keep moving” [59]. This adaptability and efficiency in navigating traffic and providing quick service reinforce the appeal of motorbike taxis for time-sensitive journeys and urban mobility challenges.

Accessibility emerges as a key factor, with 17.9% of respondents—15.7% in Yaoundé and 20% in Douala—reporting they use motorbike taxis to reach hard-to-access locations. Motorbike taxis are often the only viable mode of public transport for accessing many neighbourhoods in Yaoundé and Douala that are either too remote or poorly connected by conventional transport networks. This includes areas where alternative transport options are absent or available only as “depot” or “on-demand” services.

Motorbike taxis play a vital role in neighbourhoods with unpaved or deteriorated roads, narrow streets, and recently paved but less frequently used routes. This is particularly evident in areas like “Carrière” and “Simbock” in Yaoundé, and “Lendi” or “Village” in Douala. For residents of these areas, motorbike taxis are often the only viable means of transportation, as alternatives such as depot taxis or private vehicles are either too expensive or impractical for daily commuting. This highlights the critical role these vehicles play in bridging the last-mile connectivity gap, particularly in informal or underserved neighbourhoods. This phenomenon is not unique to Cameroon but has also been observed in cities across Mali and Côte d’Ivoire [2,60].

The dependence on motorbike taxis arises partly from the poor road conditions and the limited passenger demand in these areas. Drivers of traditional public transport tend to avoid such routes due to the low passenger turnout and the challenges posed by poorly maintained roads. As Ousman, a cargo vehicle driver in Yaoundé, explained, “Sometimes you encounter traffic jams, but you stick with them because the secondary roads you could use to avoid them are in terrible condition. If you take them, you’ll break down” [61].

In these neighbourhoods, passengers are faced with a stark choice: to rely on costly depot taxis or to continue using motorbike taxis despite the associated risks. Mariam, a resident of Damas in Yaoundé, highlighted this economic trade-off: “I only use motorbike taxis to travel the one kilometre separating my home from the main road. A depot taxi for such a short distance is like throwing money away. The motorbike taxi costs XAF 300 (EUR 0.46), while a depot taxi would cost XAF 3000 (EUR 4.57)” [62].

Furthermore, the analysis reveals not just individual choice, but a collective adaptation to systemic failures in transport planning and accessibility. The repeated patterns across demographic groups highlight the structural nature of risk and the rational strategies deployed to navigate it.

Affordability is another compelling reason for the widespread reliance on motorbike taxis. Public transport fares often vary depending on the mode of transport, road conditions, and the driver’s discretion. Motorbike taxis, however, offer a competitive and predictable alternative, making them indispensable for individuals navigating financial constraints and the complexities of urban mobility.

Despite their affordability and availability, motorbike taxis are not without risks. Their popularity represents a calculated trade-off for city dwellers in Yaoundé and Douala, who prioritise accessibility and cost-effectiveness over safety concerns. This behaviour aligns with a dynamic approach to risk, where individuals make reflexive choices based on immediate needs and survival interests. Nadine, a frequent motorbike taxi user, explained, “I often take motorbikes when I need to get somewhere quickly. Taxis are just too slow” [63]. Even taxi drivers acknowledge this reality. Youssouf, a taxi driver in Yaoundé, remarked, “Many passengers I’ve carried get out midway through the trip because of traffic jams and take motorbike taxis instead. Even when there are jams, motorbikes keep moving” [64].

Motorbike taxis have progressively become an integral part of urban transport in Yaoundé and Douala. Their speed, affordability, and accessibility have made them a preferred choice for many residents, despite the inherent risks involved (Video S2). Their ability to navigate congested roads and their widespread availability have embedded them in the daily mobility practices of a significant portion of the population. These factors highlight their critical role in addressing urban mobility challenges [26]. This reliance on motorbike taxis is especially pronounced among economically disadvantaged groups, such as students and low-income workers, who often face financial constraints. Many passengers propose overloading to drivers as a way to cut costs. In urban mobility, overloading is synonymous with economic precarity, as it reflects the limited financial resources of those engaging in this practice.

Taken together, these insights reflect a complex interplay of economic, infrastructural, and practical factors shaping user decisions. They also reveal the widespread perception that motorbike taxis offer not only speed, but also essential access and economic flexibility. In this way, motorbike taxis have become indispensable in Yaoundé and Douala, offering a lifeline for many residents navigating economic hardships and urban congestion. While they provide undeniable benefits, their widespread use also underscores broader issues of urban inequality and the urgent need for improved public transport systems. Contrary to the findings of Le Breton [42], who associate risk-taking more with personal pleasure, the use of motorbike taxis is deeply embedded in the daily lives of individuals who carefully evaluate their available options to select the one that aligns best with their survival interests. This is not incautious or impulsive behaviour, but rather a form of economic rationality. People make calculated decisions based on urgent mobility needs, financial constraints, and the limitations of the existing transport infrastructure. These decisions reflect a pragmatic logic, one grounded in the need to access work, education, healthcare, and daily necessities despite structural obstacles. In this sense, motorbike taxi use is not merely tolerated but strategically adopted as the most viable option available. These passengers also adopt strategies to mitigate or reduce the risk of accidents.

4.3. Passenger Strategies to Mitigate Motorbike Taxi Risks

In the high-risk environment of motorbike taxis, particularly during overloaded trips, passengers adopt strategic seating arrangements that reflect both cultural norms and pragmatic safety measures. This positioning is far from random; it is dictated by three main factors: physical stature and strength, age, and gender.

Passengers with larger builds or noticeable physical strength often take the back seat. They are perceived as being able to stabilise the motorbike in the event of sudden instability or an accident. Smaller or weaker individuals are placed in the middle, closer to the driver, as they are seen as needing greater protection. Yannick, a frequent user, shared: “When I ride with someone smaller than me, I take the back seat. If they’re larger, they sit behind me. If I’m with someone unwell, like taking them to the hospital, I always seat them in the middle between the driver and me” [51].

The factor of age also plays a pivotal role. Elders, as protectors of the young, often sit at the back, symbolising their responsibility. The youngest passengers, often perceived as more vulnerable, are given the middle seat for added safety. This practice sometimes leads to disputes when younger riders resist their biologically assigned position. Mounir explained: “When I ride to school with friends, we quickly evaluate each other’s ages. The youngest always ends up in the middle. There’s no question about it—it’s just how it works” [65].

Gender further influences seating arrangements. Women are automatically considered less physically capable, regardless of their actual build, and are often placed in the middle seat. As a motorbike taxi passenger, the woman is automatically considered to be a social cadet (a pejorative term to designate a “weak person”). Only the age criterion applies to her. This is especially true when riding with male passengers, who typically assume the back seat to “protect” the women. A male passenger shared his perspective: “I never let a woman sit behind me on a motorbike taxi. Even if she joins my ride after I’ve already boarded, I get off to let her take the middle seat” [53].

This norm is reinforced by motorbike taxi drivers, who rarely see women seated in the back. One driver explained: “In my two years driving in Douala, I’ve never had a situation where a woman sits behind a man during an overload”. Another driver added: “The only time a woman sits at the back is if she’s with her young child or brother. Otherwise, it’s always the man at the back” [66].

Interestingly, some women appreciate this arrangement, viewing it as a form of protection and care. However, others see the back seat as an opportunity for dominance, using it to assert power. As one woman recounted: “When I ride with friends and take the back seat, I feel empowered, like I’m in control. It’s my way of proving I’m stronger and more independent” [67]. This structured seating arrangement serves not only practical purposes but also social ones. Those in the back seat, often men, are seen as “second drivers”. Their implicit role is to stabilise the bike, particularly during moments of instability, and shield more vulnerable passengers from potential harm. However, this role can create social tensions. As depicted in Figure 10 and Figure 11, men forced into the middle seat may face ridicule, with others questioning their masculinity, saying: “You’re not a real man”, or “What kind of man lets someone else sit behind them?”

For some passengers, the back seat becomes more than a symbol of safety; it is a badge of honour, representing emotional and social dominance. This is particularly true for those seeking to overcome personal insecurities. A woman shared her perspective: “When I take the back seat, especially with my girlfriends, it feels like I’ve won a battle. It’s my way of showing I’m stronger, and for a moment, I feel like I’ve taken revenge for being underestimated” [65].

This nuanced system of seating reflects the deeply ingrained social hierarchies and cultural dynamics at play in motorbike taxi use. It highlights the complex interplay of safety, identity, and social status in navigating high-risk urban transport. As Crozier [68] suggested, individual behaviours should be interpreted as deliberate strategies informed by rational choices.

In Cameroon, religion permeates nearly all aspects of public and private life, significantly influencing daily decisions and actions, including those related to transportation. For many motorbike taxi passengers, the inherent risks of this mode of travel are mitigated by turning to their faith. This reliance on divinity reflects a broader cultural norm where belief systems are both a source of psychological solace and a means of navigating uncertain or hazardous situations [69,70].

Before boarding a motorbike taxi, and often throughout the journey, passengers engage in acts of devotion, praying fervently for safe passage. These acts may involve reciting religious scriptures, invoking the names of deities, or offering silent but heartfelt supplications. A devout passenger shared her experience: “Every time I get on a motorbike taxi, I begin reciting verses from the Quran. After narrowly escaping an accident one day, I prayed: ‘Lord, keep me safe and ensure nothing happens to me. I trust in You to protect me” [71].

This practice underscores a deeply held belief that life and death rest in the hands of a higher power. Passengers often express this faith through statements such as, “It’s God who decides”, or “Only God can protect us” [66]. For them, invoking divinity serves as a protective shield against the unpredictability and dangers of motorbike travel. Beyond providing psychological comfort, these prayers instil a sense of agency and control in an otherwise precarious situation, allowing passengers to reconcile their faith with the reality of high-risk urban mobility.

Moreover, this spiritual reliance is not merely individual but part of a collective cultural understanding. It highlights the intersection of faith and risk-taking in Cameroonian society, where divine intervention is viewed as a practical tool for survival. This cultural practice demonstrates how deeply ingrained religious beliefs offer both emotional resilience and a framework for managing everyday challenges, even in the face of tangible dangers.

In northern cities, where public transport systems are more structured and organised, safety measures are often implemented by public authorities and trade unions to mitigate accidents [30,72]. However, in cities like Yaoundé and Douala, where governance issues and weak regulatory frameworks prevail [73], passengers have largely taken responsibility for their safety. Verbal questioning of motorbike taxi drivers has become a critical strategy to address unsafe practices and prevent accidents.

Passengers frequently challenge drivers when they observe behaviours that compromise safety, such as excessive speed, sudden manoeuvres, or blatant disregard for traffic rules. This proactive approach highlights the role of passengers as active agents in ensuring their well-being. Mirelle T., a vigilant motorbike taxi user, shared her experience: “When I see a driver speeding or making dangerous moves, I don’t hesitate to speak up. Once, a driver sped down a hill so fast that my scarf flew off. I told him to slow down, but he ignored me. At the next stop, I got off and switched to a taxi instead” [67].

These verbal interventions serve as an immediate form of accountability, with passengers often demanding that drivers reduce speed, avoid risky overtaking, or adhere to basic safety norms. In extreme cases, passengers threaten to terminate their rides if drivers refuse to comply. Such interactions not only safeguard individuals but also underline the informal mechanisms that have emerged to bridge the gap left by institutional shortcomings.

The contrast between structured northern cities and the relatively unregulated systems in Yaoundé and Douala underscores the adaptability of passengers in the face of limited oversight. In the absence of comprehensive safety protocols, verbal questioning acts as a grassroots-level intervention, fostering a culture of vigilance and shared responsibility. This behaviour reflects a broader trend where urban residents navigate systemic gaps by asserting their agency, thus contributing to an evolving model of risk management in high-risk transport systems.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

This study investigated the reasons why city dwellers in Yaoundé and Douala (Cameroon’s main cities) continue to use motorbike taxis, despite acknowledging the risks involved, and the strategies they adopt to prevent or minimise traffic accidents. To achieve this, a mixed-methods approach was employed, combining semi-structured interviews, direct field observations, and a quantitative questionnaire survey administered to 280 respondents. The qualitative data were analysed using the thematic content analysis method [49,50], and the quantitative data were processed using SPSS for descriptive and bivariate analysis.

The findings reaffirm that motorbike taxis remain a preferred mode of transport not because users are unaware of the dangers, but due to systemic deficiencies in urban transport systems. The precarious and insufficient nature of public transport, coupled with rapid urbanization and deteriorating infrastructure, leaves many neighbourhoods underserved. Among the different available transport modes, motorbike taxis are perceived as the riskiest. However, this perception is more a consequence of their widespread and context-driven use than a deterrent. In such contexts, motorbike taxis offer three primary advantages: (i) their perceived speed, (ii) their availability in hard-to-reach or poorly served areas, and (iii) flexible and affordable fares. These practical benefits override safety concerns for many users.

The study’s originality lies in its focus on passenger agency and informal coping strategies, a departure from the dominant driver-centric narratives in African transport literature. It also expands the scholarly understanding of risk-taking by framing it not as irrationality or deviance but as context-sensitive pragmatism.

These results align with earlier studies [6,11,15,74] that have alternately framed motorbike taxis either as a “public problem” contributing to road disorder or as a “panacea” addressing urban transport gaps and unemployment. However, our findings suggest that motorbike taxis are simultaneously both. They are an adaptive solution to mobility challenges and a contributor to road safety risks. This dual role challenges binary framings in the literature and calls for more nuanced theoretical models.

The study also revealed important strategies developed by passengers to cope with and mitigate risks. These include strategic seating based on strength, gender, or age, active verbal engagements with drivers regarding safety, and even spiritual invocations before or during rides. Such strategies reflect a locally embedded cultural logic of risk management, distinct from formalised Western regulatory approaches. This confirms the need to understand transport practices not merely through policy frameworks but through users’ lived experiences.

Comparative analysis between Douala and Yaoundé highlighted both convergences and context-specific differences. In both cities, risk-taking is driven less by thrill-seeking or identity formation, as theorised in Western literature [15,17,23,29,75]—and more by structural necessity. Where roads are poor or no other transport is available, motorbike taxis become the only viable option, especially during the rainy season. Thus, the practice of using motorbike taxis is deeply pragmatic, shaped by economic, infrastructural, and geographic constraints.

These findings are consistent with studies such as Chapman and Pacom [45] and Soulé and Corneloup [44], which show that voluntary risk-taking is shaped by context. However, unlike the Canadian or Western contexts, where such behaviour may be linked to identity crises, self-esteem, or existential fulfilment [42]. In Cameroon, it is largely pragmatic and necessity-driven. Risk-taking here stems from the urgent need to overcome everyday mobility constraints.

The implications of these findings are significant for urban policy and mobility planning. Effective interventions must move beyond punitive or technocratic measures. Instead, they must integrate context-sensitive solutions that account for the realities of informal transport users. Policies should support safer practices through driver training, better road conditions, and community-based risk reduction strategies, while also recognising the social role that informal transport fills.

This study’s limitations include using purposive sampling in the qualitative phase, which may limit generalizability. Furthermore, reliance on self-reported data, especially regarding accident experiences and risk behaviours, introduces the potential for social desirability bias. Future research could strengthen validity through triangulation with official accident reports or GPS mobility tracking.

Despite these limitations, the study presents several strengths. Chief among them is its integration of qualitative and quantitative data, offering a comprehensive and multidimensional understanding of how users perceive, negotiate, and mitigate risk. This approach enabled a rich exploration of both subjective rationalities and structural realities, contributing empirical nuance to debates on urban informality and risk [76].

In conclusion, this study contributes to the broader literature on informal transport in African cities by demonstrating that motorbike taxi use is not irrational but rather a rational, adaptive strategy under constrained circumstances. The findings challenge dominant risk discourses and invite a reconceptualization of risk-taking in the urban Global South—not as deviance or ignorance, but as resilience and pragmatism in the face of structural insufficiencies. Although rooted in the Cameroonian context, the dynamics examined here resonate with urban mobility challenges in many cities of the Global South. The findings contribute to a growing body of literature that views informal transport not as a failure of regulation, but as a dynamic, adaptive response to urban precarity and infrastructural neglect.

This study provides actionable insights into why motorbike taxis remain a preferred mode of transport despite known risks. The findings can inform urban mobility policies aimed at improving transport equity, safety standards, and service delivery in informal transport sectors in the Global South.