1. Introduction
Over the past decade, in Africa’s financial architecture, the advent and growth of mobile money services have become two of the most transformative developments. Initially designed to facilitate person-to-person low-value transactions (
Ahiabenu, 2021), mobile money services have evolved into an integrated financial ecosystem, with service coverage that includes international remittances, microinsurance, pension, and other merchant services. In the broad context of the fourth industrial revolution, the (
Groupe Speciale Mobile Association [GSMA], 2024) recognizes, in many ways, mobile money as Africa’s stand-out success story. This is because, at an international scale, some of the highest mobile money adoption rates are recorded in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Estimates indicate that SSA has 856 million registered mobile money accounts, with 237 million of these accounts being active. With respect to transaction volumes and value, SSA reports 62 billion and
$919 billion, respectively (
Groupe Speciale Mobile Association [GSMA], 2024), evidence that higher mobile money adoption is associated with high transaction values in SSA.
Figure 1 provides a pictographic image of this association.
According to
Tembo (
2023) and (
Groupe Speciale Mobile Association [GSMA], 2024), as depicted in
Figure 2, the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) has overtaken the East African Community (EAC) to become Africa’s mobile money powerhouse. Recently, WEMU has recorded very significant growth in the adoption and use of mobile money. Between 2018 and 2022, more than 110 million (60% of the WEMU population) new mobile money accounts were opened across households and firms. In 2006, WEMU adopted the Banque Centrale des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (BCEAO), a strategic policy framework that explains the popularity of mobile money as a digital financial service (DFS) (
Bokino & Le Heron, 2022;
Groupe Speciale Mobile Association [GSMA], 2024). The liberalized policy framework opened the mobile money landscape, firstly from the standpoint of the bank-led model, where e-money services are carried out by either a bank or micro-finance institutions (MFIs) in partnership with a Mobile Network Operator (MNO) or fintech company. Secondly, the non-bank model enabled any legal entity, except banks or payment institutions, to offer financial services as a licensed mobile money issuer (
Mbhele, 2021;
Mpofu, 2022). The (
African Development Bank Group [AfDB], 2012) and
Mpofu (
2022) stated that the non-bank-led model applies to many African countries, based on its transformational outreach to unbanked populations. This observation is supported by the increase in financial inclusion metrics from 56% to over 71% in WAEMU following the implementation of this policy (
Mbhele, 2021;
Mpofu, 2022;
Groupe Speciale Mobile Association [GSMA], 2024).
Pelletier et al. (
2020) noted that the expansion of mobile money coverage has occurred amid longstanding structural weakness in the traditional banking systems. In developing countries in particular, the branch banking business model has limited outreach and, in some cases, even lacks the dynamic capability to change. Geographically, the distribution of branch banking networks is concentrated in large urban cities, where the target market segment is high-net-worth businesses and individuals (
Rafaj & Siranova, 2020).
Pelletier et al. (
2020) adopted a transaction cost theory approach to explain the phenomenon, arguing that the cost of establishing and running a branch-based banking network is inversely associated with the level of economic activity and population density. By implication, the high transaction costs of running a branch-based banking model meant that traditional banks cannot service the bulk of the population in SSA and other developing countries at a profit. The partial coverage by geography and population is a structural weakness in the transitional banking model that has, for a long time, constrained access to financial services, particularly credit (
McMillan & Woodruff, 1999;
Gosavi, 2018;
Pelletier et al., 2020;
Aguirregabiria et al., 2024). Other than the distribution of branch networks, high levels of economic informality, the limited or non-existence of collateral, and information asymmetry are cited in
Gosavi (
2018),
Srithirath and Sukcharoensin (
2022), and
Xu et al. (
2020) as constraints limiting the ability of traditional bank models to expand the coverage of credit services. In this context, mobile money has become an innovative financial alternative contributing to efficient financial mediation. It has the potential to enhance liquidity management, encourage savings mobilization, increase the efficiency of payment systems, and reduce information asymmetry (
Pelletier et al., 2020). These impacts could, potentially, in turn, affect the availability of credit in the banking sector at least as a theoretical construct. Bank credit growth is a critical component of a healthy economic system. Access to loanable funds fosters private sector investments and long-term economic growth.
Atta-Ankomah (
2022) further alluded that credit services facilitate household consumption smoothing, especially following a socio-economic shock.
Despite the theoretical intuition that mobile money complements the formal banking system, empirical evidence remains mixed. Some studies argue that through the savings mobilization channel, where small-value informal transactions eventually enter the formal financial channels, mobile money increases the volume of deposits in banking institutions. The (
World Bank [WB], 2024) supports this view. In their study, empirical evidence showed that in selected African countries, mobile money facilitated the transition from informal to formal savings channels. Furthermore,
Aron (
2018) observed that technological innovation in the financial services landscape goes a long way to ameliorate the perennial asymmetric information challenges that constrain bank lending to the collateral-less poor. Sustained use of mobile money services generates a credit footprint that opens a pathway for the registered user to access formal banking services, such as interest-bearing savings accounts, insurance products, and microcredit. From a marketing standpoint, the (
OECD, 2024) stated that mobile money technology allows banks to develop large information sets about previously financially excluded segments of the population. Commercial efforts, such as consumer loans, mortgages, and credit card limits, can be targeted more accurately using Big Data Analytics (BDA). However, some view mobile money as an alternative to traditional banking, which could reduce the need for bank deposits and thereby diminish the bank’s role in financial intermediation. In fact, the
Aron (
2018) cautioned that innovations in financial technology, including mobile money, have the potential to make financial systems less stable and can sometimes trigger or catalyze a financial crisis.
Tiriongo and Wamalwa (
2020) complement the view of
Aron (
2018) that mobile money contributes to financial instability through the non-performing loans (NPLs) channel. Their study showed evidence that an increase in the value of mobile money transactions is associated with a 0.07% increase in NPL. Furthermore,
Tiriongo and Wamalwa (
2020) associated the growth in mobile transactions with the deterioration of capital adequacy and liquidity ratios in Kenya’s banks.
Against the backdrop of an elusive empirical consensus on the relationship between mobile money and bank markets, this study investigates the impact of mobile money adoption on bank credit growth in Africa, utilizing panel data from five regions of the continent. Specifically, the study answers the question: Does mobile money influence bank credit growth in SSA?
Ahiabenu (
2021),
Atta-Ankomah (
2022), and
Kim and Duvendack (
2025) concur that while literature on mobile money is rapidly evolving, its impact on credit growth has not received wider attention. Furthermore, an evidence gap map released by
Barry (
2019), which reviews existing research on digital financial services, including digital credit, shows that few studies focus specifically on digital credit. Empirical studies tend to focus on how mobile money promotes financial inclusion (
Ahmad et al., 2020;
Amoah et al., 2020), particularly in terms of immediate financial inclusion indicators, such as access to savings and digital payment instruments. Yet the extent to which mobile money translates into measurable higher-order financial services, such as improvements in bank credit growth in Africa, remains an under-researched area (
Atta-Ankomah, 2022). Providing an African perspective on the subject is essential primarily because the relationship between credit markets and mobile money adoption may not be uniform between continents. Variations in institutions, infrastructure, and economic conditions exist. Recognizing how mobile money interacts with banking systems in these different contexts is crucial for developing suitable financial sector policies. Policymakers, central banks, commercial banks, and mobile network operators alike require empirical evidence on whether mobile money enhances or undermines traditional credit intermediation to make informed decisions.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows:
Section 2 reviews the theoretical and empirical literature;
Section 3 outlines the methodological principles;
Section 4 presents and discusses the empirical results; and
Section 5 concludes the paper, offering policy recommendations and ideas for future research.
2. Literature Review
Theoretically, the study is founded on the tenets of the Technological Acceptance Model (TAM), which attempts to explain the adoption and acceptance of technology by individuals and organizations. The pioneering work on TAM was proposed by
Davis (
1989) and holds that perceived usefulness and ease of use explain, to a large extent, the adoption and acceptance of technology.
Venkatesh et al. (
2003) advanced the Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT), an extension of the TAM. The essential constructs of the theory are performance expectancy, social influence, effort expectancy, and facilitating conditions. UTAUT views performance expectancy in the context of the user’s belief that the technology will improve their performance. In contrast, effort expectancy speaks to the ease with which the technology can be used. Moreover, facilitating conditions relate to the soft and hard infrastructure that supports the use of technology. At the same time, social influence refers to the societal expectations that influence the persuasion to use technology. The extended adoption and use of mobile money in SSA have been observed to be driven by the factors proposed in TAM models. For instance,
Siano et al. (
2020) and (
Groupe Speciale Mobile Association [GSMA], 2024) observed that hard and soft infrastructure investments in information technology (ICT) in SSA facilitated the adoption and use of mobile money services even in remote and rural Africa. On the other hand,
Kitimbo (
2021) and
Nan et al. (
2021) cited the convenience and affordability of mobile money as essential drivers of its use in SSA.
Gosavi (
2018) and
Ahmad et al. (
2020) adopted a societal view, stating that mobile money benefits society by providing financial liquidity, promoting financial inclusion for the unbanked, and contributing to a reduction in inequality, especially among women in Africa. Our research extends TAM models by suggesting that mobile money usage, driven by the factors above, has a positive impact on bank credit growth. This occurs through enhanced interoperability, which boosts the liquid financial assets accessible to banks in SSA. The study’s findings will either support or refute the proposed extension of the theory.
Atta-Ankomah (
2022) and
Kim and Duvendack (
2025) observed that, although empirical studies exploring the impact of mobile money on the consumption of other financial services have begun to emerge, this strand of literature is, on average, less visible compared to that on adoption and diffusion. By and large, the literature has given considerable attention to the impact of mobile money on household savings behavior, bank account ownership, and entrepreneurship (
Atta-Ankomah, 2022). For instance,
Lwanga Mayanja and Adong (
2016) reported that, in Uganda, the likelihood of savings increases with the ownership of an active mobile money account, especially for urbanites with access to efficient telecommunications systems. Similarly,
Rugemintwari and Sauviat (
2018) employed a survey methodology to confirm the hypothesis that the propensity to save for health emergencies increases with the ownership of mobile money accounts among disadvantaged females and other low-income groups in Burkina Faso. In Kenya, a similar finding to
Rugemintwari and Sauviat (
2018) was reported by
Skogqvist (
2019). Logistic regression and 2-stage least squares (2SLS) regression were applied to the 2016 financial access survey data, and the findings were that users of mobile money are 1.96 times more likely to purchase a financial savings product, and the propensity to save increases when risk events such as health emergencies are factored in. In terms of the impact of mobile money on either ownership or use of an official bank account,
Myeni et al. (
2020) showed that in Eswatini, individuals and firms that use mobile money are 19% more likely to have an account with a licensed financial institution. Methodologically, the study employed a quasi-experimental design. However,
Myeni et al. (
2020) contradict the earlier findings by
Batista and Vicente (
2013), who used an experimental design and reported that even though the marginal willingness to remit is positively and significantly associated with mobile money, a tendency for mobile money to substitute traditional alternatives for both savings and remittances was observed. Similar findings are reported in
Fanta et al. (
2016) and
Johnson (
2016), where mobile money exhibits a substitutionary effect relative to traditional banking services.
While the discussion above demonstrates that the literature on mobile money is undergoing significant evolution, relatively little attention has been given to the impact of mobile money on access to credit, particularly bank loans. An earlier attempt to close this gap was by
Nampewo et al. (
2016), who applied a vector error correction and Granger causality model to explain the relationship between mobile money and private sector credit growth.
Nampewo et al. (
2016) provided evidence that in Uganda, a cointegrating relationship exists between mobile money and credit growth. Furthermore, causality runs from mobile money to private sector credit growth, and it is a unidirectional relationship. Our study aims to extend
Nampewo et al.’s (
2016) analytical approach by adopting a broad SSA perspective, utilizing dynamic panel econometric frameworks to characterize how mobile money influences bank credit. This approach allows the findings to be generalized more effectively than if a single country were used as the unit of analysis.
Realizing that, nowadays, banks collaborate with mobile money service providers and offer interest on deposits,
Gosavi (
2018) answered the question: Can mobile money help firms mitigate the problem of access to finance in Eastern sub-Saharan Africa? The study employed an ordered probit model on the 2013 World Enterprise Survey data. It demonstrated that firms that use mobile money are more likely to secure a line of credit from other enterprises and registered financial institutions, such as banks. Thus, mobile money can not only make financial transactions safer, cheaper, and time-saving but also address the key issue of access to finance for firms (
Gosavi, 2018). A recent study by
Ahmed and Cowan (
2021) employed a difference-in-differences framework to demonstrate that access to credit serves as a channel through which mobile money influences the consumption of healthcare services in the face of adverse shocks in the Kisumu region of Kenya.
Ahmed and Cowan (
2021) reported a statistically significant impact of mobile money on household decisions to apply for a loan. This finding corroborates an earlier observation in Uganda (
Munyegera & Matsumoto, 2018), who used a survey design and concluded that mobile money increases the likelihood of receiving remittances, savings, and ultimately loanable funds consumption. Observations in
Gosavi (
2018) and
Ahmed and Cowan (
2021) contradict views from other researchers who have emphasized the substitution effect of mobile money for traditional bank services (
Batista & Vicente, 2013;
Tiriongo & Wamalwa, 2020). In fact, among other findings,
Tiriongo and Wamalwa (
2020) reported that mobile money contributes to financial instability through the non-performing loans (NPLs) channel. Their study showed evidence that an increase in the value of mobile money transactions is associated with a 0.07% increase in NPLs. Furthermore,
Tiriongo and Wamalwa (
2020) associated the growth in mobile transactions with the deterioration of capital adequacy and liquidity ratios in Kenya’s banks. Another interesting finding on mobile money and access to credit is reported in
Atta-Ankomah (
2022), in a household study in Ghana.
Atta-Ankomah (
2022) reiterated that the inclusiveness of mobile money in improving access to credit is somewhat debatable, as its impact is influenced by whether households also hold accounts in other financial institutions. The divergence of perspectives underscores the need for comprehensive empirical research. This study aims to bridge the gap by examining the impact of mobile money growth on bank credit allocation in Sub-Saharan Africa. This contributes to a deeper understanding of the changing financial landscape. It moves beyond previous research, which mainly focused on financial inclusion, by answering the question: Does mobile money influence bank credit growth in SSA? Schematically,
Figure 3 presents a framework for interrogating the key question that underpins this study. The increase in financial inclusion, the reduction in information asymmetry, and the reduction in transaction costs are positively linked to bank credit growth.
The methodological aspects of the study are discussed in the subsequent section.
5. Conclusions and Policy Recommendations
This study answered the question: Does mobile money influence bank credit growth in SSA? A panel ARDL-PMG model was estimated, and the findings indicated that in the long run, mobile money is a significant determinant of bank credit to the private sector. Further evidence suggests that the GDP and inflation also influence bank credit growth in the SSA region. The inflation rate has a more substantial influence in the long run than in the short run. The study also showed that the quality of institutions, as measured by the percentile ranking of the political stability index, is a significant determinant of bank credit growth, reflecting the potential for credit market disruption in the event of political turmoil in SSA. The findings of this study have several policy implications. Firstly, having confirmed that mobile money complements the banking sector, stimulating credit growth, the policy frameworks in SSA should focus on promoting interoperability between banks and mobile money operators. Integrating competencies and specialties between the banking and tech sectors is expected to support the development of digital credit projects that can foster credit availability for the financially excluded small businesses in SSA. Secondly, while this is important to the SSA region, this recommendation applies even to other regions such as those in Asia and Latin America, where mobile money adoption is increasing, but the infrastructure gaps persist. It is essential that in these regions, governments seek to expand broadband connectivity and strengthen cybersecurity frameworks in order to build trust and ensure the scalability of digital credit systems. Lastly, since GDP positively correlates with bank credit growth, governments in SSA should promote high-growth impact sectors, such as agriculture and manufacturing, to generate and sustain credit demand. This study contributes to closing the empirical gap on mobile money and bank credit growth in SSA by using a dynamic model that captures both short- and long-term time horizons. This is important given that competing paradigms exist on the effect of mobile money on the banking sector credit growth.
Directions for Future Research
Further research can apply other modeling frameworks not used in this study and compare the findings or even replicate the same study under different theoretical frameworks. In addition, the sample frame can be extended to include other geographical regions not specifically included in this study. This will improve the generalizability of the research findings.