Towards Intercultural Education: Exploring Perceptions of Cultural Diversity and Identities of Adolescents Living in the Border Area between Spain and Morocco

Abstract

Borders are complex spaces of relationships and interpretations built from the perspective of cultural diversity. The complexity of these spaces concerns the ways in which they are created, experienced and questioned by the people who inhabit them. They are considered spaces of exclusion but also of educational opportunities. This research aims to explore how adolescents who live at the border area between Spain and Morocco value cultural diversity and different aspects related to the construction of their identities. The cities of Algeciras and La Línea in Spain and Tangier and Tetouan in Morocco were selected, and a questionnaire in Arabic and Spanish was administered to a total sample of 751 adolescents, obtaining a significant sample of the adolescent population (confidence level greater than 95% and estimation error less than 2%). The data were statistically analysed using the SPSS Statistics V24 software programme. The results show significant differences between the Moroccan and Spanish adolescents regarding their perceptions of cultural diversity and how it can be a source of conflict; how they shape their identities and identify with the ways of life and habits of the neighbouring country; and how religion influences their cultural identities.

1. Introduction

This research is part of the international tradition of border studies. Borders—reconceived here as borderscapes [1,2]—are the quintessential multi-cultural contexts in which the geographical boundaries of states are clear, but the cultural and human boundaries are blurred. Today, borders are “complex social institutions, which are marked by tensions between practices of border reinforcement and border crossing” [3] (p. 3).

One of the main premises in border studies is that borders do not occur naturally but are constructed and re-constructed in a social and symbolic manner. Technologies of power that selectively exclude and include populations prevail in such spaces. That is, they classify and filter people [2]. These classification systems, in the words of Valenzuela [4] (p. 18), “resort to signified and significant elements that delimit systems of belonging and exclusion, or of association and differentiation”.

However, border spaces also provide opportunities for the construction of transformative identities that challenge hegemonic power [2,5,6]. Hence, movements such as migration may represent a transformative response putting up resistance to power relations and global inequalities that prevail in these spaces [3,7].

Border spaces are, therefore, complex spaces of relationships and interpretations built from the perspective of multi-faceted cultural diversity. Their complexity refers to how they are created, experienced, and questioned by the people who live in them [2,8]. Therefore, and because they are inhabited, borders are also emotional and conceptual [8].

This research was conducted in the specific border space between Spain and Morocco, where the Strait of Gibraltar, a compulsory passage for thousands of people who cross it in an attempt to reach Europe, is located. Only 14 km separate the African continent from the coasts of southern Spain. It is a very short distance that represents an abyss between the “fortress Europe” and the African continent.

We cannot talk about cultural identity in border areas without referring to what Rodríguez Ortiz [9] (p. 126) calls “alterities in border communities”. In other words, a way to understand and reconcile the differences between the identities expressed that may be or seem compatible or incompatible, and that become blurred in the context of border territories. It is in this scenario of integrated realities that the processes of identity construction are more complex. Teenagers are immersed in a constant search for a sense of belonging to a group and experience an identity that is torn between who they are and who they would like to be, or should be. Faced with this complexity, adolescents who have not yet migrated, but wish to do so, may build their own identity that differs from the one associated with their origin and cultural background, thus giving rise to diverse identities, alternative subjectivities and political agencies [2,6,10].

Adolescents assume multiple identities, amongst which one usually constitutes the central one that connects the others—although not permanently—since the process of identity construction depends on life experiences and on how individuals interpret their realities [11,12].

The shaping of these overlapping identities revolves around two operations, namely differentiation and generalisation, according to Dunbar [13] (p. 87). The first tends to define difference and stresses singularity, while the second seeks to define the common link amongst a series of elements. These operations are conditioned by an individual’s subjective interpretation of otherness, as well as by the policies of cultural domination that tend to impose a homogeneous model of being and thinking in society. The processes of identity construction, thus, become precarious when, in the context of border life, there is interaction with the dominant cultures, which establishes a vertical relationship marked by colonisation, oppression and exclusion [4].

From the perspective of cultural identity, we integrate attitudes towards the other, and we position ourselves and establish relationships with those who are culturally different [12]. The study carried out by the Centre for Sociological Studies on attitudes towards immigration [14] reveals that, despite the fact that half of the Andalusian population values immigration positively (49.5%), there is a relatively high percentage of Andalusians who would reject or try to avoid living in a neighbourhood with numerous immigrants (31.3%), or try to avoid taking their child to a school where there are many children of immigrants (24.7%). These data are in accordance with an assessment report on discrimination in Spain [15], which shows that 28% would be uncomfortable having immigrants as their neighbours, and 37% would be uncomfortable having Muslims as their neighbours. In the report of a survey on intolerance and discrimination towards Muslim people in Spain [16], reference is made to the fact that, after the Gipsy ethnic group, Muslims are the most discriminated against and the ethnic group that people express the most unfavourable feelings towards, followed by sub-Saharan African and Moroccan groups.

As for Morocco, it is currently a country that receives people from sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East who flee their countries for different reasons and find themselves, in the words of Benradi [17] (p. 22), “trapped in a situation of great precariousness”, a product of the increase in restrictions in the European migration policy. According to Marfouk’s research [18], a large part of the Moroccan population shows a hostile attitude towards immigrants, mainly towards those who come from sub-Saharan Africa.

These racist attitudes observed both in Spain and Morocco should be framed within their historical context. It is not possible to understand them without considering, as pointed out earlier, the power relations and social inequalities that characterise this globalised world [19,20]. As these authors explain, there is a vicious circle between institutional racism and social racism. Migrants are perceived as a problem: they represent a danger because they are often at the centre of people’s collective imagination with regard to crime, they compete for access to resources, and they represent a symbolic threat to traditional values.

The objective of this research is to explore how adolescents who live in the border area between Morocco and Spain value cultural diversity and aspects related to the processes of identity construction. We are especially interested in this group’s view since teenagers find themselves in a vital stage of personal reconstruction in which new configurations of identity, co-existence and resistance fit. More specifically, we intend to explore how they perceive this diversity; how they value their relationships and view immigration; and how they experience the process of constructing their identities.

2. Materials and Methods

This study arises from the research project “Growing up on the southern border of Andalusia. Adolescence and identity in the Strait of Gibraltar”, financed by the University of Cadiz (Spain) in collaboration with the Abdelmalek Essaadi University of Tetouan (Morocco). It is an intercultural project that does not look at the other from a colonial distance, but from the otherness we all share. Collaboration between people from both cultures in all phases of the research, including being part of the team and acting as experts for the validation of the data collection tools, was key. It is also worth noting that this is the first study carried out on both sides of the border jointly and simultaneously, using the same tools (although translated) to collect data.

This research is part of a broader work in which different data collection techniques were used through a multi-method design, integrating qualitative and quantitative strategies within the framework of a single study. This type of design enables the triangulation of data and broadens our understanding of a reality that, because of its social and human nature, is intangible [21]. We, therefore, used questionnaires and in-depth interviews to explore and analyse the discourses in more detail [22,23]. The ethical procedures followed the BERA guidelines, which allowed us to conduct our research “within an ethic of respect for: the person; knowledge; democratic values; the quality of educational research; and academic freedom” [24] (p. 5).

2.1. Data Collection Tools

The tools used for the collection of data were interviews aimed at adolescents and their teachers, and questionnaires directed towards adolescents. In this article, we only present the results of the questionnaires.

As part of the research process, an ad hoc questionnaire was designed in two languages (Spanish and Arabic) to enable the collection of data at the macro-level on both sides of the border, more specifically in the cities of Algeciras and La Línea in Spain, and in Tangier and Tetouan in Morocco. Building on a theoretical review, the first proposal for the questionnaire was drawn up including a total of thirty-eight items organised around five dimensions. Once the first version was developed, it was validated by six experts from the University of Cadiz and from the Abdelmalek Essaadi University of Tetouan. Subsequently, the Content Validity Coefficient (CVC) and the Content Validity Index (CVI) were calculated using SPSS Statistics V24. Based on the results obtained in both analyses (CVC and CVI), the items with the highest values (between 0.95 and 1.00 in the criteria of relevance, understanding and ambiguity) were selected. The qualitative perceptions provided for the improvement of the items were also taken into account. A second version of the questionnaire was then proposed including thirty-seven items. Modifications were made to the wording of some of the questions, and the items were reorganised around five key dimensions (

Table 1. Key dimensions.

D1	Socio-demographic characteristics (13 items)
D2	Perceptions of cultural diversity in the adolescents’ socio-cultural context (3 items)
D3	Perceptions of cultural diversity in the environment in which they live (10 items)
D4	Perceptions of aspects related to the processes of constructing their identities (9 items)
D5	Vision of the future regarding emigration and job opportunities (2 items)

).

All questions referring to the personal characteristics of the participants were open-ended, except for the educational level they would like to reach and the maximum educational levels achieved by their mother and father, which were closed-ended. The questions measuring the other dimensions were closed-ended questions. The response options were organised using a Likert scale with four options: (1) not at all, (2) to a small extent, (3) to a considerable extent, and (4) to a large extent.

For the sample of participants in this study, the reliability of the questionnaire, calculated using Cronbach’s alpha, is 0.57 in the Spanish version of the questionnaire, and 0.63 in the Moroccan version. These are statistically acceptable values.

2.2. Participants

In this section, the answers to the questions pertaining to the first dimension were analysed. The study population is students of secondary schools in the cities of Algeciras and La Línea (Spain), and Tangier and Tetouan (Morocco). A sample size (SS) of 751 adolescents, including 381 Spanish (50.7%) and 370 (49.3%) Moroccan adolescents, took part in the questionnaire, obtaining a significant sample of the adolescent population (confidence level greater than 95% and estimation error less than 2%). Amongst the respondents, 46.9% were female and 53% were male. Regarding the mean age, it was 15.32 in the case of the Spanish adolescents, and amongst the Moroccans, the mean age was 15.87, exceed the mean age of the Spanish adolescents by a few tenths.

Table 2. Profile of the participants in this research by country, gender and age.

	Male		Female		N/A		TOTAL		Age
Country	SS	%	SS	%	SS	%	SS	%	Mean	Std. Dev.
Spain	187	49.1	193	50.6	1	0.3	381	50.7	15.32	2.70
Morocco	165	44.6	205	55.4	0	0	370	49.3	15.87	1.23
TOTAL	352	46.9	398	53	1	0.1	751	100	15.60	1.97

includes more details regarding the gender and age of the participants.

Most of the participating adolescents in Morocco and Spain were born in the cities where the data were collected: Tetouan (49.2%), Tangier (38.1%), Algeciras (49.9%) and La Línea (29.7%). These are the cities in which the majority of the participants currently live: 100% of the Moroccan adolescents and 96.1% of the Spanish adolescents.

In the case of the Moroccan teenagers, 99.5% of their fathers and 98.6% of their mothers were born in Morocco. This percentage decreases for the Spanish adolescents. Overall, 83.7% of the Spanish adolescents’ fathers and 85.6% of their mothers were born in Spain, and Morocco is the nationality that follows with 8.4% and 6.8%, respectively. With regard to the number of siblings, the mean in the case of the Moroccan participants is close to 4; for the Spanish participants, it is closer to 2.

The percentage of Moroccan participants who indicated that one or more members of their family had emigrated to Spain is 51.1%, much higher than the 6.8% of Spanish participants who mentioned one or more members of their family had emigrated to Morocco. As for school year, the majority of the Moroccan participants were in their 4th year of Compulsory Secondary Education (ESO) (36.2%), 1st year of Baccalaureate (25.4%), and 2nd year of Baccalaureate (18.4%). At a lower percentage, some Moroccan participants were in the 3rd (10.8%) and 2nd year of ESO (8.6%). Most Spanish participants were in the 3rd (38.3%) or 4th year of ESO (40.4%), and to a lesser extent, some participants were in the 2nd year of ESO, 1st and 2nd years of Baccalaureate, as well as in a higher education training cycle.

Of the participants surveyed in Spain, only 3.7% were working in addition to studying. University education is the highest educational level they aspire to reach (63.8%), with vocational education and training follows at 30.7%. The answers in the case of the Moroccan adolescents were similar, and only 5.9% combined studying with having a job. For the vast majority (83.8%), university education is the maximum level they would like to reach.

Finally, regarding their parents’ education, the percentages obtained in both cases are presented in

Table 3. Percentages of the level of education of the participants’ mothers and fathers.

	Morocco		Spain
	% Mother	% Father	% Mother	% Father
No schooling	10.4	9.7	0	0
Primary education	27	19.5	0	0
Compulsory secondary education	30	27.3	30.2	31.8
Vocational education and training	8.1	12.4	32.3	33.1
University education	23.5	30.5	20.7	17.6

.

The table shows that in the case of the Moroccan participants, the percentages of mothers and fathers with a university education are higher. Amongst the Spanish participants, it is worthy to note that there are no mothers and fathers who did not go to school or who only completed primary education. With respect to secondary education, the results are similar in both cases. In terms of vocational education and training, the percentages are higher in the Spanish case.

2.3. Data Analysis

For the data analysis, the statistical software IBM SPSS Statistics V24 was used. Three data matrices were constructed: a Spanish version, a Moroccan version, and a global version, in which different analyses and statistical contrasts were performed.

Several basic descriptive analyses were carried out, including calculating the frequencies, percentages, means, standard deviations, maximums and minimums in each of the questions. The homogeneity of variance test (Levene’s test) was also performed to check the assumption of equal variances in each case.

Finally, the Student’s t-test was performed for independent samples in order to check the existence of significant differences in the participants’ responses, grouping them by the country to which the participants belong (independent variable), and contrasting possible differences in the responses to each item (dependent variables). All contrasts were performed with the significance level set at 1%. Due to space constraints, only the results of the two-tailed tests are provided in the results section.

3. Results

The results obtained are presented below, organised based on dimensions two, three, four and five in the questionnaire. In each dimension, a table is included in which the mean of the responses is specified in accordance with the Likert scale used: (1) not at all, (2) to a small extent, (3) to a considerable extent, and (4) to a large extent. It also shows the standard deviation and the two-tailed test of significance.

3.1. Perceptions of Cultural Diversity in the Adolescents’ Socio-Cultural Context

This dimension includes three items that explore the perceptions of cultural diversity amongst the Moroccan and Spanish adolescents. With regard to the question on whether they consider they live in a culturally diverse city or not, there is a statistically significant difference. A total of 43% of the Spanish participants consider their city to be quite culturally diverse (they answered “to a considerable extent”), while only 20% of the Moroccan participants believe their city is culturally diverse. In line with these results, 52.4% of the Moroccan participants consider there is little cultural diversity (they answered “to a small extent”) in their context (compared to 30.4% of the Spanish participants).

In the responses to the question if they believe there are people of different religions in their city, there is also a significant difference. A total of 55.6% of the Spanish participants think there is a lot of religious diversity, while the percentage drops to 33.8% in the case of the Moroccan participants. In line with the statistically significant differences between both countries, the item regarding whether the participants see people from Spain in their city in the Moroccan case, or people from Morocco in the Spanish case, is worth mentioning. A total of 92.4% of the Spanish participants think there is a considerable or large number of people of Moroccan origin in their city, while this percentage drops substantially to 28.1% in the case of the Moroccan participants.

Table 4. Means, standard deviations, and results of the two-tailed test in the second dimension.

	Spain		Morocco		t-Test
Question	Mean	St. Dev.	Mean	St. Dev.	Sig. (2-Tailed)
1. Do you think you live in a culturally diverse city?	2.85	0.80	2.27	0.85	0.00
2. Do you think there are people of different religions in the city where you live?	3.53	0.57	3.03	1.80	0.00
3. Do you see people who live in your city that come from Morocco/ Spain?	3.43	0.68	2.21	1.37	0.00

includes the means, standard deviations, and the results of the two-tailed test of significance in the second dimension in terms of the country of origin of the participants.

3.2. Considerations Regarding Cultural Diversity

This dimension contains ten items aiming at asking about aspects related to the Moroccan and Spanish adolescents’ considerations regarding cultural diversity. As shown in

Table 5. Means, standard deviations, and results of the two-tailed test in the third dimension.

	Spain		Morocco		t-Test
Question	Mean	St. Dev.	Mean	St. Dev.	Sig.
4. Do you think coexistence of people from different cultures in your city is positive?	3.03	0.83	2.81	0.97	0.00
5. Do you think it is all right that people from African countries live in your city?	3.11	0.86	3.04	0.87	0.30
6. Do you like the fact that people of other religions live in your city?	2.98	0.83	2.79	0.96	0.01
7. Do you like what you know about the Moroccan/ Spanish culture?	2.63	0.95	2.81	1.06	0.01
8. Do you interact with people from Morocco/Spain?	2.81	0.98	2.47	1.14	0.00
9. Do you have friends from Morocco/ Spain?	2.68	1.4	2.16	1.12	0.00
10. Do you think immigration is positive?	2.68	0.88	2.51	1.07	0.02
11. Do you perceive immigration as a source of conflict?	2.48	1.82	2.11	1.00	0.00
12. Do you think Moroccan adolescents feel superior to Spanish adolescents?	2.12	1.04	1.97	1.07	0.06
13. Do you think Spanish adolescents feel superior to Moroccan adolescents?	2.18	0.91	2.81	1.04	0.00

, which summarises the means, standard deviations, and results of the two-tailed test of significance, the Spanish adolescents positively value that people from different cultures live together in their city, with the mean being 3.03 out of 4. In the case of the Moroccan adolescents, the mean is 2.81 out of 4.

This difference between the two contexts narrows, as shown in Table 5, when the participants were asked if they think it is all right for people from African countries to live in their city. The means are similar: 3.04 in the case of the Moroccan participants and 3.11 in the case of the Spanish participants. The same occurs in the responses to the question about whether they like people of other religions to live in their city: the mean is 2.79 in the case of the Moroccan participants, and 2.98 in the case of the Spanish participants.

As to whether they like what they know about the culture on the other side of the Strait, the results shown in Table 5 again show similar means for this question: 2.81 in the case of the Moroccan participants, and 2.63 in the case of the Spanish participants.

Regarding the question about whether they interact with people on the other side of the Strait or not, significant differences are observed depending on the adolescents’ country of origin. The Spanish participants pointed out that they do so to a greater extent, with a mean of 2.81, than the Moroccan participants (2.47). Likewise, significant differences are observed in the question about whether they have friends from Morocco/Spain. The mean in the case of the Spanish participants is higher (2.68) than that of the Moroccan participants (2.16). These data may be related to the greater presence of Moroccans in Spain than vice versa. The answers to the question about whether they consider immigration positive present a mean of 2.68 in the case of the Spanish participants, and a mean of 2.51 in the case of the Moroccan participants. In other words, Spanish teenagers consider immigration slightly more positive than Moroccans. However, the mean of the Moroccan adolescents (2.11) on the question regarding whether immigration can be a source of conflict is lower (2.11) than that of the Spanish participants (2.48).

The last two items, which explore the participants’ thoughts about the feelings of superiority amongst Moroccan and Spanish adolescents, show significant differences. The Moroccan participants think that Spanish adolescents feel superior to Moroccans, and not vice versa. The Spanish participants, for their part, think that Moroccan adolescents feel superior. The means for both items in both cases are shown in Table 5.

3.3. Considerations Regarding Aspects Related to the Processes of Constructing Their Identities

The fourth dimension is organised around nine items that explore the participants’ opinions of their own identity construction processes, and other related aspects. A summary of the results of this dimension is shown in

Table 6. Means, standard deviations, and results of the two-tailed test in the fourth dimension.

	Spain		Morocco		t-Test
Question	Mean	St. Dev.	Mean	St. Dev.	Sig.
14. To what extent do you feel European/ African?	3.39	0.83	2.43	1.05	0.00
15. Do you identify with the Spanish/ Moroccan culture? (your own culture)	3.34	0.86	2.95	0.99	0.00
16. In your free time: do you watch television, listen to music, or read books or magazines in another language that is not Spanish/ Arabic?	2.53	1.08	3.05	0.93	0.00
17. Do you think that a mix of people is enriching?	2.95	0.80	3.21	0.87	0.00
18. How important is religion to your identity?	2.42	1.06	3.41	0.88	0.00
19. How important is feeling you belong to your nation in your life?	2.89	0.90	2.79	1.00	0.15
20. To what extent do you think that having friends or partners of another culture contributes to losing your identity?	1.69	0.87	2.06	0.94	0.00
21. Do you think that living in a city near the border supposes losing your identity?	1.49	0.77	1.54	0.87	0.39
22. Do you identify with the lifestyle and habits of Moroccan/ Spanish people? (identify with the other side)	1.59	0.84	2.07	1.04	0.00

.

The first question in this dimension, question 14, explores the extent to which Spanish adolescents feel European, or the extent to which Moroccan adolescents feel African. Most of the Spanish participants (56.2%) endorsed the option “to a large extent”. However, the majority of the Moroccan participants answered “to a small extent” (34.9%).

Similar result is obtained for question 15 on whether they identify with their own culture, with the mean being higher on the Spanish side (3.34) than on the Moroccan side (2.95).

Question 16 is about the extent to which Moroccan adolescents consume Spanish culture, or the extent to which Spanish adolescents consume Arabic culture. The mean of the Spanish participants is significantly lower (2.53) than the mean of the Moroccan participants (3.05). The mean of the Spanish participants (2.95) is also lower than the Moroccan (3.21) in question 17, which asks if they think a mix of people is enriching.

Questions 18 and 19 explore the importance of religion and of their nation in their identities and lives. The Moroccan participants consider religion to be significantly more important in their identity (3.41) than the Spanish adolescents (3.41). However, in the case of the importance of their nation, the trend is the opposite, although the differences are not statistically significant.

Question 20 is related to the extent to which they consider that having friends or a partner from another culture causes them to lose their own cultural identity. The means of both the Moroccan and Spanish participants are low (2.06 and 1.69, respectively), as well as the means for the answers to question 21 about whether living in a city near the border means a loss of identity (1.54 for the Moroccan participants and 1.49 for the Spanish participants).

Finally, in question 22, the participants were asked to what extent they identify with the lifestyle and habits of the other side. The mean for the Moroccan participants is 2.07, while it is 1.59 in the case of the Spanish participants.

3.4. Participants’ Vision of the Future

The fifth and last dimension deals with the participants’ vision of the future. It contains two items, and both present significant differences.

Table 7. Means, standard deviations, and results of the two-tailed test in the fifth dimension.

Question	Spain		Morocco		t-Test
	Mean	St. Dev.	Mean	St. Dev.	Sig.
23. Would you like to emigrate to an African/European country?	1.57	0.83	3.23	1.08	0.00
24. Do you think there are more professional opportunities in Spain than in other countries because of its proximity to Morocco?	2.57	0.87	2.14	1.11	0.00

shows the means, standard deviations, and the results of the two-tailed test of significance of the items.

The first question in this dimension, question 23, explores the Moroccan adolescents’ desire to emigrate to a European country, and the Spanish teenagers’ desire to emigrate to an African country. The differences are clear and significant: 59.3% of the Spanish participants answered “not at all”, while 59.2% of Moroccan participants endorsed the option “to a large extent”.

As to whether they consider there are more professional opportunities in Spain because of its proximity to Morocco than in other countries, the Spanish teenagers think so more than the Moroccan adolescents, with significant differences in their answers to question 24.

4. Discussion and Conclusions

It is essential to enquire into the attitudes that adolescents have of the other, since they will be key in terms of their motivations to cross the metaphorical bridge that border spaces represent, and in the establishment of relationships with those who are culturally different [19,25]. We obtained data of interest as well as contradictory data associated with this. We found that on the Spanish side of the border, the adolescents value the fact that people from other cultures coexist in their cities more positively than the adolescents on the Moroccan side of the border. However, the latter consider a mix of people more enriching than the Spanish participants. Both Moroccan and Spanish adolescents regard immigration positively, and no significant differences are observed. However, the Spanish teenagers perceive this reality significantly more as a possible cause of conflict, in line with the results of the investigations by Fernández, Valbuena and Caro [26], and Moldes-Anaya, Jiménez Aguilar and Jiménez Bautista [27].

Our data confirm that border crossing takes place in the South–North direction, which is common at the international level. The relatives of the Spanish adolescents had hardly emigrated to Morocco, while more than half of the Moroccan participants reported that one or more members of their family had emigrated to the Spanish side. Similar results are obtained in the research conducted by Reyes [28], who points out that emigration is normalised in the family environments of young Moroccans. This is how adolescents perceive it, since on the Spanish side, they consider their cities significantly more culturally diverse than those on the Moroccan side. They also perceive that there are more people of different religions in Spain than in Morocco, and that there are more people from Morocco in their city than vice versa. This diversity often leads to relationships between people of different origins. In this regard, we highlight the significantly greater interaction the Spanish adolescents indicate they have with people on the Moroccan side.

The desire to live on the other side of the border is very strong amongst the Moroccan adolescents, and practically non-existent amongst the Spanish teenagers. The Moroccan adolescents would like to emigrate much more than the Spanish adolescents, as shown in the large difference in the means presented in the results section. The data from the latest survey conducted by the National Institute for Statistics corroborate the high presence of Moroccan citizens in Spain. In 2022, they represented the largest group of foreign population, with over 776,000 people of Moroccan origin. The statistics also show that only 4.38% of Spanish people emigrate to Morocco (https://datosmacro.expansion.com/demografia/migracion/inmigracion/marruecos (accessed on 9 October 2022).

Adolescents from the south side of the border form a type of identity that leads them to recognise themselves in terms of their country of origin but also in terms of the experiences and relationships established with the other side [2,4]. In our study, we found that the adolescents on the Moroccan side consume significantly more Spanish culture than vice versa, and that they identify more with the Spanish lifestyle and habits than the other way round. As mentioned earlier, this contact with other cultures, especially through television, deeply affects the representations and attitudes of young people, and creates disharmony with the values transmitted by their family and at school [29]. We also observed that the Spanish adolescents feel more European than the Moroccans feel African. These results are in line with the research by Reyes [28], who specifically states: “Africanity is not a feeling of identification and belonging among young people. This is clear when ‘being African’ is the worst valued issue among identity variables (…) young people feel more connected to the EU than to the countries of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU)” (pp. 543–544). Likewise, the Spanish adolescents identify more with their own culture than the Moroccan adolescents with theirs.

The processes of Identity construction, therefore, become precarious when, in the context of life on the border, there is interaction with the dominant cultures, thereby establishing a vertical relationship marked by power, subordination, colonisation and exclusion [4,8]. We need to bear in mind that some areas of what is Morocco now were a Spanish protectorate until the late 1950s. We can hence say that the colonial past continues to strongly mark the identities and relationships between people on both sides of the border. It is perhaps for this reason that the Moroccan teenagers consider that Spanish adolescents feel superior, much more so than vice versa.

As far as identities are concerned, as shown in the theoretical framework, there is usually a central dimension that structures the others—although not permanently—since the process of identity construction depends on life experiences and on how individuals interpret their realities. It is striking that the item with the highest mean for the Moroccan adolescents is the importance and influence of religion on their cultural identity, as previous research has already confirmed [28,30], but not in the case of the Spanish adolescents. The Spanish adolescents consider their nation as being more important in their lives than the Moroccan participants, although the differences are not statistically significant.

Finally, as for the limitations of this research, it should be noted that this is a new study that has no precedent, a fact that makes it difficult to compare the results obtained with those of similar research. The uniqueness of Europe’s southern border also makes it difficult to compare the results with those of other research carried out at other borders. This constitutes the main weakness and, at the same time, the main strength of our study. This research opens a path that should continue to be explored. The fact that it is a successful implementation of cross-border cooperation between different academic institutions is also noteworthy.