1.1. The Notion of Practice
We routinely speak of “practice” as if its meaning is self-evident and uncontested. For example, we refer to teaching practice, legal practice, clinical practice, dental practice, artistic practice, literary practice and so on. However, the value, meaning and significance of a “practice” is far from self-explanatory and is not well understood. Through the work of contemporary contributions from the philosophy of education and psychology, this article traces the notion of a practice back to the work of Aristotle and his discussion of forms of knowledge. It argues that a practice is socially, historically and culturally (and sometimes politically) constructed. It is made by people. People who work together in cooperation and collaboration not only to establish ways of doing something well in the world, but also to continually get better at what they do—their practice. This involves the development of a shared understanding of what we mean by “good work” in that field of practice or indeed in any form of life. It also includes nurturing the drive and commitment to enable a practice to evolve and move forward through the challenging of taken-for-granted assumptions in the light of experience and evidence. Each of the practices discussed above, among others, has its own history. Each has its own traditions and its own ways of doing things. What is important to note here is that practice seldom (if ever) develops and improves solely from the top down or from the outside in. Instead it tends to develop from the ground up, incrementally through the work of its “insiders”. This is not to say that the improvement of practice does not require external support. It almost certainly does, as the histories of many practices testify, including those in the arts and crafts as well as in natural and social sciences. Nor is it to suggest that practice cannot or should not welcome contributions from other practices. It is to argue, however, that when an impetus for change and improvement comes entirely from the top down by those who are no longer “insiders” through the imposition ideas and theories developed by others, which are then expected to be applied in practice, a consequence of this is imposition is that it is achieved at some cost to the practice itself. For example, in the context of education, teachers regularly struggle to make ideas, research and theories often derived from remote others in higher education or those in political and policy circles “good” in practice. We do not have to look far to find cases where “theorists… change their theories… because they have grown tired of their old ideas [rather] than because of logic or experimental evidence” [
1] (29). It is, however, teachers and other practitioners who test ideas and theories out daily in the arena of practice and it is in the context of practice where new theories can emerge in practical inquiry and through practical reasoning.
This research study is set against the backdrop of Post Compulsory Education in England in 2020. While many practitioners in the sector in England are all too aware of aspects of educational practice which need improvement, many find their attention, energies and resources being diverted away from important and enduring educational issues toward demonstrations of compliance with top-down policy imperatives and the demands of regular external inspection by the Office for Standards in Education (Ofsted).
In widely used more autocratic models of educational evaluation and improvement such as that employed by Ofsted, the impetus for change comes from the top down and educational evaluation is carried out by external inspectors from the outside in. Responsibility and accountability for educational improvement resides entirely with education leaders and practitioners who are expected to bear all of the risk in the inspection process and accept all of the blame if the outcomes of Ofsted inspections are not deemed to be at least “good”. In contrast, the approach to educational evaluation and improvement reported in this article is different. It takes a more pragmatic and democratic turn by beginning with the concerns of teachers (from the ground up). The momentum for change and improvement comes from the inside out. Responsibility and accountability in realizing change and improvement are shared between policy professionals, the university team and sector practitioners. A central purpose of the article is to bring this alternative model of educational change and improvement to the attention of policy professionals as well as those with accountability for educational change and improvement in practice and to invite them to consider how this model might be applied in other national systems of vocational education. As indicated above, the model of educational change and improvement underpinning the PRP is informed by a pragmatic philosophical world-view. This asserts the dynamic and interactive nature of theory, practice and research and includes an appreciation of the ways in which practice is developed incrementally and over time by its “insiders” from the ground up. This view of practice rejects technical–rational approaches to educational evaluation and improvement which assume that educational can be changed by policy and inspection regimes imposed from the top down simply by telling others what to do.
This article introduces and describes a practice-focused programme of evaluation and improvement in vocational education, based upon a model of university-supported, practitioner-research. This approach, takes practitioners, those most centrally engaged in education, the ones upon whom the achievement of good vocational education most heavily depends, as a starting point, an engine and a driver of improvement in educational practice.
It is argued that the development and improvement of educational practice is not well-served when teachers of vocational education are regarded as mere technicians, charged with responsibility for the mechanical insertion of facts and skills into the minds and hands of their students or when they are simply seen as the deliverers of a curriculum prescribed from the top down by those who are (often far) removed from practices in which they claim to but no longer really have a foothold [
1]. In sum, the model of educational evaluation and improvement introduced here describes a programme of university-supported practice focused research which aims to improve educational practice. The programme supports research conducted by practitioners in the contexts of their day-to-day work, in the spaces and places where educational theory and the findings of educational research can be tested out in practice, in a spirit of genuine inquiry and mutual engagement. This process of investigation and educational improvement is described as Joint Practice Development (JPD) [
2].
1.2. The Nature and Purpose of Vocational Education
Questions regarding the nature and purpose of vocational education and its social and economic importance have occupied the minds of politicians and policy professionals for centuries. They still do today. For example, in the 2019 UK general election politicians of every persuasion proclaimed their commitment to increasing the funding and the status of vocational education recognizing it as an enabler of social mobility, a driver of economic prosperity (and no doubt, a winner of votes). The day after outgoing Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May used her last appearance at the dispatch box to plead with incoming Prime Minister Boris Johnson to invest more in Further Education, Johnson declared, “It is vital that we invest now in further education and skills”, promising that this would be a priority for his Government [
3]. Later, in their 2019 election manifesto, Johnson’s Conservative Government announced a new £3 billion National Skills Fund and pledged to review further opportunities for apprentices by improving the Apprenticeship Levy. In addition, Johnson’s Government committed to investing almost £2 billion to upgrade the Further Education college estate. In the same election campaign, the Labour manifesto promised to introduce a universal lifelong learning entitlement of six years of training at Levels 4 (Certificate in Higher Education/Higher Apprenticeship) to 6 (Honours Degree/Degree Apprenticeship) including maintenance grants for disadvantaged learners. Labour also pledged to increase the percentage of Apprenticeship Levy funds that could be transferred to non-Levy payers to 50% in order to bring about what they described as a climate change in apprenticeship training. While the Liberal Democrats launched a “skills wallet” which would give adults a total of £10,000 at three specific points in their lives. They also committed to expand apprenticeships and reform the Apprenticeship Levy so that 25% of funds would flow into a Social Mobility Fund together with a £1 billion investment in Further Education funding.
It is clear from the above, that vocational education matters to politicians (at least on the campaign trail in the run up to a general election). However, political sound bites are relatively cheap and a long way from the realities of a successfully implemented vocational education policy. To know this is to begin to know the problem. While consecutive Labour, Coalition and Conservative Governments in the UK have committed considerable funding to the improvement of vocational education, the proportion of that funding that has found its way to frontline teachers is questionable. Capital funding announcements attract national headlines and the financing for such projects is always easier to find than for the more expensive recurring funding needed for teachers’ pay or the professional development and support needed in order to be able to make well-intended educational policy and ideas from rigorous peer-reviewed, published, educational research “good” in practice. While globally acclaimed research and published literature [
4,
5] underscore the importance of the quality of the teaching workforce in bringing about actual improvements in standards of achievement in vocational education, the terms and conditions of employment and opportunities for the professional development for teachers in the sector, appear to be deteriorating. For instance, an analysis of responses to a freedom of information (FOI) request submitted by the University College Union (UCU) in 2019, reported that the percentage of colleges in the UK employing over half of their teaching staff on casual contracts had tripled to 29% [
6].
At the same time, vocational education in England and elsewhere has to face other serious challenges. For example, vocational education always has to compete for funding with schools and higher education. What is spent in one sector nationally cannot then be spent in another. Vocational education also suffers from what is regarded by many as its second-class status in comparison to its academic counterparts in the schools and in higher education sectors. Those who regard vocational education as being beneath the gold standard of academic study often publicly applaud this sector of education, while at the same time directing their own children as far away as possible from any engagement in it. Once vocational education has been subordinated in this way then it is relatively easy in political and policy terms to see it as being reducible to sets of skills and techniques which, it is assumed can be passed on to “non-academic” (a term often used as a shorthand for “not so bright”) through simple instruction or “training”. This instruction or training is taken to involve little more than didactic teaching, mechanical observation and mindless repetition until the task or skill in question is “mastered” and added to the repertoire of tasks and skills necessary to carry out a particular job, often for a single employer.
To frame vocational education in this way is to significantly underestimate the knowledge, expertise, skills and educational values upheld and embodied by sector staff and to profoundly misunderstand the nature of vocational practice (or indeed practice of any kind) including the ways in which practice actually improves. Teachers of vocational education do much more than simply “instruct” or pass on kills and techniques. As prominent researchers from the field of philosophy of education [
7,
8,
9,
10], point out, teachers are the gatekeepers of the practices, traditions, forms of life and vocational communities into which they themselves were once inducted. The deeper point here is that the concepts we use to frame understandings of vocational practice, in turn influence the design, content and pedagogy of programmes of initial and continuing professional development for teachers of vocational education. If we limit our understanding of the nature of practice and how practice improves by framing the discourse in the language of the simplistic acquisition of second-class knowledge and the instrumental acquisition and development of mindless skills, then we diminish the concept of vocational practice at any level to mere technique, or to what Aristotle may have recognized as “techne”. In turn, this view of practice and its development influences how we go about the initial and continual professional development of teachers in ways which are more likely to inhibit the development of good practice than to keep it alive and moving forward in vocational education contexts, or indeed in any form of life.
The fabric of any human practice [
11] is not and has never been limited to the mindless and mechanical acquisition of knowledge and skills [
7] (p. 152–153), “practice is alive in the community who are its insiders (its genuine practitioners) and it stays alive” and is advanced by its insiders—those who care enough about the practice to challenge its traditions when necessary in order for it to evolve and move forward.
When practice is not open to challenge it can become dogma and cease to be useful to anyone interested in real change and improvement (even blueprints need to be interpreted and adapted as they are realized in context). Educational practices cannot therefore be established through the medium of a technicist form of logic which seeks to specify and prescribe learning outcomes in advance and which regards the task of effective educational leadership and management as one of simply getting teachers to maximize these outcomes, by making them accountable for doing so and then setting up inspection regimes which “name and shame” them if they do not achieve set targets. The importance of entering the “core reality of a practice”, the context in which a practice is realized, in order to evaluate and improve it, is paramount in all of this. The foregrounding of the context [
12] in which a practice is realized is therefore vital to those who would seek to improve it. To ignore the role of context in the development of practice, is to risk education policy becoming stuck or failing to “land”, in misguided and inevitably expensive attempts to change educational practice from the top down and from the outside in. Such top down and outside in policy initiatives lock relays of power and restrict relationships between the people involved in education reform to the extent that educational reforms become almost doomed, to predictable failure [
12]. When change is imposed from the top down and from the outside in nothing changes because it cannot. If people cannot talk about what is really happening in practice then practice cannot change let alone improve. In these circumstances, hyperactivity begins to masquerade as change. Teachers and education leaders have to spend their time providing (in extreme cases, fabricating) evidence to prove that preset and prescribed targets and outcomes have been met.
As explained above, the model of educational change and improvement, discussed in this article offers an alternative to “top down” and “outside in” models of educational reform. The approach to educational evaluation and improvement outlined here provides insights into how politicians, policy professionals and others interested in educational improvement might go about education reform differently, from the ground up and from the inside out. It provides practical examples of how policy professionals, education researchers and teachers can “enter into the core reality” of educational practice by working alongside each other in order to decide how best to realize sustainable improvements in practice in vocational education and in other educational contexts.
This HE-supported approach to educational evaluation and improvement is embedded in a continuing professional development programme (CPD) and is open to practitioner-researchers from across the vocational education sector in England. It consists of three intensive residential research development workshops, each lasting between 3 and 4 days. These are provided over a ten-month period in each year of the respective pathway and include monthly supervision tutorials at and in between residential events. Workshops involve engagement with educational research and literature surrounding a range of issues including, paradigms in educational research, research methodology and research methods in education. For example, key methodological issues are addressed through the sharing of stories of experiences of engaging in educational research; discussion of enduring issues in educational practice and debates surrounding the nature of knowledge and the processes of knowledge and practice development. All of these are made accessible to practitioner-researchers through the direct sharing of research and experiences of practice. These workshops are supported by a wide range of creative media and methods in order to bring these complex issues and ideas “to life”. For example, considerations of the relative merits of different research methodologies and methods are supported with reference to, narrative enquiry; multimedia; ICT-based games; conventional board games; music; film and art. The use of multimedia enables practitioner-researchers to engage critically and deeply with key educational ideas and concepts including methodological, epistemological, theoretical and educational issues in more engaging and less intimidating ways.
Research outputs from the PRP include, scholarly research posters, MPhil theses, case studies, accounts of critical incidents and impact grids which identify and provide indicators of measures of impact.
The above data sets are regularly supplemented by data from evaluations of residential research development workshops. For the purposes of this article, data sets are limited to extracts from a sample of impact grids produced by 2018–2019 PRP cohorts. These are drawn upon to illuminate practitioner-researchers’ experiences of engaging in the programme including the impact to date of their PRP-supported research projects on educational practice in their institutions.